NOTES AND INDEXES
Residual editorial notes
54 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.
[40] The risings of the Alamanni were suppressed by Pepin the Short (in 744) and Carloman (in 746), and after this their duchy was destroyed. The Thuringians won independence in 640. Charlemagne's wars against Saxony, which was conquered and annexed to the Frankish state, lasted for more than 30 years (from 772 to 804). During this period the Saxons twice (in 782 and 792) rose in revolt against their conquerors.
[52] This refers to the rendering of the Gospel made by Otfrid, a monk from Weissenburg, between 863 and 871. Otfrid's Gospel (Liber Evangeliorum domini gratia theotisce conscriptus) is one of the first relics of ancient German literature. Its language is regarded as a southern variety of the Rhenish Franconian dialect. Engels quotes Otfrid's Gospel according to Jacob Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, Part 1, 2nd ed., Göttingen, 1822, pp. 874-76 and 894.
[71] The reference is to the Camphausen-Hansemann liberal ministry formed in Prussia on March 29, 1848.
[99] New Mexicans — see Note 79.
[115] At several points in this and the next chapters Engels makes use of his unfinished works "On the Early History of the Germans" and "The Frankish Period" (see this volume, pp. 6-107) and the article "The Mark" (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 439-56).
[139] Engels wrote this introductory note for the 1884 edition of Marx's Wage Labour and Capital (see present edition, Vol. 9, pp. 197-228); in 1891 Engels incorporated it into his Introduction to the new edition of this work by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 27). This note was published in English for the first time in K. Marx, Wage Labour and Capital, Modern Press, London, 1885.
[165] The pamphlet, Karl Marx vor den Kölner Geschwornen. Prozeß gegen den Ausschuß der rheinischen Demokraten wegen Aufrufs zum bewaffneten Widerstand, appeared early in October 1885 as the second instalment of the "Social-Democratic Library" published in German, first in Zurich, and later in London (1885-90). The pamphlet reprinted the newspaper reports on the trial from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Nos. 226 and 231-33 of February 19, 25, 27 and 28, 1849.
[170] The National Liberal Party, formed in the autumn of 1866 after a split in the Party of Progress (see Note 401), was the mainstay of an alliance between the Junkers and the bourgeoisie and advocated struggle for civil equality and bourgeois-democratic freedoms. The policy of the National Liberals showed that the German liberal bourgeoisie had capitulated to Bismarck's government. Following the introduction of Bismarck's half-hearted reforms, the National Liberal Party actively supported the policy of colonial expansion, the military build-up and suppression of the working-class movement. It continued its existence until the November 1918 Revolution in Germany.
[172] The reference is to the military and diplomatic steps which Bismarck's government took in connection with the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. In October 1865, Bismarck conducted unofficial negotiations with Napoleon III in Biarritz, seeking to secure France's neutrality in the war he was planning. Questions under discussion concerned a possible return to Italy of Venetia, then belonging to Austria, as well as territorial concessions to France at the expense of the Rhine provinces and other territories. These talks resulted in the conclusion on April 8, 1866 of a treaty on an offensive and defensive alliance between Prussia and Italy. The treaty provided for Italy to attack Austria only after Prussia had started the war. If Prussia's attack did not follow within three months, the treaty was to be invalid. In July 1866, on Bismarck's initiative, a Hungarian legion was formed in Silesia under the command of General Klapka. The aim of the legion, which consisted of Hungarian émigrés and prisoners-of-war, was to invade Hungary during the war. However, Klapka's legion, soon after crossing the frontier early in August 1866, was recalled and disbanded in connection with the end of the war. After trie conclusion of the Prague Peace Treaty on August 23, 1866, Prussia annexed (on September 20) the Kingdom of Hanover, the Electorate of Hesse-Kassel, the Duchy of Nassau and the city of Frankfurt am Main, which had fought on Austria's side.
[213] See Note 210.
