NOTES AND INDEXES

Notes

Residual editorial notes

74 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[28] In late July 1874, Brussels was the venue for a conference of European states convened on the initiative of Russia to discuss new rules of warfare. Being unwilling to discuss maritime rights, an issue that Russia intended to raise again, Britain refused to take part.— 22

[63] in the supplement to Revelations published in Der Volksstaat, No. 7, 20 January

[73] This letter is closely connected with the Critique of the Gotha Programme by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 24). It sets out Marx's and Engels' shared opinion on the merger of the two German workers' parties, the Eisenachers (see Note 75) and the Lassalleans, which was likely to take place in early 1875. The letter was occasioned by the publication on 7 March 1875 of the draft programme of the future united Social-Democratic Party of Germany in Der Volksstaat (the organ of the Eisenachers) and the Neuer Social-Demokrat (the organ of the Lassalleans). This draft was approved with only minor amendments by the unity congress at Gotha held on 22-27 May 1875 and came to be known as the Gotha Programme. Marx and Engels welcomed the merger of the two parties, but believed that the Eisenachers should have shown greater dedication to principle and refused to make theoretical and political concessions to the Lassalleans. Engels' letter was first published by Bebel, only 36 years later, in his book Aus meinem Leben, Zweiter Teil, Stuttgart, 1911.—60

[78] The League of Peace and Freedom was a pacifist organisation set up in Switzerland in 1867 with the active participation of Victor Hugo, Giuseppe Garibaldi and other democrats. The League asserted that it was possible to prevent wars by creating the 'United States of Europe'. Its leaders failed to expose the social sources of wars and often confined anti-militarist activity to mere declarations. At the General Council meeting of 13 August 1867 Marx spoke against the International's official participation in the League's inaugural congress, since this would have meant solidarity with its bourgeois programme, but recommended that some members of the International should attend the congress in their own right in order to make it adopt revolutionary-democratic decisions (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 426-27, and Marx's letter to Engels of 4 September 1867, present edition, Vol. 42).— 61

[87] A reference to Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme which analyses the draft programme of the future united Social-Democratic Party of Germany formed as a result of the merger of the Eisenachers and the General Association of German Workers. The work significantly promoted the fundamental theoretical issues of scientific socialism and set an example of uncompromising struggle against opportunism. The Critique of the Gotha Programme was written in April-early May 1875, and was intended for the Eisenachers' leaders (see Note 75). Marx's letter to Bracke of 5 May 1875 was in fact an integral part of the Critique of the Gotha Programme (see Note 86). Despite opposition from the opportunist Social-Democratic leaders, Engels had the Critique of the Gotha Programme published in 1891, together with his foreword and Marx's letter to Bracke, in the theoretical organ of the German Social-Democratic Party, Die Neue Zeit, Vol. 1, No. 18. As his letter to Kautsky of 23 February 1891 makes clear, he was forced to tone down some of the more outspoken passages and appraisals and to make a number of deletions in Marx's manuscript (see present edition, Vol. 49).—69, 75

[131] Der Volksstaat, Nos. 55, 68, 82, 91 and 92 (1875) carried articles signed 'K-Z' (see also this volume, p. 54).—100

[137] London on 6 November 1875.—104, 106 6 Engels' pamphlet On Social Relations in Russia (F. Engels, Soziales aus Russland,

[139] Literature series (see present edition, Vol. 24). By 'the first article' Engels means

[147] In his letter to Marx of 17 March 1876, Sorge asked whether Marx and Engels would be able to come to Philadelphia to take part in the centenary of the USA's foundation.—114

[149] Marx is referring to mounting corruption and large-scale swindles in the USA under President Grant, especially in railway construction.—115

[150] There is no reliable information on whether Engels visited his wife's niece Mary Ellen Burns (Pumps) at Whitsuntide on 4 June 1876.—116

[154] Johann Most's pamphlet Kapital und Arbeit. Ein populärer Auszug aus 'Das Kapital' von Karl Marx was originally published in Chemnitz in 1873. At Wilhelm Liebknecht's request, in early August 1875 Marx and Engels edited it for the second edition, which appeared in Chemnitz in April 1876. However, Marx and Engels did not consider it an adequate exposition of Capital and were able to correct only the major errors. For this reason, Marx demanded that his name should not figure on the title-page of the second edition.—118, 125

