NOTES AND INDEXES
Residual editorial notes
66 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.
[37] Marx's letter, like one from Engels, to Schweitzer has not been found. Marx also wrote about collaboration with Der Social-Demokrat (see Note 34).— 26
[77] After a preliminary discussion in the Sub-Committee, on 6 December 1864, of the address to the Polish people drawn up by Peter Fox (see Note 71), the debate continued at the Central Council meetings on 13 and 20 December 1864 and 3 January 1865. Marx spoke twice on the subject, on 13 December and 3 January (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 354 and 356). Drawing on the wealth of factual material on Polish-French relations he showed, particularly in his speech on 3 January 1865, that the French ruling circles, both under absolutism and under bourgeois regimes right up to the time of Napoleon III, had always sought to exploit the Polish question in the selfish interests of the ruling classes and that their policy was not favourable to the cause of Poland's independence, of which the sole defenders were the representatives of the revolutionary proletariat. Marx's arguments made the Central Council adopt a decision to introduce the appropriate amendments in Fox's address.—55
[78] At its meeting on 8 November 1864 the Central Council decided on Marx's proposal, seconded by Hermann Jung, that any person not being able to attend the meetings cannot be a member of this Council (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 353). The decision to abolish honorary membership in the International was adopted presumably at that time too.— 55
[100] Xhe constitutional conflict in Prussia arose in February 1860 over the refusal of the bourgeois majority of the Lower Chamber of the Prussian Provincial Diet to confirm the army reorganisation project proposed by War Minister von Roon. However, the government soon managed to secure allocations from the Provincial Diet to 'maintain the army ready for action', which in fact meant the beginning of the planned reorganisation. When, in March 1862, the liberal majority of the Chamber refused to endorse military expenses and demanded a Ministry responsible to the Provincial Diet, the government dissolved the Diet and announced new elections. The Bismarck Ministry was formed at the end of September 1862. In October it again dissolved the Provincial Diet and began to carry out the military reform without the sanction of the Diet. The conflict was settled only in 1866 when, after Prussia's victory over Austria, the Prussian bourgeoisie capitulated to Bismarck.—68, 82, 84
[108] T h e decree of the Constituent Assembly of 14 June 1791 declared strikes to be a 'crime against freedom and the declaration of the rights of man' and the formation of workers' associations was liable to a fine of 500 livres and deprivation of political rights for a year. Le Chapellier made a report on this subject. T h e Chapellier Law was in force in France (as regards prohibition of strikes) till 1864, while the freedom of activity for the trade unions was not legalised until 1884.—71
[115] At the Central Council meeting of 31 January 1865 a letter was read from Léon Fontaine, a member of the Belgian democratic Universal Federation. In his letter dated 29 January, Fontaine wrote that the Federation had decided to join the International Association and intended to translate the Association's documents into French. As it turned out later, Fontaine had no connections with the workers and did not take any further steps to establish a section of the International. The first section in Belgium was set up on 17 July 1865 with the direct participation of the Belgian socialist César de Paepe.— 73
[124] Road books (Wanderbücher) were issued in Prussia to journeymen artisans under the law introduced in 1831. They recorded their places of residence and contained an assessment of their trustworthiness.—77
[129] On Marx's advice Engels formulated this passage in his pamphlet in such a way that it could not have been interpreted as the author's agreement with Lassalle's slogans. He also incorporated the suggestion Marx made below on changing the description of the position of the German bourgeoisie during the 1848-49 revolution in Germany (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 69 and 57).—87
[135] On 11 February 1865 the Minister of Commerce, Count Itzenplitz, read out a government statement in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies during the debate on the right of combination (see Note 107). In an attempt to maintain the ban on the formation of workers' associations, the government demagogically alleged that freedom of association could not improve the workers' condition and proposed instead to help in setting up workers' co-operatives.—90