[214] In this article Engels is making a critical analysis of the English translation of the first and part of the second sections of Chapter I, Vol. I of Marx's Capital (see present edition, Vol. 35), printed in the magazine To-day, Vol. 4, No. 22, October 1885, pp. 429-36. The translation was the work of Henry Hyndman, leader of the Social-Democratic Federation, who wrote under the pseudonym John Broadhouse. After the appearance of Engels' article, Hyndman continued to publish his translation; altogether seven chapters and the greater part of the eighth chapter of Vol. I were printed in To-day up to May 1889. The full English translation of Vol. I of Capital, done by Samuel Moore and edited by Engels, appeared in 1887.
[227] The Seven Years' War (1756-63) — a war between the Anglo-Prussian and the Franco-Russo-Austrian coalition. The war was caused by the conflict of interests among the feudal absolutist powers (Prussia, Austria, Russia and France) and the colonial rivalry between France and Britain. It resulted in the expansion of the British colonial empire at the expense of the French possessions and in the growth of Russia's might; Austria and Prussia more or less retained their pre-war frontiers.
[232] Engels is referring to the two tables from August Meitzen's book Der Boden und die landxvirthschaftlichen Verhältnisse des Preußischen Staates nach dem Gebietsum-fange vor 1866, Vol. I, Berlin, 1868. The first table sums up the results of the redemption operations from 1816 to 1848; the second table those from 1816 to the end of 1865.
[233] This is one of the fundamental works of Marxism. It reveals the relationship between Marxism and its philosophical predecessors as represented by Hegel and Feuerbach, the prominent exponents of German classical philosophy, and provides a systematic exposition of the fundamentals of dialectical and historical materialism. The work was originally published in Die Neue Zeit, the theoretical journal of the German Social-Democratic Party; in 1888 it appeared as a pamphlet for which Engels wrote a special preface (see this volume, pp. 519-20). The supplement to this edition contained Marx's Theses on Feuerbach, published for the first time. In 1889, the St. Petersburg journal Severny Vestnik, Nos 3 and 4, carried a Russian translation of Engels' work entitled The Crisis of the Philosophy of Classical Idealism in Germany. The author's name was not mentioned, and the text contained many additions and digressions. It was signed G. L. (the initials of the translator — G. Lvovich). In 1890 Engels' work was translated into Polish. In 1892 the Emancipation of Labour group in Geneva published the full Russian translation of this work by Georgy Plekhanov; the same year it was translated into Bulgarian. In 1894 the Paris journal Ère nouvelle, Nos 4 and 5 published the French translation by Laura Lafargue edited by the author. The second (stereotype) German edition appeared in 1895. There were no other editions of this work during Engels' lifetime. The work was published in English for the first time in 1903 by Kerr Publishers, USA, under the title The Roots of Socialist Philosophy.
[235] Engels is quoting here, in a slightly changed form, a passage from Hegel's preface to Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts (p. XIX), which reads: "What is rational is real and what is real is rational."
[254] "kittle Ireland"—a district in the southern suburbs of Manchester, inhabited mainly by Irish workers; a detailed description of it is given by Engels in The Condition of the Working-Class in England (present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 360-62). The "Seven Dials"—seven radial streets in the heart of London at that time inhabited mainly by workers.
[257] Engels wrote this letter in response to a request by the French Socialists that he express publicly his solidarity with them on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Paris Commune. The letter was read out at a meeting in commemoration of the Commune on March 18, 1886 and published in Le Socialiste on March 27, 1886 under the title "Lettre d'Engels". This letter was published in English for the first time in Frederick Engels, Paul and Laura Lafargue, Correspondence, Vol. I, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1959, pp. 406-07.
[262] The reference is to the Freycinet Government (January 7-December 3, 1886) consisting mostly of radicals and moderate republicans, as distinct from the majority of the previous cabinets, to which, as a rule, radicals were in opposition.