[157] In July 1875, a national liberation uprising against Turkish rule flared up in Herzegovina. In August, it spread to Bosnia. It was the starting-point of the Eastern crisis of the 1870s which ultimately led to the war between Serbia and Montenegro on the one hand, and Turkey on the other (see Note 176) and eventually to the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78 (see Note 207). The war over, Austro-Hungarian troops entered Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Berlin Treaty (see Note 430); the uprising was suppressed.—118

[168] On 24 June 1875, the Supreme Court (Kammergericht) prolonged his term to

[174] Engels is probably referring to his trip to Heidelberg with his wife Lizzie on 24 June 1876 to fetch Mary Ellen Burns, his wife's niece, from her boarding house for a holiday (see also this volume, pp. 115-16).—129

[189] Probably a slip of the pen: Jenny Marx arrived in Ramsgate on Wednesday, 23 August (see this volume, p. 139).—141

[190] Der Ring des Nibelungen—a cycle of four operas by Richard Wagner: Das Rheingold, Die Walküre, Siegfried and Die Götterdämmerung.—143

[206] Fugen Dühring's review of the first volume of Capital was printed in December 1867 by the Hildburghausen monthly Ergänzungshlätter zur Kenntniß der Gegenwart, Vol. III, 3rd issue, pp. 182-86. In early January 1868, Kugelmann sent Dühring's review to Marx. Engels used it when working on Anti-Diihring (see present edition, Vol. 25).—162

[215] The reference is to the national insurrection which began in January 1863 in the Polish lands belonging to Tsarist Russia. The insurrection of 1863-64 stemmed from the Poles' efforts to gain national independence and was provoked by oppression on the part of the Tsarist government. The National Committee which led the insurrection advanced a programme of action for Polish independence and put forward demands of an agrarian-democratic character. But the insurgent government showed insufficient resolve and a lack of consistency, not daring to infringe on the privileges of big landowners. This repelled the bulk of the peasantry and was one reason why the insurrection failed. Grave damage was also done by the hopes of the national movement's Right wing for assistance from the ruling circles of Bonapartist France and from bourgeois-aristocratic Britain, both of which were pursuing self-seeking ends that were entirely alien to Poland's national interests. The Polish insurrection had been suppressed by the Russian government by the autumn of 1863, but isolated insurgent units fought on until the end of 1864. The Polish insurrection was vigorously supported by democrats in Russia and Western Europe.—169

[227] Probably a reference to Georg Hanssen's work Die Gehöferschaften (Erbgenos-senschaften) im Regierungsbezirk Trier published in Berlin in 1863 as a separate pamphlet. Engels used this work in Anti-Dühring (see present edition, Vol. 25, pp. 150 and 296).—179

[2 4 5] Gabriel Deville intended to prepare for the press and publish in France an

[255] The International's Rules were adopted by the Central (General) Council on 1 November 1864 and finally approved by the Geneva Congress on 5 September 1866 (see present edition, Vol. 20).— 203

[273] Cordeliers—members of a political club founded at the time of the French Revolution in Paris in 1790. Officially known as the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, this club got its other name from the old convent of the Franciscan friars called Cordeliers (from the knotted cord worn as a girdle) in which it held its meetings. Among its members were such prominent revolutionaries as Georges Danton and Camille Desmoulins. Initially, the Cordeliers supported Robespierre and later the left-wing revolutionaries, the Hébertists. In 1794 the latter tried to instigate an uprising against Robespierre's followers. The attempt failed, and the club ceased to exist.—224

[274] The Lyceum Theatre—a drama theatre in London.—226

[283] The President of the Third Republic Mac-Mahon, who had the support of the Catholic reactionaries, tried to stage a coup d'état in May 1877. In violation of the Constitution, on 17 May he appointed a new administration headed by the monarchist Broglie and disbanded the bourgeois-republican government. On 18 May, the sessions of both chambers of the National Assembly were postponed for a month, and on 25 June the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved. New elections were scheduled for 14 October 1877.— 233, 235, 246

