Appendices
IN PARIS
On 31 January 1875 K. Marx sends Hirsch a letter relating to the work Misere de la Philosophie* printed at his expense (1,500 copies) by a Mr Vogler, a publisher in Brussels. In this letter he says also that Vernouillet, who sends him letters, is a very sensible man; finally he asks him how long it is since he saw Freund and Mesa; the last address which he had for Freund was: 53, route de Versailles (Auteuil).
On 10 December 1875 Karl Marx, 41 Maitland Park Road, London, N. W., writes to Hirsch concerning his book Le Capital, speaks of Lachâtre in Vevey (Switzerland) and of Kaub.
On 16 February 1876 Karl Marx invites Hirsch to pay a visit to his good friend Lopatin, 25, rue Gay Lussac, and advises him to make his acquaintance.
On 4 May 1876 Karl Marx informs C. Hirsch that a certain Henri Oriol, 177, rue St Denis, an employee at the Lachâtre bookshop, has written to him that the Rappel asked him for a review of the work Le Capital, and Mr Oriol is asking me, Marx says, for an article about this work, a kind of key which could also serve as an introduction.[563]
K. Marx also asks for news of Kaub.
On 23 September 1876 K. Marx writes to Hirsch: The day before yesterday I came back from Karlsbad.[178] On my arrival I found a letter from Lavrov relating to the book Le Capital, the publication of which is to be banned in France, as he was told by his agent in Paris, Guyot of the Palais Royal.[3] He sends greetings from the Kaub family.
On 10 April 1877 Karl Marx asks Hirsch for information about the Galliffet and Madame de Beaumont affair.[308] He adds that the
Vorwärts called Galliffet a 'dog'. He also asks him for the result of the scandalous trial of the 'simpleton' Louis Blanc (sic) against the Russian Panayev.
On 14 May 1877, in a letter to Hirsch, K. Marx speaks of gens0
Kaub, hostile to the Tsar, whom he calls a 'Kindernhund',c
child murderer.D64 But the sentry protects him.
On 1 August 1877 K. Marx writes a socialist letter to Hirsch in which the names of Höchberg, Engels, Elisée Reclus and Arnould figure, and against the Protestant pastors of Germany.
On 20 February 1878 Karl Marx informs Hirsch that he has learnt from Lissagaray that a large number of people, supporters of the F. Pyat Commune, are working again to restore that harlequin Thiers who has done so much harm to the Commune; further on he says: Louis Blanc at least had the courage not to lick the boots of Mr Thiers as J. Favre, Simon, etc., did.
2. Eleanor Marx to Carl Hirsch. 25 October 1875
ELEANOR MARX TO CARL HIRSCH
IN PARIS
London, 25 October 1875 41 Maitland Park Road Dear Mr Hirsch,
I enclose herewith a short appreciation, written by my mother, of an English actor Mr Irving. Mama would be pleased if you could arrange for its insertion in the Frankfurter Zeitung.[565]
If he had enough time, Papa would himself have written an appreciation of Mr Irving in whom we are greatly interested (although we do not know him personally). First, because he is a man of exceptional talent and, secondly, because the entire English press, in consequence of the most wretched intrigues, has set about him, and engineered what can only be described as a plot against him. By getting the Frankfurter to print Mama's appreciation, you would be doing us a great service.[566]
I should also like to ask you on behalf of a friend, a Russian lady, if you think it might be possible to have an appreciation of Mr Irving published in the Journal des Débats," or else in the Temps or Le Siècle.
I very much hope you will forgive me for bothering you like this, but you have so many contacts with the French and German press, and your influence is so great that you are the only person to whom we could turn. I hope that you will excuse me, and not hold it too much against me.
Papa asks me to say how grateful he is to you for the newspapers you were good enough to send him. He also sends his warm regards, as do we all, to our friend Kaub. Mama thanks you in advance and, as for myself, I remain
Yours ever,
Eleanor Marx Mama asks me to say that she does not wish her name to appear in the Frankfurter, but that if you want to say who wrote the appreciation, you may do so 'as between friends'.