[138] The campaign for the right of combination was launched by the Berlin printers in early 1865 under the influence of Wilhelm Liebknecht's propaganda. When the leaders of the Lassallean General Association of German Workers realised that the campaign was widely supported by the workers, they decided to join it too, despite Lassalle, who held that associations were of no use for the workers. On 1 February 1865, Der Social-Demohrat published Bernhard Becker's instructions for the General Association's representatives with a proposal that, at their meetings, the workers should adopt resolution demanding the abolition of articles 183 and 184 of trade regulations (see Note 107) that prohibited associations and strikes.—90
[139] Marx is referring to Eccarius' articles in Der Social-Demokrat. Eccarius continued to contribute to the paper for some time after Marx had actually ceased co-operating with it (see Note 125). His last article was printed in Der Social-Demokrat on 31 March 1865.—91
[148] Marx enclosed in this letter to Engels some scraps of paper, in an unknown hand, about the unseemly behaviour of people from the élite of the Second Empire.—99
[157] This refers to the leading article in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 25, 22 February 1865, which was reprinted from the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of 19 February 1865.—106
[174] In a letter to Engels, dated 20 January 1865, Joseph Weydemeyer gave a short description of the preceding events in the Civil War in America (see Note 11), in particular the Red River expedition by Northern troops in 1864, undertaken with a view to entrenching themselves in Texas. General Banks, who headed the expedition, marched from New Orleans and intended to join forces at Shreveport with General Steel who set out from Arkansas. However, Banks' troops were suddenly attacked by the Southerners in the Texas woods and were forced to retreat.—121
[175] Missunde—a Danish stronghold captured by Prussian troops on 2 February 1864, during the Danish war (see Note 9).—121
[180] Marx enclosed in his letter the text of the Central Council's resolutions on the conflict in the Paris Section (see Note 95) written by him and approved by the Council on 7 March 1865, and the text of the private instruction to Schily who was appointed a special representative of the Central Council in the Paris Administration (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 82-83).—130
[181] On 11 March 1865, in Radleys Hotel, London, there was a conference of the workers' delegation elected at the meeting in St. Martin's Hall (see Note 155) and representatives of the radical and liberal bourgeoisie. This conference, sponsored by participants in the electoral reform movement, was a step in founding the Reform League. About 20 trade union delegates, among them members of the Central Council of the International, and as many bourgeois representatives, including four MPs, attended the conference. John Bright, leader of the Free Traders, advocated household suffrage. The demand for manhood suffrage was rejected by the bourgeois delegates, and no agreement on joint action was reached. Marx's letter to Jones mentioned above has not been found.—130
[187] In early March 1865 Carl Siebel forwarded to Engels a letter he received from the then editor of the Düsseldorfer Zeitung Dresemann. The latter invited Marx and Engels to contribute to the Sphinx, a newspaper which Friedrich Albert Lange intended to found in Duisburg.—136
[190] y h e w o r d s 'Caveant consules ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat' ('Let the consuls beware lest the Republic suffer harm') used to be addressed by the Roman Senate to the consuls in time of danger for the state; the meaning was that they were empowered to appoint a dictator.—137
[194] At the Central Council meeting of 28 March 1865 the General Secretary, William Cremer, spoke on behalf of the Council's deputation (Eccarius, Weston, Jung, Fox, and others). He reported on the results of their meeting with the delegates of the National Shoemakers' Union and its adoption of the following resolution: 'That we cordially agree with the principles of the International Association as represented so eloquently by the deputation from that body and pledge ourselves to join them for the furtherance of those principles and endeavour to spread their liberal and glorious ideas among our constituents.'— 140
[196] The notice entitled 'A Correction' was published with slight changes in Der weiße Adler, No. 48, 22 April 1865 over Jung's signature (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 97-98).—143