[299] A Turkish landing force disembarked in Sukhumi in May 1877 to launch guerrilla operations in the rear of the Russian Caucasian army, but was pushed back in early September 1877.— 240

[327] By the 'Irish skirmishing' in the House of Commons Marx means the speeches of the Irish M.P.s who advocated Home Rule. The Irish national party — the Irish Home Rule League led by Isaac Butt — was founded in the early 1870s and, after the 1874 elections, was represented by 60 deputies in the House of Commons. The main point on its programme was Irish self-government to be secured strictly by parliamentary means. In their campaign, the League's deputies made a wide use of obstruction: introduction of numerous amendments, and highly protracted speeches on all kind of subjects. This hampered the settlement of the questions under discussion and delayed debate on the next items on the agenda. An expert in these tactics was Charles Parnell, who turned them into an effective weapon in the struggle for a law on Home Rule. At the General Council meeting of 4 January 1870 a letter was read from Isaac Butt who offered his assistance in establishing a union between the English and the Irish workers (see The General Council of the First International. 1868-1870. Minutes, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966, p. 197).—261

[329] Engels used the above-mentioned works by W. L. Sargant, Robert Owen, Charles Fourier and N. G. Hubbard when working on Chapter I, Part III of Anti-Dühring (see present edition, Vol. 25, pp. 244-54).— 263

[332] Bracke wrote to Marx on 5 August 1877: 'After Miss Kurz I shall now compare the translation of the sheets to follow with the French original and, in cases of doubt, consult Liebknecht, Engels or B. Becker.' See also Note 194.—266

[335] The reference is to Engels' participation in the uprising in South-Western Germany in May-July 1849 during which he fought in the ranks of the Baden-Palatinate revolutionary army.— 271 396 In late July 1877, an advance unit of the Russian army led by General Gurko

[358] Ari extract from this letter was published in English for the first time in: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Communist Morality, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1964.—288

[370] A reference to Hippolyte Buffenoir's articles printed under the heading 'Aus Frankreich' in the Vorwärts, Nos 124, 128, 129, 132, 133, 140 and 145, on 21 and 31 October, 2, 9, 11 and 30 November and 12 December 1877. In connection with the elections to the French C h a m b e r of Deputies on 14 October 1877, Buffenoir acted as co-author of the manifesto issued by a group of the so-called autonomous socialists of Paris on 9 October 1877.—295

[377] The terms of the peace with Turkey, which bolstered Russia's position in the

[385] This treaty confirmed the St Petersburg Russo-British protocol of 4 April 1826 recognising Greek autonomy. Like the protocol, it included an agreement on the diplomatic recognition of Greece and on armed mediation in the Greco-Turkish conflict. The contracting parties confirmed the commitment recorded in the protocol to seek no territorial or commercial benefits for themselves in pacifying Greece except such as were common to all European states.— 302

[387] Marx is drawing a parallel here with the persecution of the so-called Demagogues, participants in the intellectuals' opposition movement in Germany following the Napoleonic wars. The term became current after the Karlsbad conference of ministers of German states in August 1819, which agreed on measures for the suppression of the Demagogues.— 303

[417] he needed on the situation in the mining industry of Pennsylvania.— 318 4 1 ' Sorge sent Marx the English translation of Johann Most's pamphlet Kapital und Arbeit done by Weydemeyer (see Note 341), which appeared anonymously in August 1878 under the heading Extracts from the 'Capital' of Karl Marx. Marx's intention to have a new edition of the pamphlet published with his preface was not carried through.— 318