[265] This article is a letter written by Engels to Paul Lafargue on October 25, 1886 (see present edition, Vol. 47), with slight abridgements and editorial changes. Engels wrote this letter in reply to Lafargue's request for his opinion on the situation in the Balkans and the course the foreign policy of the European powers would take in connection with the growing rivalry between Tsarist Russia and the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This article is the only one Engels wrote for the press in the 1880s on questions of foreign policy. The German translation of the article was published in the New York paper Sozialist on November 20 and 27 and December 4, 1886. It was also translated into Romanian and printed in the magazine Revista Sociala, No. 2, December 1886; an abridged version of the article was published in German translation in the newspaper Sozialdemokrat on December 12, 1886.
[267] The suppression of the Polish national insurrection was followed, in 1795, by the third partition of Poland between Austria, Prussia and Russia, and the final abolition of the Polish state. By decision of the Vienna Congress (1814-15) the Kingdom of Poland was formed within the Russian Empire. It incorporated the greater part of lands seized by Prussia and Austria during the third partition of Poland.
[272] Greeting Alexander III on May 13 (25), 1886, on his return to Moscow from the Crimea, the city mayor Alexeyev said, "Our faith is strengthening that the cross of Christ will shine on St. Sophia" (he meant St. Sophia's Cathedral in Constantinople).
[276] Part of this article was published in English for the first time in K. Marx and F. Engels, On Literature and Art, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, pp. 406-07.
[280] This refers to the events of June 5-6, 1849 in Karlsruhe, the capital of Baden. The radical wing of the democrats, who were discontented with the capitulatory policy of the Baden Provisional Government headed by Brentano, founded the Club of Resolute Progress in Karlsruhe on June 5, 1849. The Club suggested that Brentano extend the revolution beyond Baden and the Palatinate and introduce radicals into his government. When Brentano refused, the Club tried, on June 6, to force the government to comply by threatening an armed demonstration. But the government, supported by the civil militia and other armed units, proved the stronger party in the conflict. The Club of Resolute Progress was disbanded.
[290] See Note 174.
[295] The reference is to the conflict between Edward Aveling and the Executive of the Socialist Labor Party of North America, which accused Aveling of overspending when touring the USA together with Eleanor Marx-Aveling and Wilhelm Liebknecht for the purpose of propaganda. The conflict, which lasted for several months, was resolved with Engels' active participation. For more details, see this volume, pp. 617-18. The Socialist Labor Party of North America was formed in 1876 at the Unity Congress in Philadelphia by the members of the American sections of the First International and other socialist organisations in the USA. Most of its members were immigrants (chiefly Germans), who had little contact with American-born workers. There was a struggle inside the Party between the reformist leaders, who were mostly Lassalleans, and the Marxist wing headed by Marx's and Engels' comrade-in-arms Friedrich Adolph Sorge. The Party proclaimed as its programme the fight for socialism but did not become a truly revolutionary Marxist mass organisation owing to the sectarian policy of its leaders, who disregarded the need for work in the mass organisations of the American proletariat.
[301] Engels wrote this letter on the occasion of the international festival of brotherhood held in Paris on February 19, 1887 on the initiative of a number of organisations of foreign socialists in France. Taking part in it were German, Scandinavian, Polish and Russian socialist émigrés. The purpose of the festival was to voice protest against the military build-up and war preparations in Europe. Engels' letter was read out at the festival and printed in the Socialiste on February 26. A German translation was carried by Der Sozialdemokrat on March 11, by the Austrian paper Gleichheit on March 5, and by the New York Sozialist on March 19.
[334] Engels is referring to an attempt on the life of Napoleon III by the Italian revolutionary Felice Orsini on January 14, 1858. In this way Orsini hoped to encourage revolutionary action in Europe and advance the campaign for Italy's unification. The attempt failed, and Orsini was executed on March 13 of that year.
[351] Kulturkampf—the term used to designate the campaign of the Bismarck government in 1871-75 against the Catholic Church and the Party of the Centre closely associated with it, which expressed separatist and anti-Prussian tendencies widespread in Western and South-Western Germany. A number of laws were passed for the purpose of weakening the influence of the Centre and the Catholic clergy which supported it. However, the Church refused to comply. In the second half of the 1870s and early 1880s, against the background of the growing workers' movement, Bismarck, seeking to unite all reactionary forces, effected a reconciliation with the Catholic Church; the majority of the laws were repealed.