[199] The coopting of Pierre Vinçard, a working-class journalist and veteran of the 1848 revolution, for the Paris Administration (which already included Fribourg, Limousin and Tolain) was meant to make the French members of the International familiar with the revolutionary and socialist traditions of the French working-class movement of the 1840s. However, Vinçard did not accept the appointment for personal reasons, about which he informed Dupont, the Corresponding Secretary of the Central Council for France, in a letter of 30 April 1865.—149
[206] u s President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth, an agent of Southern planters and New York bankers. Andrew Johnson became President. On 2 May 1865 the Central Council of the International took a decision to draw up an address to the American people. At the Council meeting of 9 May Marx read out the 'Address from the Working Men's International Association to President Johnson' which he had written. The Address was passed to President Johnson through Adams, the American envoy to England (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 99-100).—155
[210] The national Reform Conference, sponsored by the liberal National Reform Union, was held in Manchester on 15 and 16 May 1865. Most of its delegates were representatives of the bourgeoisie. They refused to include the demand for universal manhood suffrage in the conference's resolutions as proposed by the International's Central Council member Cremer, who was supported by Ernest Jones and some delegates of the Reform League (see Note 155). Edmond Beales, President of the Reform League, and other radicals adopted an indecisive attitude to the nature of the reform. As a result, the conference carried a moderate resolution to extend the franchise to householders and house tenants who paid poor-rates. The report of the Manchester Conference was published in The Bee-Hive Newspaper, No. 188, 20 May 1865.—158
[211] Early in May 1865 the House of Commons turned down Baines' moderately liberal Bill which envisaged the reduction of the electoral qualification in the cities from £10 to £6. This reflected the sentiments of the British bourgeoisie which was scared by the scope of the reform movement among the workers. On 2 May 1865 the Executive Committee of the Reform League addressed a 22-1196 manifesto to the British workers, calling on them to take part in the campaign for manhood suffrage.—158
[231] Marx is referring to a campaign of preparations for the Anglo-French industrial exhibition timed for the fiftieth anniversary of the peace treaty between Britain and France (1815) which was to open on 8 August 1865. At its meeting on 30 May 1865 the Central Council of the International censured this attempt to divert the workers from the political struggle and diminish the influence of the International.—174
[248] The Nordstern of 19 August 1865 published Moses Hess' article 'Eine Warnung' ('A Warning') in which he opposed the idea of reorganising the General Association of German Workers under the leadership of Johann Philipp Becker. In his Paris correspondence 'Der Kongress der "Internationalen Arbeiter-Association" vertagt' published in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 130, of 30 August, Hess described the leaders of the International Association as 'some demagogues sitting at a safe distance from the firing line'.—190
[251] The enclosed letter, dated 13 November 1865, was from Theodor Metzner, Sigfrid Meyer and August Vogt, members of the Berlin branch of the General Association of German Workers. During Wilhelm Liebknecht's stay in Berlin all three came into close contact with him which they continued to maintain after his expulsion from Berlin. In their letter the Berlin workers who gravitated towards the International informed Marx about the working-class movement in Germany and the split in the General Association and asked Marx to come to Berlin to lead it.—196, 197, 198, 201
[272] The Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung No. 1, of 1 January 1866 printed Schulze-Delitzsch's announcement about the publication of his new work, Die Abschaffung des geschäftlichen Risico durch Herrn Lassalle. Ein neues Capitel zum Deutschen Arbeiterkatechismus. Written in reply to Lassalle's Herr Bastiat-Schulze von Delitzsch, der ökonomische Julian, oder: Capital und Arbeit, it soon after appeared in Berlin.—211
[276] Marx is referring to a series of articles against Poland by Proudhonist Hector Denis published in the Belgian newspaper La Tribune du Peuple in March-June 1864 under the heading La question polonaise et la démocratie At Marx's request, between the end of January and early April 1866 Engels wrote a series of articles, entided What Have the Working Classes to Do with Poland}, in which he substantiated the International's stand on the nationalities question and criticised the Proudhonists' national nihilism and the Bonapartists' profiteering by the so-called principle of nationalities (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 152-61).—213