[429] tember.—326

[433] review.—326 The second French workers' congress held in Lyons on 28 January-8 February 1878 decided that an international socialist congress would be held in Paris in September, during the world industrial exhibition. Its convocation was initiated first and foremost by Jules Guesde. The French government banned the congress, but on 4 September the delegates assembled in Paris met unofficially, since it was already too late to try and convene a congress in Lausanne. The police dispersed the participants and arrested 38 people, Guesde among them. They appeared in court on 24 October. Carl Hirsch, who was present at the meeting as a reporter, was arrested on 6 September, kept in custody until 9 October, and then deported.— 327, 331, 338 Marx quoted from Petty's book A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions (London, 1667, p. 47) in Capital (see present edition, Vol. 35, Part I, Ch. I, Section 2). In his book Die Reform des Geldwesens (Berlin, 1869, S. 7), Adolph Samter reproduced this passage from Capital.—329 On 3 March (19 February) 1878, Russia and Turkey signed a preliminary peace treaty in San Stefano (near Constantinople). The treaty's provisions included the establishment of an autonomous Bulgarian principality which would be nominally dependent on Turkey, state sovereignty for Serbia, Montenegro and Romania and their territorial expansion. It consolidated Russia's position in the Balkans, which brought counteraction on the part of Britain and Austria-Hungary, who even resorted to a show of strength (a1 British squadron entered the Sea of Marmara, etc.). Russia was thus forced to agree to the convocation of an international congress to revise those sections of the treaty that involved 'common European interests'. The congress, in which Russia, Britain, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, Germany, France and Italy took part, was held in Berlin between 13 (1) June and 13 (1) July 1878. It resulted in the Treaty of Berlin which significantly amended the provisions of the San Stefano Treaty. The territory of self-governing Bulgaria was cut by more than half, and the Bulgarian territories south of the Balkan Ridge were to form Eastern Rumelia, an autonomous province that remained under the Sultan; the territory of Montenegro was also to be substantially curtailed. The Treaty of Berlin confirmed the provision of the San Stefano Treaty that Russia was to receive back the part of Bessarabia severed from it in 1856 and sanctioned the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. After the Berlin congress the Balkans remained a focus of conflict, which led to the First World War.—331, 384 Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in: K. Marx, On Revolution. Translated by Saul K. Padover, New York, 1971.— 331 In his letter to Engels of 22 September 1878, Liebknecht expressed his condolences on the death of Lizzie Burns.— 331. Having analysed the stenographic report, sent by Wilhelm Bracke, of the first debate of the Anti-Socialist Bill in the Reichstag, Marx outlined an article on the subject (see 'The Parliamentary Debate on the Anti-Socialist Law', present edition, Vol, 24). He did not carry out his plan to use this material for the British press.— 332

[444] The International Labour Union (or League) was founded in London early in

[451] Société du Crédit Mutuel, Pont de Kazan, Maison Lessnikoff, St Petersburg,

[452] Russia.'—343, 346, 353 4 a l On 28 October (9 November) 1878, Danielson informed Marx that six or seven months before he had written to him that the first volume of Capital had sold out and that the prospects for a second Russian edition were discussed. He requested Marx to let him know whether he was planning any changes to the text and asked for the proof-sheets of the second volume to be sent on to him as soon as they go in print.— 343 4->2 The polemics in the Russian press on the first volume of Marx's Capital in 1877-79 involved scholars and political writers and were opened by Yuli Zhukovsky's article 'Karl Marx and His Book on Capital' (Vestnik Yevropy, September 1877). The article provoked a number of replies, two of which Danielson had sent to Marx: N. Sieber's essay 'A Few Notes Apropos Yu. Zhukovsky's Article "Karl Marx and His Book on Capital"' (Otechestvenniye Zapiski, No. 11, November 1877) and N. Mikhailovsky's article 'Karl Marx Before the Tribunal of Mr Zhukovsky' (Otechestvenniye Zapiski, No. 10, October 1877), which prompted Marx to write to Otechestvenniye Zapiski (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 196-201). In 1878, sharp criticism of Marx was levelled in B. N. Chicherin's article 'The German Socialists: 2. Karl Marx' (Sbornik Gosudarstvennikh Znanii, Vol. VI, St. Petersburg, 1878). Sieber's article 'B. Chicherin contra K. Marx' (Slovo, February 1879) was a reply to it.— 344

[456] socialist journal Le Précurseur.—348 4 M This extract was first published, in German, in the catalogue Sotheby Parke Bernet

[472] Marx is referring to Danielson's letter of 5 (17) February 1879, which contained a review of Russia's finance policies 'over the past 15 years'; the same day he sent Marx a large number of books on which the review was based.—353