[359] The National Association (Deutscher National-Verein) was a party of the German liberal bourgeoisie which advocated the unification of Germany (without Austria) in a strong centralised state under the aegis of the Prussian monarchy. Its inaugural congress was held in Frankfurt in September 1859. After the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and the formation of the North German Confederation, the National Association announced its dissolution in November 1867.
[363] The war of Austria and Prussia against Denmark, caused by the latter's refusal to give up its plans to annex Schleswig, began in February 1864 and ended in July with a total defeat of the Danish army. Under the peace treaty signed in Vienna on October 30, 1864, Denmark lost its rights to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, as well as to the small principality of Lauenburg, which were declared the joint possession (condominium) of Austria and Prussia.
[369] The North German Confederation (Norddeutscher Bund)—a federative state formed in 1867 after Prussia's victory in the Austro-Prussian war to replace the disintegrated German Confederation (see Note 171). The North German Confederation included nineteen states and three free cities, which were formally recognised as autonomous. The Confederation ceased to exist in January 1871, when the German Empire was formed.
[382] See Note 350.
[414] See Note 351.
[418] See Note 312.
[426] This article was written by Engels in English as a preface to the American edition of Marx's speech on the question of free trade delivered in Brussels on January 9, 1848 (see present edition, Vol. 6, pp. 450-65). Engels also looked through the translation of the speech made by Florence Kelly-Wischnewetzky and translated his preface into German. It was first published in that language in Die Neue Zeit, No. 7, July 1888. In the second half of August, it was published in the English original in The Labor Standard in New York. The publication of Marx's speech in pamphlet form was delayed, as many publishers refused to accept it, and it was not printed until September 1888 by Lee and Shephard Publishers, Boston. The concluding part of the article was also published in German in Der Sozialist (New York) on October 27, 1888.
[443] This letter written by Engels (see Engels to Laura Lafargue, May 7, 1889, present edition, Vol. 48) in connection with the preparations for the international socialist congress was published in The Labour Elector on behalf of the French socialist Charles Bonnier, who was actively involved in the work. The decisive role in the convocation of the congress belonged to Marxist organisations, the German Social-Democratic and French Workers' parties, which acted under Engels' guidance. Opportunists, mostly French Possibilists (see Note 444) supported by the British Social-Democratic Federation, sought to prevent the consolidation of revolutionary Marxist forces and tried to take the organisation of the congress into their hands, but in vain. The International Socialist Workers' Congress, which took place in Paris in July 1889, highlighted the Marxists' victory. It paved the way for a new international proletarian association, the Second International. The alternative congress convened by the Possibilists and their allies failed to win the support of the majority of socialist organisations and proved a flop.
[447] This is Engels' letter to James Keir Hardie, editor of the Labour Leader magazine, where it was published without a heading in the "Mining Notes" section and supplied with the following introductory note: "The great miners' strike in Germany is over, and the men have succeeded in establishing their demand for an 8-hour day from bank to bank. Mr. Frederick Engels, the eminent historian of the labour movement, and the life-long friend of the great Karl Marx, sends me the following interesting note on the strike." The Ruhr miners' strike was one of the major events in the German working-class movement in late 19th century. It began on May 4, 1889 in the Gelsenkirchen mining district and spread to the entire Dortmund area. Up to 90,000 people were taking part at its peak. Some of the strikers were under the influence of Social-Democrats. The main demands of the strikers were: higher wages, reduction of the working day to 8 hours, and recognition of workers' committees. The industrialists promised to meet some of the workers' demands, as a result of which work was partially resumed in mid-May. However, as the employers went back on their word, a miners' delegates' meeting held on May 24 passed a decision to continue the strike. Repressive measures, on the one hand, and fresh promises by mine-owners, on the other, prompted the workers to call off the strike in early June.