[285] Marx presumably refers to L'Anti-Proudhon, a book by Denis (de Chateaugiron), that appeared in Rennes in 1860. From the Catholic standpoint Denis polemises over Proudhon's views set forth in his three-volume work De la Justice dans le Révolution et dans l'Église, Paris, 1858.—218
[299] During the Prussian Provincial Diet's session in January and February 1866, the Party-of-Progress majority in the Chamber of Deputies opposed the Bismarck government on many issues. For instance, the Chamber voted down the decision of the Supreme Tribunal on the prosecution of the deputies Karl Twesten and Frenzel (see Note 292), opposed the annexation of the duchy of Lauenburg by Prussia without the approval of both Chambers and denounced the prohibition of the banquet in Cologne (see Note 224). The Chamber's commissions opposed the increase of the military budget for 1866 and the agreement between the government and the Cologne-Minden Railway Joint-Stock Company (see Note 237). Following these actions, the Prussian government ordered that the session be closed down ahead of time on 23 February 1866 and on 9 May 1866 it disbanded the Provisional Diet.—229
[304] The agreement between the Bismarck government and the Board of the Cologne-Minden Railway Joint-Stock Company (see Note 237) was discussed by a Commission of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies on 21 February 1866 and declared to be 'unconstitutional and invalid'. Due to its dissolution ahead of time (see Note 299), the Chamber was unable to consider the issue. Soon after that a statement appeared allegedly issued by the Board, which cancelled the agreement. On 28 February 1866, however, the Board officially denounced this as a rumour.— 236
[317] A meeting between the Prime Minister of Prussia, Manteuffel, and the Austrian Prime Minister, Schwarzenberg, took place in Olmiitz (Olomouc) on 29 November 1850. Under the pressure of the Russian Emperor Nicholas I, Prussia had to give up her claims to take part in suppressing the uprising in the Electorate of Hesse in favour of Austria and in general, to abstain from attempts to establish her hegemony in Germany.—254
[341] An allusion to Bismarck's well-known expression about the unification of Germany by 'blood and iron'. He said at a sitting of the budget commission of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies in September 1862: 'The great questions of time are decided not by speeches and majority decisions — this was the mistake of 1848 and 1849 — but by iron and blood'.—282
[347] Mutualists, or supporters of mutual assistance, was the name adopted in the 1860s by the French Proudhonists, adherents of Proudhon's reformist ideas on the emancipation of labour by organising mutual assistance, equitable exchange of services and cheap credit.—287
[348] A reference to the decisive battle in the Austro-Prussian war (see Note 345), which was fought at Königgrätz (Hradec-Krâlové) not far from the village of Sadowa (Bohemia) on 3 July 1866. The batde of Sadowa resulted in grave defeat for the Austrian forces. It is also known as the batde of Königgrätz.— 288, 537
[360] The plan for Little Germany was a scheme to unite Germany without Austria under Prussia's supremacy.— 297
[363] Eschenheimer Gasse—the street in Frankfurt am Main where the Federal Diet was in 1816-66.—299
[366] On 23 July 1866 the Reform League (see Note 155) called a meeting in Hyde Park in support of manhood suffrage. Although banned by the government, the meeting took place; there was a clash between its participants and the police and several dozen workers were arrested. On 24 and 25 July tens of thousands workers, many of them armed, gathered round Hyde Park. The police and army units were sent against the demonstrators and a state of siege was virtually introduced in the capital; a threat arose of a clash of the people with the police and army. In this situation on 25 July a delegation of the League headed by its President Edmond Beales met the Home Secretary Spencer Walpole and promised to persuade the demonstrators to disperse if the army and police were ordered out of the park. Walpole agreed to this and did not object to another meeting in Hyde Park due on 30 July. However, during its preparation, Walpole denied his permission. His words were confirmed by Austin Holyoake, a member of the League Council, in his report about this talks with Walpole published in The Times. Fearing the mounting revolutionary activity of the masses the Council decided not to call any open-air meetings.—300