3. Jenny Marx to Johann Philipp Becker. Between 16 and 20 August 1876
My dear and esteemed Friend,
You really have heaped coals of fire on my head, and having just looked at the date of your first dear letter and even that of the second I must needs cover myself with sackcloth and ashes. I come to you with a sincere Pater peccavi." As soon as I got your first letter I meant to write straight away; then something intervened and I put it off, and to put off letter-writing is the surest way of killing it dead. One only has to start putting it off and a day turns into a week and a week into a month, and as for the speed with which the moons mount up to a year, that is something the gods and we old people are best qualified to know. The older one gets and the worse the times become, the quicker they pass and the faster the hours fly by. That's how it is with me, at any rate. And there must surely be something to be said in favour of old age. After all it's utterly wretched and miserable to be no longer young, and lively and 'sound'; one senses this particularly when, on top of old age, ill-health supervenes, as has recently happened to me, and this is probably the best plea in my favour for having neglected my duty of writing to so old and well-tried a friend. For month« I have suffered from such severe headaches, etc., etc., that I often felt dazed and giddy and if only for that reason could not write. A three weeks' stay in Brighton has more or less set me up again. Last Friday[6] my husband and my youngest daughterc left for Karlsbad,[178] both of them unfortunately for reasons of health — or rather ill-health. This exceedingly expensive trip means there can be no question of other excursions or visits to loyal friends near and far, and, greatly though my husband would welcome an opportunity of paying his respects to Mont Blanc and old Becker, he must perforce adhere scrupulously to his cure and eschew any extra trips. Nor shall I myself be able to pack my knapsack this year; and I puff and I blow hot and cold in the diabolical heat. I got a letter from Karlsbad yesterday. After many tribulations they finally arrived at the institute for afflictions of the liver. In Nuremberg they spent hours trotting about in search of a bed.[3]
Nothing to be had, not even in the meanest pothouse. The bakers were holding a convention, while from all directions the trom-bones and trumpets of the future,[185] the Siegfrieds, Valkyries and Götterdämmerung' heroes were pouring into Nuremberg which they had to leave without having sampled its wares. Then they got on the wrong train and it was only after a truly Don Quixote-like series of to-ings and fro-ings, which continued for 28 hours, that they arrived in the country of springs.
Your news was all of it most interesting, and if I don't reply en détail you should put it down to this cruel heat, which must be the scapegoat for a great deal just now. I can't tell you how sorry I am for not having provided you with any material so far.c It would seem that there's nothing to be done with the manager. I've written to him so often. My husband had a letter from Borkheim not long agod in which he says he is in fact a bit better. I think the best and safest course would be for you to approach him personally. He knows best where the things are kept and so can give orders for them to be looked out and sent to you. As for the other books, papers, etc., you want, I shall approach our old friend Lessner about them. Engels and my husband no longer have any connection whatsoever with the old Workers' Society[50]
which is now very very much run down and has become a rowdy society of louts.
Whatever ingenuity Lessner may have expended hitherto on keeping it together, he is now heartily sick of the thing. But he can be more helpful to you than anyone else, and is an honest, reliable man who in politics has always behaved exceptionally well and honestly. One of the old guard 'qui meurt mais ne se rend pas'clr,ii7 I shall be visiting our friend Engels in Ramsgate next weekf and therefore want to settle everything with Lessner beforehand so far as I can. I'm positive you had best deal with Borkheim direct. His address is:
S. Borkheim, Esq. 1 Denmark Place, Hastings
And now, my esteemed friend, goodbye for the present. This time next year, I trust, we shall all be 'over there', i.e. in
4. Eleanor Marx to Carl Hirsch. 25 November 1876
our 'beloved fatherland'[3] so that we may see all our old comrades again at last. In which case we shall also make a bee-line for Papa Becker. With warmest regards,
Your old friend,
Jenny Marx
ELEANOR MARX TO CARL HIRSCH
IN PARIS
[London,] 25 November 1876 41 Maitland Park Road, N. W.