[451] This article was occasioned by the campaign launched by the Possibilists (see Note 444) in France and their adherents in the Social-Democratic Federation in Britain in order to discredit the International Socialist Workers' Congress held in Paris between July 14 and 21, 1889, at which the Marxist parties of European countries clearly dominated. Initially, the Possibilists tried to take preparations for the congress into their hands and thus secure themselves a leading role but, having failed to do so, they convened an alternative congress in Paris, attended by only a few foreign delegates, their representation in most cases being purely fictitious. The attempt to unite the two congresses failed, since the Possibilist Congress made unification conditional on reverification of the credentials of the delegates to the Marxist congress.
[454] Thi s is an excerpt from Engels' letter apparently addressed to Eleanor Marx. The excerpt was printed by The Labour Elector and published in German translation in the New Yorker Volkszeitung on September 25, 1889 and the Berliner Volks-Tribüne on October 26, 1889. The London dockers' strike from August 12 to September 14, 1889 was a major event in the British working-class movement of the late 19th century. Taking part in it were 30,000 dockers and over 30,000 workers of other trades; the majority were unskilled labourers who did not belong to any trade union. The strikers obtained higher wages and better working conditions. The dockers' strike introduced more organisation into the movement: a, dockers' and some other unions were set up which embraced a large number of unskilled workers and came to be known as the New Trade Unions.
[455] This article carried by the Sozialdemokrat aroused profound interest in the socialist quarters in many countries: on October 11, 1889, it was reprinted by the Vienna Arbeiter-Zeitung; on October 12, in a slightly abridged English translation, by The Labour Elector, on October 26 (with insignificant editorial changes and under the heading, "Was die Bourgeoisie nicht kann und was die Arbeiter können"), by the Berliner Volks-Tribüne, as well as by other newspapers in Germany and the USA. In 1890, the article was translated into Russian and published in the Cou,uajit>-deM.oKpami>, No. 1, 1890. This article was published in English in full for the first time in: Marx and Engels, Articles on Britain, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971.
[458] Engels probably wrote this passage when working on The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. In content, it relates to the passage in Chapter IX of the book which deals with the survival of the gentile system in medieval aristocratic, patrician and peasant associations (see this volume, pp. 268-69). However, due to the absence of any other information, the dating of this fragment, written in longhand on a separate sheet, is only provisional. The title has been supplied by the editors.
[460] Engels wrote these notes when preparing the new edition of his book The Peasant War in Germany. As is clear from his letters, specifically, to Friedrich Adolph Sorge of December 31, 1884, he intended to revise it completely presenting the peasant war of 1525 as "the pivot for the whole history of Germany" (see present edition, Vol. 47). This demanded that substantial historical data be added. The notes written on a separate sheet are probably a fragment and a draft plan for the introduction to the book. Engels' intention to publish a revised edition of The Peasant War in Germany was not realised.
[463] Engels may have written this unfinished work when he was preparing the new edition of The Peasant War in Germany (see Note 460). Its content shows that it was to serve as part of the introduction to the new edition. Engels also used his earlier notes on the history of Germany, namely the manuscript Varia on Germany (present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 599-610). The title has been supplied by the editors.
[467] The Slavs of the Elbe (Laba)—a large group of West Slavic peoples which at the end of the first and beginning of the second millennium A.D. inhabited the territory between the Laba and its tributary, the Sala (Saale), in the West, and the Odra (Oder) in the East. Beginning in the 10th century, German feudal lords launched a systematic campaign to capture the Slavic lands and set up military districts, the marks, on conquered territories. Despite the resistance of the indigenous population, in the second half of the 12th century the Germans managed to capture the last free territories of the Slavs of the Elbe. Some of the Slavs were annihilated, some were forcibly Germanised, and others managed to retain their ethnic and cultural features.
[476] Here Engels has in mind the Huguenots' movement which unfolded in the 16th century under the religious banner of Calvinism and led to the Huguenot, or religious wars between the Catholics and the Protestants (Huguenots), which continued, with interruptions, throughout the second half of the 16th century. They produced economic dislocation and political anarchy, which worsened the conditions of the masses and provoked peasant revolts. Frightened by them, the feudal lords and the bourgeoisie rallied round Henry of Navarre, a former Huguenot leader, representative of the new Bourbon dynasty, who adopted Catholicism and became king under the name of Henry IV.