[381] At the proposal of the French delegates Tolain and Fribourg, the Geneva Congress expelled Le Lubez from the General Council for his slander and intrigues. At the General Council meeting of 16 October 1866 the matter, at Le Lubez's demand, was referred to the Standing Committee, which at the Council meeting of 23 October confirmed the correctness of the report on Le Lubez's unanimous expulsion with the minutes of the Congress (see The General Council of the First International. 1866-1868. Minutes, Moscow, 1964, p. 51).— 318
[385] In the first chapter of the first edition of Volume One of Capital Marx summarised his A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy which had been published in 1859 (see present edition, Vol. 29). In the second and subsequent German editions of Volume One of Capital and in the English edition of 1887, this chapter ('Commodity and Money') comprises Part I (see present edition, Vol. 35).—328
[386] This letter is a reply to Kugelmann's letter of 23 October 1866. Kugelmann advised Marx to ask Engels for his help in arranging the loan; he also suggested that Marx should make the same request to a well-known doctor, A. Jacobi, a former activist in the Communist League, who lived in New York.—330
[411] A reference to the secret peace negotiations between France and Russia in 1855 during the Crimean war (1853-56) waged by the Anglo-Franco-Turkish coalition and Tsarist Russia. They were conducted through Baron Seebach, Saxony's envoy to Paris, who had important connections at the Russian court.— 349
[448] Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Correspondence, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975.—388, 389
[452] A reference to the extremely negative reaction of the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (in the articles published on 18 and 26 June 1867) to the statements by the British Foreign Secretary Stanley in the House of Commons on 14 June 23* and the Prime Minister Derby in the House of Lords on 20 June 1867. Stanley and Derby expressed their approval of the treaty on Luxemburg signed at the international conference in London on 11 May 1867. This treaty which guaranteed the former status and neutrality of Luxemburg put an end to the so-called Luxemburg crisis (see Note 415).—394
[453] In his reply to Marx of 20 July 1867 Freiligrath evaded a direct answer to Marx's question (see M. Häckel, Freiligraths Briefwechsel mit Marx und Engels, Th. 1, Berlin, 1968, S. 181).—398
[459] This letter was published in English for the first time in Karl Marx & Frederick Engels, Letters on 'Capital', New Park Publications, London, 1983.—410
[465] T h e Royal Society of Arts—an educational and philanthropic organisation founded in Britain in 1754. It consisted mainly of businessmen and bourgeois intellectuals and enjoyed the patronage of aristocracy. Marx violendy criticised the Society's attempts to act as a mediator in the conflicts between workers and employers with the aim of undermining the class struggle. At the same time he thought highly of its extensive library and its research publications of which he made use in his studies, especially in Capital. The Society's scientific material became available to him after he joined it in 1869.—418
[467] On 27 August 1867 during his visit to the French part of Flanders on the occasion of the anniversary of its annexation to France, Napoleon III made a speech in Lille in which he was rather pessimistic about France's situation at home and abroad.—418
[512] On 17 October 1867, during a discussion of the conscription bill in the North German Reichstag, Liebknecht, Bebel and others proposed that the standing armies should be abolished and the arming of the people substituted for them. In his speech Liebknecht described the North German Reichstag as 'the fig-leaf of absolutism'. In the course of a discussion of the coalition bill in the North German Reichstag on 19 October 1867 (see Note 507), Liebknecht, Bebel and others submitted an amendment to Section 2 of the bill which would entitle the employer to hire workers of any trade and in any numbers; the amendment also proposed that Section 2 should not abrogate the laws on the limitation and protection of child labour at factories. The amendment was adopted by the Reichstag.—456
[527] This note by Marx and the postscript from his daughter Laura were written on Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 6 November 1867.—470
[530] The Barmer Zeitung of 6 December 1867 carried a short review by Carl Siebel of Volume One of Capital, signed 'S'. Engels' review, which he had given to Siebel, was sent by Siebel, judging by his letter to Engels of 13 November 1867, not to the Barmer Zeitung but to the Rhein- und Ruhrzeitung in Duisburg. Its text has not been found.—471