[475] The Bank Act of 1844 (An Act to Regulate the Issue of Bank-Notes, and for Giving to the Governor and Company of the Bank of England Certain Privileges for a Limited Period) was introduced by Robert Peel on 19 July 1844. It provided for the division of the Bank of England into two separate departments, each with its own cash account — the Banking Department, dealing exclusively with credit operations, and the Issue Department, issuing banknotes. The Act limited the number of banknotes in circulation and guaranteed them with definite gold and silver reserves that could not be used for the credit operations of the Banking Department. Further issues of banknotes were allowed only in the event of a corresponding increase in precious metal reserves. A detailed description of the Act was given by Marx in Capital, Vol. Ill, Chapter XXXIV (see present edition, Vol. 37).—355

[476] A reference to the world industrial exhibition which opened in Paris on 1 May 1878.—355

[477] The Russian economist Illarion Kaufman had an article devoted to Volume One of Capital and entitled 'A Point of View of Politico-Economic Criticism in Karl Marx's Work' published anonymously in Vestnik Yevropy, St Petersburg (May 1872). Marx quoted it in the 'Afterword to the Second German Edition of Capital' (see present edition, Vol. 35).— 358

[483] A reference to the author of the articles on the British labour movement for the Zurich Jahrbuch für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik. When making ihis request, Eduard Bernstein believed the author could be Engels himself (see this volume, p. 361).—360

[505] Engels' letter to Carl Hirsch, which contained excerpts from Wilhelm Liebknecht's letter to Engels of 14 August 1879 (see Note 501), has not been found.—375

[508] The inaugural speech m a d e by George James Allman, President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, in Sheffield on 20 August 1879 at the opening of the Association's 49th annual congress, was printed in the London journal Nature on 21 August.— 377

[510] The address on the envelope in Engels' hand is: 'Den H e e r Karl Höchberg, Dr. phil. Hôtel Ealeries, Scheveningen, Holland.'— 379

[515] At the time of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, Britain, which feared a partition of Turkey, decided to prevent the Russian troops from entering Constantinople by threatening to break off diplomatic relations. To avoid a conflict, the tsarist government agreed to the San Stefano Peace Treaty (see Note 430).—384

[517] See K. Marx, 'Second Address of the General Council of the International

[518] Working Men's Association on the Franco-Prussian War' (present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 263-70). The attempt by Bismarck's government to provoke a new war with France in 1873-74 failed due to the negative attitude taken by the governments of Austria, Britain and Russia.— 384 5 , 8 The Seven Years' War (1756-63) — a war by Britain and Prussia against Austria, France, Russia, Saxony and Sweden. It led to France ceding many of its colonies (including Canada and almost all its possessions in the East Indies) to Britain, while Prussia, Austria and Saxony were obliged to recognise, in the main, its pre-war frontiers.— 387

[520] An ironic allusion to what Napoleon III said on 26 August 1867 in Lille: 'For 14 years many of my hopes have been fulfilled and great success has been

[521] attained, but our horizon has also been darkened by black clouds.'—389 621 The Treaty of Paris concluded the Crimean War (1853-56). It was signed by representatives of Austria, Britain, France, Prussia, Sardinia and Turkey, on the one hand, and of Russia, on the other, at the Congress of Paris on 30 March 1856. Under the treaty, Russia, which lost the war, ceded the Danube delta and part of southern Bessarabia, renounced its protectorate over the Danubian Principalities and agreed to the neutralisation of the Black Sea (involving the closure of the Straits to foreign warships and a ban on Russia and Turkey maintaining navies and naval arsenals on the Black Sea). By skilfully exploiting the differences betweeen Britain and France, the Russian diplomats at the congress succeeded in obtaining peace on mitigated terms.—389

[523] This letter was probably written on 12 September, Friday, as a reply to Engels' letter of 11 September 1879 (14 September was a Sunday).— 392

[527] informed Marx on 2 August.— 395 o27 The Leipzig controlling committee comprised August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche, Karl Grillenberger and Ignaz Auer. Misled by Carl Hirsch's information, Marx and Engels believed that one of the members was Louis Viereck, not Fritzsche.— 395

[529] An ironic reference to the German Workers' Educational Society in London (see Note 55). The Freiheit was the Society's printed organ (see also p. 360).—398

[530] Hirsch received the information from Höchberg when they met in Paris in August 1879, and passed it on to Engels in a letter of 23 August.— 398