[479] This original research is based on materials carried by Chartist papers, Engels' own notes and personal reminiscences. In fact, it is a detailed synopsis of a work on the history of Chartism. It highlights the role of its Left wing, the influence on each other of Chartist agitation in England and the Irish people's liberation movement. Engels compiled the table at the request of the German socialist Hermann Schlüter to help him write a history of the Chartist movement. The chronology drawn up by Engels by late August 1886 probably provided the basis for Schlüter's book Die Chartistenbewegung in England which appeared in Zurich a year later.
[482] The reference is to the Bill moved by James Graham for discussion in the House of Commons on March 8, 1843. It provided for the regulation of child and adolescent employment in factories, specifically, reduction of children's working day to six and a half hours. The Bill met with strong opposition on the part of MPs and the various public groups, e.g., the Dissenters (see Note 486). Graham withdrew his motion. On the factory legislation, see also Note 161.
[485] Educational Clauses—a component part of the Factory Bill proposed by James Graham (see Note 482). Under these clauses, the children living in the industrial regions of Great Britain were to attend school not more than three times a week. However, this was opposed by the Dissenters (see Note 486), who constituted a significant part of the population there and were against the teaching at schools of the Scriptures based on the dogmas of the Anglican Church.
[487] The Court of Queen's Bench is one of the high courts in England; in the 19th century (up to 1873), it was an independent supreme court for criminal and civil cases, competent to reconsider the decisions of lower judicial bodies.
[496] Engels may have written these notes in the second half of September 1888, when sailing on the City of New York from America, where he had spent over a month (August 17 to September 19, 1888) together with Eleanor Marx-Aveling, Edward Aveling and his friend Carl Schorlemmer. They travelled from New York to Boston, nearby towns, and the Niagara Falls, and took a voyage across Lake Ontario stopping over in Canada. Judging by the concise form of the notes, Engels probably intended to write an article about the trip. However, this plan was never carried out. The fragment "Impressions of a Journey Round America" (see this volume, pp. 584-86) is only the beginning of this work.
[499] The fragment is probably the beginning of Engels' proposed article on his trip to the United States (see Note 496).
[501] This is a draft reply, written by Engels on behalf of Eleanor Marx-Aveling to the To-Day editors over the publication (No. 1, April 14, 1883) of an English translation from the French of Chapter XXIII of Capital (corresponds to Chapter XXI of the German original). Its heading, "I.—The Serfdom of Work" was the editor's invention. In the letter, permission to publish the translation of one more chapter was made conditional on certain terms. They were fulfilled, as may be seen from the editorial note to the publication of Chapter "II.—The Lordship of Wealth" in the To-Day, No. 2, June 1883. "This chapter is translated from the second and third sections of Chapter X of the original. The selection published in our last issue was translated from Chapter XXIII of the original. The translations are, of course, our own, and not those of the late Karl Marx." The sub-heading noted that the translation was from the French edition of 1872.
[507] This article was based on Engels' letter to Paul Lafargue of November 14, 1885 (see present edition, Vol. 47). On November 13 Engels was requested to write it by Lafargue, who was preparing Engels' biography for a series on outstanding international socialists carried by Le Socialiste. The article was anonymously printed by the newspaper on November 21, 1885 as the second part of Engels' biography. The paper also carried Engels' portrait by Clarus sent to Engels by Lafargue together with the letter of November 13. Part of this article was published in English for the first time in Marx K., Engels F., Writings on the Paris Commune, New York-London, 1971, p. 234.
[514] The letter to the New Yorker Volkszeitung printed on March 30, 1887 and signed by Edward Aveling was written by Engels, as is seen from the rough copy. It was prompted by the conflict between Aveling and the Executive of the Socialist Labor Party of North America (see Note 295).