[541] The letter was published in English for the first time in the Labour Monthly, No. 11, London, 1932.—484
[542] A reference to the address entitled 'The Fenian Prisoners at Manchester and the International Working Men's Association' which was written by Marx and approved by the special meeting of the General Council on 20 November 1867 (see present edition, Vol. 21). The document which was sent to the Home Secretary Gathorne-Hardy became an important part of the campaign organised by Marx in the autumn of 1867, for solidarity of the English workers with the Irish national liberation movement. The immediate aim of the address was to prevent the execution of the Fenians on whom the Manchester court had passed the death penalty (see Note 497).—485
[563] On 13 December 1867 a group of Fenians caused an explosion in Clerkenwell Prison in London, their aim being to free the imprisoned Fenian leaders. The attempt failed, but the blast destroyed several neighbouring houses, a few people were killed and over a hundred wounded. The British bourgeois press took advantage of this to spread slanderous fabrications about the Irish national liberation movement and whip up chauvinistic anti-Irish sentiments among the English population.—501, 505
[564] In his letter to Engels of 10 December 1867, Carl Siebel suggested that Otto Meissner should present Friedrich Albert Lange, a well-known philosopher, sociologist and democrat, with a copy of Volume One of Capital by Marx.—502
[567] On 6 December 1867 the Bismarck government submitted to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies draft treaties of compensation to be made to the King of Hanover and the Duke of Nassau whose possessions were annexed by Prussia after the 1866 Austro-Prussian war. In order to gain support from the Chamber, the government dismissed the unpopular Minister of Justice Lippe who had given Bismarck active help in carrying out his anti-constitutional measures, and appointed in his place Gerhardt Leonhardt, the former Minister of Justice for Hanover. Bismarck's calculations proved correct: the Prussian Chamber of Deputies approved the compensation treaties, thus sanctioning annexation of Hanover and Nassau.—506
[571] On 13 November 1867 Carl Siebel wrote to Engels that he had sent Engels' review, which had formerly been intended for publication in the Banner Zeitung, to another newspaper, whereas he had sent to the Banner Zeitung a short item on the subject that he had written himself (see Note 530). In another letter to Engels on 20 December 1867 Siebel enclosed a clipping from the Banner Zeitung with his item, published on 6 December 1867. In both letters Siebel suggested that the publication of a review of Volume One of Capital should be arranged in the Kölnische Zeitung with Meissner's assistance; he also named one of the contributors to the paper as a possible author of the review.—509
[578] After his return from London to Germany in 1862, Wilhelm Liebknecht was at one time a member of the editorial board of the Berlin Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. Initially this was an opposition newspaper but after the formation of Bismarck's government it began to turn into its mouthpiece. When Liebknecht realised this, he left the newspaper.—516
[600] A reference to the conversation between Bismarck and Karl Schurz, a German émigré in the United States who had taken part in the Civil War of 1861-65 and the editor of the newspaper Die Westliche Post, in January 1868 in Berlin. Schurz assured Bismarck that Napoleon III did not enjoy any popularity in America, and should Germany be drawn into a war with France, the United States would not support him. Marx and Engels satirised the earlier period of Schurz' activity in their pamphlet The Great Men of the Exile (see present edition, Vol. 11).—537
[614] A reference to the medical school at St Bartholomew's Hospital in London.— 553
[615] Marx gives below an excerpt from Lex Baiuvariorum, X, 18 — the code of common law of the Germanic tribe of Bavars, dating back to the 8th century.— 553
[616] Leges barbarorum (laws of the barbarians)—written records of the customary law of various Germanic tribes compiled between the 5th and 9th centuries.—558
[617] Engels came to see Marx in London on 1 April 1868 in order to be present at the wedding of Paul Lafargue and Laura Marx; he stayed there till 5 April.—560
[625] A reference to the letter to Marx from Card (Jösef Cwierczakiewicz) of 10 January 1868 in which he offered to translate Capital into French (see this volume, p. 528).—580