[531] Bismarck's plan to introduce Imperial administration over all German railways was discussed at the Gotha Congress of the Social-Democrats in August 1876. The congress approved the transfer of private railways to the state but noted that their takeover by the Imperial government would promote the interests of the bourgeoisie and militarist quarters (see Protokoll des Socialisten-Congresses zu Gotha vom 19. bis 23. August 1876, Berlin, 1876, S. 89).—400

[533] An ironic allusion to the fact that Johann Miquel, a right-wing National Liberal leader (see Note 540), was founder and member of various joint-stock companies. As a young man, he was a member of the Communist League.—405

[536] This letter was written on the back of Maltman Barry's letter to Engels of 8 October 1879. On Marx's advice, Barry requested Engels to give his comments on Carl Blind's article 'Prince Napoleon and European Democracy' printed by Fraser's Magazine, No. 118, October 1879. Nothing further is known about this matter.—415

[540] National Liberals—the party of German (mostly Prussian) bourgeoisie formed in the autumn of 1866 after the split in the Party of Progress (see Note 312). The policies it pursued showed that a significant part of the liberal bourgeoisie had given up the claim to expanding its sphere of influence and capitulated to the Bismarck government. After the unification of Germany in 1871 the National Liberal Party acquired its final shape as a party of the big bourgeoisie, above all industrial tycoons.—417

[543] August Bebel wrote to Engels about Karl Höchberg's selfless financial assistance to the Social-Democratic Party of Germany.—420

[544] August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche and other Social-Democratic leaders insisted that they had had nothing to do with the article by Karl Höchberg, Eduard Bernstein and Carl August Schramm, 'Rückblicke auf die sozialistische Bewegung in Deutschland' (see Note 513).—422

[545] After a fierce clash between the revolutionary delegates headed by Jules Guesde and the reformist wing, the third French workers' congress (Marseilles, October 1879) resolved to form an independent workers' party in France.—422

[555] Social-Democrats throughout the country, including 6,253 in Magdeburg.

[558] j n his ] e tter of 16 December 1879, Johann Philipp Becker wrote to Engels that he had been invited by Karl Höchberg, E d u a r d Bernstein and Wilhelm Liebknecht to contribute to the Sozialdemokrat.—433

[564] n his letter of 13 April 1876, Henri Oriol wrote that his request for a review of the French edition of the first volume of Capital 'was purely personal' and connected with his wish to help with republican p r o p a g a n d a . — 4 3 9 r>*>4 ]y|-lrx labels Alexander IIa child m u r d e r e r because ot the harsh sentence given in St Petersburg in March 1877 to 47 young people aged between 18 and 23, members of one of the Narodnik (Populist) organisations ('the trial of 50'). 35* They were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, deportation to Siberia and hard labour. T h e trial attracted close public attention both in Russia and abroad.—440

[567] The phrase 'La garde meurt et ne se rend pas!' (The guard dies, it does not surrender) is ascribed to the French general Cambronne, Brigade Commander of the Old Guard in the Battle of Waterloo on 18 J u n e 1815. It was a reply to the British envoy's d e m a n d to surrender. After Cambronne's death, these words were engraved on a m o n u m e n t to him in Nantes.—443

[568] A reference to the first French edition of Volume One of Capital which appeared in instalments between 1872 and 1875. T h e last instalments published, they were sewn and sold as a book. The exchange of separate instalments for the sewn copies was done for Marx by Henri Oriol. Having failed to obtain permission for the exchange from Adolphe Quest (see Note 38), he purchased the missing instalments, sew them and sent over 40 copies of Capital to Marx after December 1876.— 445

[5 7 3] Having emigrated to Switzerland in the summer of 1871, Jules Guesde sided with the anarchists and supported their campaign against the General Council of the International.—450

[5 7 4] In April 1877, a small group of anarchists led by Carlo Cafiero and Enrice Malatesta tried to stage a revolt in the Italian province of Benevento, which e n d e d in a fiasco. In J u n e 1877, Jules Guesde sharply denounced the adventurist actions of Cafiero and other Bakuninists.—451

[578] See K. Marx, The Economic Manuscript of 1861-63 [John Gray. Polemics against the Landed Aristocracy from the Physiocrats' Viewpoint] (present edition, Vol. 34).—452