Dear Sir,
For several weeks past I have been on the point of writing to you — I have actually started a letter on several occasions, but one thing and another always prevents my finishing it.
Just now in particular I have little time, since I am very busy with the election for the 'SCHOOL BOARD'. This committee, which is entrusted with the management of the public schools and with compulsory instruction, is a pretty important one and is chiefly concerned with combatting the so-called 'CHURCH PARTY' which seeks the outright abolition of compulsory instruction. I am working to promote the candidature of a woman — a MRS Westlake — who, though essentially bourgeois like almost all Englishwomen, is at any rate very much a free thinker and worth more than any of the men who are offering themselves as candidates. I go from house to house canvassing votes and you would never believe the comical things I see and hear. At one house they demanded that we teach 'religion above all'—at another I was informed that 'instruction is the curse of the country, that education will be the ruin of us', etc., etc. All in all it is amusing, but also sad at times,when you call on a workman who tells you that he would like to 'consult his employer' first.
We receive the Révolution[3] every day. What do you make of it? Can it long survive? I have my doubts about it. Tell us what you think.
Next week you will have a visit from Mr Kistemaeckers — the publisher of Lissagaray's bookb— a very good, very honest man. He is going to Paris to introduce the book in Paris and nothing should be said about his visit for fear of alerting the police.
Papa (who for the past few weeks has been very unwell on account of a heavy cold and bronchitis) is very vexed at not having had any news from Paris. As you know, he sent a case of instalments to Paris, hoping to receive in exchange sewn copies of the book — and not only has he received nothing, he hasn't even had any news.[368] If you know anything about this, please let him know, I beg you, dear Sir.
But I see I have come to the end of my paper. So I shall bid you adieu for today. I told you in my last letter how well my pince-nez suits me—-I grow more delighted with it every day.
Many good wishes from everyone here to Kaub, as also to yourself
and
Believe me,
Yours very sincerely,
Eleanor Marx
5. Jenny Marx to Friedrich Adolph Sorge. 20 or 21 January 1877
It's a long, long time since you had news of me or so much as a reminder of my existence; I did not even break my silence when fate struck you yet another terrible blow and you might, with perfect justification, have expected a few words of commiseration from your friends.[569] Let me assure you that it was not lack of sympathy that caused me to remain silent. If I failed to write, it was because the tragic news literally bereft me of speech, nor did I wish to impinge on your great sorrow with all the commonplaces of sympathy and condolence. I know only too well how difficult it is and how long it takes to regain one's own balance after losses of this sort; it is then that life comes to our aid, with its little joys and big worries, with all its little, day-to-day drudgeries and petty vexations, and the greater sorrow is deadened by lesser, hourly ills and, without our noticing it, the violence of the pain abates; not that the wound has ever healed, and this is specially so of the mother's heart, but little by little there awakens in one's breast a fresh sensibility, a fresh sensitivity even, to new sorrows and new joys, and thus one goes on and on living, with a sore if ever hopeful heart, until at last it ceases to beat and gives way to eternal peace.
On the whole (though always and everywhere there are clouds) things have gone quite well with us. This year my husband and Tussy (our youngest) were again compelled to visit Karlsbad which had done them so much good on a previous occasion. This time, too, my husband found the treatment most beneficial. But alas, immediately on his return to this damp, foggy country of ours he caught so bad a cold that he has not hitherto been able to rid himself of the really frightful sneezing and coughing which have become almost chronic. Even a minor operation to shorten what is known as the uvula in his throat — it had become relaxed and elongated and was causing a constant excess of phlegm — does not so far seem to have done very much good. Tussy fell seriously ill in Karlsbad and came home pale and emaciated. She is better again now and busy doing various translations from German or French into English. As a member of the Shakespeare Society, she translated a pamphlet by Professor Delius of Bonn on the epic element in Shakespeare,[241] to the complete satisfaction of all concerned, and Professor Delius wrote her the most flattering letter in which he congratulated himself and the Society on the acquisition of such a 'FELLOW WORKER'. This SUCCESS will give her the entree to literary circles and magazines where she might be able to find paid work and thus be released from her teaching, which is onerous and takes an undue toll of her health. Lissagaray, to whom she is engaged, has brought out his book on the Commune[3]
in Brussels. It has turned out really well, seems to be selling well, and is presently being translated into German[3] and English.[570]
As for my husband, he is at this moment DEEPLY IN THE EASTERN QUESTION AND HIGHLY ELATED by the firm, honest bearing of the sons of Mohammed vis-à-vis all the Christian HUMBUGS and hypocritical ATROCITY MONGERS.[187] (AS may be gathered from today's telegrams, the Russians — the civilisers according to Gladstone, Bright and all the FREEMEN AND STILLMEN AND MERRYMF.N — would seem to be pulling out in real earnest.)
Preoccupied though he is with this great political question, he is no less interested in the victory of the socialists in Germany[237]; not that they will be sending so very many more 'men' into parliament, but the number of votes they got everywhere, even in the bureaucratic bigwigs' districts of Berlin, is truly overwhelming and seems to have infuriated the climbers and speculators [Gründer] and slave-drivers. Longuet fell ill this spring of a nervous fever from which he is recovering only very gradually and which has left him still very much on edge and irritable. He is as excitable, vociferous and argumentative as ever, but in his favour be it said that he has given his lessons at King's College regularly and to the satisfaction of his superiors.[177] On 10th May Jenny gave birth to another little boyb who at first looked very weak, small and ailing. Now he has one little tooth and eats so well that he has become a fine, fat, sturdy lad who is the pride of the whole family. When he drives up in his CARRIAGE AND FOUR, i.e. in the parental PERAMBULATOR, everyone rushes out joyously to meet him in the hope of being the first to pick him up, OLD GRANNY at their head. Jenny continues to suffer from asthma and a persistent cough, but that doesn't prevent her from carrying out her onerous duties at school and at home, nor does it diminish her embonpoint' or the fresh bloom of her rosy cheeks. Lafargue and Laura also live quite close by. Unfortunately their business, printing by the procédé Gillot,d hasn't been doing very well.[94] Always and everywhere, the competition of big capital stands in their way. In an attempt to overcome it, Lafargue has thrown himself into the breach and works like a NIGGER. Laura has likewise given proof of wondrous energy, courage and extreme application in all spheres, whether at home or elsewhere. Indeed, one might apostrophise Lafargue with 'cobbler stick to your last'. It is a shame he should have deserted old Father Aesculapius.[571] But all the same, prospects of success would seem to have improved somewhat of late. Larger orders are coming in and Lafargue, who always sees everything through rose-tinted spectacles, is now hoping for a big 'JOB'. Laura has completely recovered her health and looks fresh and blooming and so youthful that she's addressed as 'Miss' by everyone who doesn't know her to be a married woman of nine years' standing.
Our friend Engels is as flourishing as ever. He is always healthy, vigorous, cheerful and in good spirits, and he thoroughly relishes his beer (especially when it's the Viennese variety). I cannot tell you much about our other acquaintances because we see only very few of them now, particularly the French — no Le Moussus, no Serrailliers, above all no Blanquists. WE HAD ENOUGH OF THEM. Wroblewski keeps in touch with the Turkish minister so that he can go to Turkey as soon as war breaks out. He'd have been far better advised to have gone there long since, for poverty and wounds have made his life a very hard one. Should there not be a war he will go under completely here, particularly after the terrible state of excitation he's been in. It will be a pity if he doesn't find something suitable to do. He has a really excellent brain and is a sterling fellow. Of the English working men à la Mottershead, Eccarius, Hales, Jung, etc., I would rather say nothing. They are all of them arch-blackguards, corrupt and corruptible, and chasing BY HOOK AND BY CROOK after the HONEST SHILLING. A truly abject lot!a
But enough for today. My husband has been awaiting—so far in vain — the promised Tribune0 articles got together by Weydemeyer. You would greatly oblige him if you would look into the matter and send them to him.c He needs them urgently.
And now there's only a small corner left in which to say goodbye and to convey the most cordial wishes, both for your own prosperity and for that of your family, from my husband, my children and, above all, from your old friend
Jenny Marx
[Postscript, written at the head of the first page of the letter] Lessner is doing fairly well with his LODGING HOUSE; a baby every year — breeding like a rabbit.
6. Eleanor Marx to Carl Hirsch. 8 June 1878
6
ELEANOR MARX TO CARL HIRSCH
IN PARIS
London, 8 June 1878a
Dear Mr Hirsch,
I owe you my excuses for having neglected to reply to your kind letter and trust that you won't take it too much amiss. To begin with, I have been suffering from neuralgia for the past few weeks, as well as from bouts of atrocious toothache — and, if you have ever had toothache, you will understand my lack of inclination to write. Next, I am working just now for several literary societies (CHAUCER SOCIETY, SHAKESPEARE SOCIETY, PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY etc.) at the BRITISH MUSEUM and this work leaves me very little time.b Finally, I was so ashamed of my idleness that I no longer dared write. Today, however, I have taken my courage in both hands, for Papa has instructed me to drop you a line on his behalf. He is very unwell at the moment and in his present state of health it is impossible for him to let you have anything for your journal.0 He has, I think, been working too hard latterly and will be absolutely forced to do nothing for some time. I feel sure you will excuse him and that you will tell this to your colleagues on the Egalité.
I must thank you for asking me to collaborate on your journal, but at the moment I cannot — every bit of my day is taken up with work at the MUSEUM.
What do you make of Nobiling? [4 0 6] Do you know anything about the man? The English press is indignant — more so, perhaps, than the German. One can see how delighted they would be to lay everything at the door of socialists of all countries, so as to resume their persecution. They are delighted that Germany is about to have a bit of reaction and terrorism — if only they could treat themselves to a bit of that over here! I fear it will be a bad business for our friends Liebknecht and the others. A little persecution can be beneficial, but not reaction, which suppresses newspapers, MEETINGS — in other words every means of propaganda. As yet we know nothing definite about Nobiling, for one cannot believe the reactionary press. The effect here was overwhelming when news of the second attempt at assassination came through—
1879 in the original - b See this volume, p. 446. - c L'Egalité
7. Jules Guesde to Karl Marx. March-April 1879
nothing but cries of indignation on all sides, cries made more indignant by the fact that the bourgeois are terribly afraid. So if you know anything about Nobiling, write and tell us.
We have seen Mr Zanardelli once or twice. Is he not a little bit of a hothead? I didn't see him long enough to judge, but that is how he struck me.
Lissa[garay] has left for Jersey — before his departure he asked me to send you his best compliments. Papa also sends you a cordial handshake, likewise to Kaub.
Shall we see you soon in London? You really ought to come and spend a few days here.
Yours sincerely,
Eleanor Marx
JULES GUESDE TO KARL MARX[572]
IN LONDON
[Excerpt]
Paris, [March-April 1879] Hôpital Necker, Rue de Sèvre Very dear Citizen,
I could not be more grateful to you for the sympathy and esteem which you have been kind enough to show me, and I ask you to believe that, for my part, although I find myself in disagreement with you on the subject of the International,[5] I have always professed the deepest admiration for the author of the Communist Manifesto* and Capital.
In fact this disagreement, I can say it now, would never have arisen — on my part at least — had I known you better.
For everything that you express in your letter coincides with what I think — and have always thought.
K. Marx and F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party.
If I am a revolutionary, if I believe like you in the need for force to solve the social question in a collectivist or communist way, I am also like you the convinced opponent of movements à la Cafiero which — useful though they may be in Russia — do not correspond in France, or in Germany, or in Italy, to any of the demands of the situation. You were able to see this from my campaign in the Radical against the Comic Opera insurgents in Benevento.[374]
Like you I am convinced that before thinking of action, one must set up a party, a conscious army, by means of active, continuous propaganda.
Finally, like you I do not believe that the simple destruction of what exists will be enough to build what we want, and I think that for a more or less considerable period the impulse, the direction should come from above, from those who are 'better informed'.[2]
It is in these conditions that, since my return, I have been busy setting up this 'independent and militant workers' party' which you so rightly declare to be 'of the highest importance' in view of the events which are being prepared.
But for this party to be both 'independent' and 'militant', it is essential that the French proletariat which is to constitute it should be delivered from the dupery of bourgeois Radicalism and that, on the other hand, it should be persuaded that its emancipation can only be achieved through struggle...
If I were not so ill — and so poor — I would announce my next visit to you,[575] so much would I like to have a long talk with you. But I do not dispose of myself either physically — or pecuniarily. And I must limit myself to sending vou all my thanks and assuring you of my complete devotion
To you and to the Revolution
Jules Guesde
8. Marx to Maxim Kovalevsky. April 1879
8
MARX TO MAXIM KOVALEVSKY[576]
IN MOSCOW
[London, April 1879]
Mr Kareyev's work [577] is excellent. However, I do not quite share his view of the Physiocrats.[260] I take the theory of capital, i.e., of the contemporary structure of society. From Petty to Hume, this theory was developed only piecemeal — a bit here, a bit there— according to the requirements of the period when the author lived. Quesnay was the first to put political economy on its real, i.e., capitalist, basis, and the curious thing is that he did so apparently as a landowner's tenant. Mr Kareyev is definitely wrong in saying that the Physiocrats opposed only one social occupation, namely agriculture, to others, i.e., industry and commerce, but never went, unlike Smith, so far as to oppose social classes to each other. If Mr Kareyev had recalled the main idea of Ricardo's Preface to his famous creation,[3] in which he examines three classes of the state (landowners, capitalists, and workers, the latter tilling the soil by their labour), he would have seen that the first invention of the three classes in the economic sphere and their mutual relations could find a place only in the system of agriculture, where Quesnay put it. In addition, a writer should distinguish between what an author really gives and what he gives only in his own imagination. This is true even of philosophical systems; thus, what Spinoza considered the cornerstone of his system and what actually constitutes that cornerstone are two entirely different things. It is not surprising, therefore, that some of Quesnay's adherents, such as Mercier de la Rivière, saw the essence of the whole system in its paraphernalia while the English Physiocrats writing in 1798 were the first to demonstrate — on the basis of Quesnay's concepts and contrary to Adam Smith's — the need to abolish private ownership of land.[378]
NOTES
AND INDEXES
Endnotes
[562] These summaries of Marx's letters to Hirsch were made by the French police and kept in Hirsch's file in the Paris Police Prefecture's archive. Marx's original letters were confiscated during Hirsch's arrest on 6 September 1878. The Vorwärts, No. Ill of 20 September (Supplement), reported this in the correspondence from Paris of 9 September.—439
[563] j
[308] A reference to the scandal involving General Galliffet and Madame de Beaumont. In all probability, Marx first learned about it from the Vorwärts, which on 6 April 1877 carried an item beginning with the words 'The Nemesis
[565] Jenny Marx's article was published anonymously in the morning issue of the Frankfurter Zeitung und Handelsblatt on 21 November 1875 under the heading 'Aus der Londoner Theaterwelt'. It was the first in the series of her articles dealing with English theatre and cultural life, and was devoted to Henry Irving, the best Shakespearian actor of the time. Until May 1877, Jenny Marx wrote four more articles for the Frankfurter Zeitung.—441
[5 6 6] Carl Hirsch was the Paris correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung und Handelsblatt.—441
[6] The reference is to the address 'Compagnons, notre Association traverse...' issued in Geneva in August 1873 and signed by H. Perret, C. Bernard, T. Duval, M. Josseron, P. Detallancourt, H. Renauld and Laplace. Timed to coincide with the Geneva Congress (see Note 5), it was directed against some of the Hague Congress resolutions (see Note 20) on organisational issues.—4
[185] 'Xhe music of the future'—Richard Wagner's music, whose principles he expounded in his Zukunftmusik. Brief an einem französischen Freund (1861) addressed to Frederic Villot, keeper of the French museums, and in his book Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft.—137, 192, 443
[50] Engels is probably referring to José Mesa's letter of 24 August 1874. The latter wrote that despite his enforced move to Paris he still kept in touch with members of the Spanish section of the International Working Men's Association in Madrid, on which Engels could rely, and supplied a number of addresses.—39, 43
[368] Engels is referring to the anarchists. Inability to agree about the final goals of the campaign, failures in practical work (the abortive anarchist putsches in Italy in 1874 and 1877) gave rise to substantial theoretical differences among them. At the congress of the so-called anarchist International in Verviers in 1877, the Bakuninists' statement that all political parties, including the socialists, were essentially reactionary, aroused vigorous protests from the Belgian, the French and some of the Italian delegates.— 294
[569] Jenny Marx expresses her commiseration to Sorge upon the death of his daughter Clothilde in February 1873 and his 14-year-old son Max in October 1874.—446
[2 4 1] Nikolaus Delius' article 'Die epischen Elemente in Shakespeare's D r a m e n ' appeared in 1877 in the Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft. Translated into English by Eleanor Marx, it was included in the transactions of the New Shakespeare Society.—191, 273, 446
[570] p r o S p e r Lissagaray's Histoire de la Commune de 1871 was published in 1886 in Eleanor Marx's translation.— 447
[187] In April 1876, a national liberation uprising began in Bulgaria. It was brutely suppressed by Turkish troops in May. The press in many countries expressed its indignation at the 'Turkish atrocities'.— 140, 158, 168, 183, 447
[2 3 7] Regular elections to the German Reichstag were held on 10 January 1877. About half a million votes were cast for the socialist candidates of whom 12 were actually elected (see also Note 248).—186, 188, 190, 192, 197, 294, 447
[177] From 1874, Charles Longuet taught French at the King's College in London, and Jenny Longuet — German at Clement Dun's school. In 1880, after the Paris Commune members had been amnestied, Longuet returned to Paris.—132, 378, 391, 447
[94] After his withdrawal from the engravers' firm in the summer of 1873 (see Note 11), Lafargue bought a photolithographic and etching workshop in the hope of solving his financial problems.— 75, 132, 447
[5 7 1] Having taken permanent residence in France in 1868, Lafargue gave u p his medical career and devoted himself to journalism and politics.—448
[406] On 11 May and 2 June 1878, assassination attempts were made on William I, the first by unemployed tinner Max Hödel and the second by anarchist Karl Eduard Nobiling, who had never belonged to the Socialist Workers' Party of 34* Germany. These events provoked a vicious campaign against the socialists and provided a pretext for the promulgation of the Anti-Socialist Law in October 1878 (see Note 462). In his turn, Bismarck used the assassination attempts to break down the resistance of the National Liberals (see Note 540), who had a short while before voted down the government proposal to introduce protective tariffs on iron. As a result of Bismarck's policies, the National Liberal Party lost about a quarter of its seats in the 1878 Reichstag elections.— 314, 419, 424, 449
[572] This is Jules Guesde's reply to Marx's non-extant letter of early 1879. An extract from this letter was published in English for the first time in Science & Society. A Marxian Quarterly, Vol. IV, No. 1, New York, 1940. This is the first time the letter has been published at such length in English.—450
[5] The Geneva Congress of the International Working Men's Association took place between 8 and 13 September 1873. Marx and Engels reversed their original intention to take part in its work, since the mounting reprisals against the working-class movement and financial difficulties precluded its being a truly international assembly. Unable to send their own delegations, nearly all the International's organisations handed over their mandates to the delegates of Romance Switzerland. When debating the Rules, the majority led by Johann Philipp Becker confirmed the Hague Congress resolutions (see Note 20) to extend the sphere of competence of the General Council, notwithstanding the opposition of the Swiss delegates Henri Perret and Theodore Duval. The congress emphasised the need for the working class to wage a political struggle. New York remained the seat of the General Council. The Geneva Congress of 1873 was the last congress of the International Working Men's Association.—4
[3 7 4] O n 25 (13) December 1877 the Russian army embarked on the decisive
[2] Worried by the report of Marx's illness in the Frankfurter Zeitung, Ludwig Kugelmann wrote to Engels on 13 January 1874 asking him for more information concerning the state of Marx's health.—3
[575] j u ] e s Guesde arrived in London in May 1880 to discuss the programme of the French Workers' Party with Marx, Engels and Lafargue. They met at Engels' flat, where Marx dictated the preamble to the programme (see present edition, Vol. 24, p. 340). The practical part of the programme was drafted by Guesde with Lafargue's assistance, and Marx and Engels introduced a number of more precise definitions.—451
[576] The present extract was written down by the Russian historian Nikolai Kareyev
[577] on the basis of Maxim Kovalevsky's oral translation from English into Russian and published by Kareyev in the Byloye (The Past) magazine, No. 20, 1922 in the article 'Karl Marx's Letter to M. M. Kovalevsky on the Physiocrats'. The letter was published in English for the first time in The Letters of Kart Marx, selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction b Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood, Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979.-452 s 7 7 A reference to Nikolai Kareyev's book The Peasants and the Peasant Question in France in the Last Quarter of the 18th Century, a copy of which was sent to Marx by Maxim Kovalevsky with the author's permission. As followsfrom Kareyev's article (see Note 576), Marx thanked Kovalevsky for the book in the opening (non-extant) part of the letter.—452
[260] The Physiocrats—followers of a trend in the classical bourgeois political economy that arose in France in the mid-18th century. The Physiocrats held Nature to be the only source of wealth, and agriculture the only sphere of the economy where value was created. Although they underestimated the role of industry and commerce, the Physiocrats made an important contribution to economic science by shifting the search for the origins of surplus value from circulation to production, thereby laying the basis for the analysis of capitalist production. Advocates of large-scale capitalist farming, they exposed the moribund nature of the feudal economy, thus paving the way ideologically for the bourgeois revolution in France. Marx gave a critical analysis of the Physiocrats' views in the Theories of Surplus Value, the central section of the Economic Manuscript of 1861-63 (see present edition, Vol. 30, pp. 352-76).— 208, 452
[378] Balkans, were agreed on when signing the San Stefano preliminary peace treaty in March 1878 (see Note 430). They were revised to the advantage of Austria-Hungary and Britain at the Berlin congress in June 1878.— 297 878 Under the Paris Peace Treaty concluded in 1856 at the end of the Crimean War (see Note 22), Russia lost the Danube delta and the part of Southern Bessarabia adjacent to it.— 298
[178] Between 15 August and 15 September 1876, Marx, accompanied by his daughter Eleanor (Tussy), was in Karlsbad taking a cure for the third time. Having completed it, he spent a few days with Max Oppenheim in Prague, and then, after brief visits to Kreuznach and Liège, returned to London on 22 September 1876.—132, 135, 139, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 148, 154, 440, 442
[3] Marx, accompanied by his daughter Eleanor, took a rest cure at Harrogate between 24 November and 15 December 1873.— 3, 17