Marxism and Anarchism¶

Frederick Engels¶

Core Argument¶

This collection of writings, drawn from the Marxist theoretical tradition, sets out to demonstrate that anarchism is not a revolutionary alternative to Marxism but a fundamentally reactionary current that, despite its anti-capitalist rhetoric, serves to disarm the working class ideologically and politically. The central thesis is that anarchism's rejection of political action, state power, and organised leadership is not a sign of revolutionary purity but a profound theoretical error rooted in petty-bourgeois individualism, which leaves the working class defenceless against the concentrated power of the capitalist state.

The book argues that Marxism and anarchism share the ultimate goal of a classless, stateless society, but disagree fundamentally on the means of achieving it. Where anarchism demands the immediate abolition of all authority and the state as the first act of revolution, Marxism insists that the working class must first seize state power, wield it as a weapon against the defeated exploiters, and use it to begin the construction of socialism. The state, in the Marxist conception, will not be abolished by decree but will wither away as class distinctions disappear and the material conditions for a stateless society are created. The historical record, from the Paris Commune to the Spanish Revolution, is presented as conclusive evidence that anarchist abstention from political power leads not to liberation but to defeat.

Overview¶

The book opens with an introductory chapter that establishes the contemporary crisis of capitalism as the context for the revival of anarchist ideas, arguing that mass protest movements, however instinctually revolutionary, require the theoretical coherence and organisational discipline that only Marxism can provide. The historical experience of the Industrial Workers of the World and the Spanish Revolution is invoked to demonstrate that anarchism's refusal to engage with political power has consistently led to isolation, defeat, and the restoration of bourgeois order.

The theoretical section that follows grounds the Marxist critique in historical materialism, tracing the roots of anarchist thought to the utopian socialists and eighteenth-century French Materialists who sought to perfect society by appealing to an abstract "human nature" independent of material conditions. Plekhanov's devastating critique exposes the anarchist tradition from Stirner through Proudhon to Bakunin as a series of petty-bourgeois utopias that oscillate between radicalism and conservatism, unable to grasp the material basis of class society or the developmental logic that drives capitalism toward socialism.

The historical heart of the book is the struggle between Marx and Bakunin within the First International, a conflict that ultimately destroyed the organisation. Bakunin's secret faction, his adventurism in the Nechayev affair, and his catastrophic intervention in the Lyons uprising are presented as evidence that anarchism, when tested in practice, produces not liberation but chaos and defeat. Engels's polemic On Authority provides the theoretical keystone, arguing that authority is not a political invention of capitalism but a technical necessity imposed by the material conditions of modern industry, and that a revolution is itself "the most authoritarian thing there is."

The book then moves through a series of twentieth-century polemics, including Lenin's 1901 theses demolishing anarchism as bourgeois individualism in reverse, and Trotsky's sustained critique of syndicalism and individual terrorism. Trotsky's interventions against the French syndicalist Pierre Monatte trace the trajectory of a revolutionary who, failing to learn the lessons of the war and the October Revolution, retreated to pre-war positions that objectively served the bourgeoisie. The critique of Michael Albert's Participatory Economics demonstrates that even the most sophisticated anarchist alternatives to capitalism merely repackage old errors, substituting abstract first principles for the concrete historical experience of workers' struggles.

The final sections examine the Kronstadt rebellion and the Makhno movement, arguing that both were not heroic libertarian uprisings but expressions of the petty-bourgeois peasantry's contradictory position in a backward agrarian society. Newly opened Soviet archives are cited to demonstrate that the Kronstadt rebellion was led by tsarist officers and financed by émigré capital, while Makhno's army, initially a peasant force defending land against the White counter-revolution, degenerated into a kulak band that terrorised workers and poor peasants. The Spanish Revolution is presented as the conclusive historical verdict on anarchism: in July 1936, workers in Barcelona smashed a fascist uprising and gained complete control of the city, yet the anarchist leadership refused to form a workers' government, allowing the bourgeoisie and Stalinists to rebuild the state and crush workers' power.

Chapter Guide¶

Introduction — The global crisis of capitalism has revived anarchist ideas, but only Marxism provides the theoretical and organisational tools necessary for revolutionary transformation.
Section One: Marxist and Anarchist Theory — Anarchism's rejection of political leadership, state power, and theoretical analysis is not revolutionary but historically and materially untenable.
Anarchism and Socialism — Plekhanov traces anarchism's methodological roots to utopian socialism and demonstrates that it is merely another word for reaction.
Marx versus Bakunin — The struggle between Marx and Bakunin within the First International ended with Bakunin's expulsion and the destruction of the organisation.
On Authority — Engels argues that authority is a technical necessity of modern industry and that a revolution is the most authoritarian thing there is.
Anarchism and Socialism — Lenin's theses demolish anarchism as bourgeois individualism in reverse, historically barren and politically reactionary.
Michael Albert and Parecon — Albert's Participatory Economics repackages old anarchist errors with pre-Marxist utopianism and reformism.
Section Two: Marxist and Anarchist Tactics — Trotsky argues that individual terrorism is a profoundly reactionary tactic that disarms the proletariat ideologically and politically.
Marxism and Direct Action — The juxtaposition of spontaneous direct action against organised political struggle is a false dichotomy that leaves the working class defenceless.
Section Three: Anarcho-syndicalism — Trotsky refutes the syndicalist claim that trade unions represent the working class as a whole and can substitute for a revolutionary party.
The Anarcho-Syndicalist Prejudices Again! — Trotsky exposes the theoretical incoherence of Louzon's syndicalism, which moves from false universalism to national exceptionalism.
Communism and Syndicalism — The Communist Party must lead the proletariat in every sphere, including the trade unions, and syndicalist epigones are reactionary.
The Errors in Principle of Syndicalism — Trotsky argues that syndicalism's twin principles of trade union autonomy and unity are hollow abstractions that serve capitalist domination.
Monatte Crosses the Rubicon — Trotsky breaks definitively with Monatte, who has aligned with a figure condemned as a perfidious enemy of the proletarian revolution.
The Mistakes of Rightist Elements of the Communist League on the Trade Union Question — Every major disaster of the Communist International flows from betraying the principle that the party must be the independent vanguard of the proletariat.
The Communist International to the IWW — The Comintern appeals to the IWW to abandon its anti-political stance and align with the Third International at a moment of world-historical crisis.
Section Four: Kronstadt and Makhno — The Kronstadt rebellion and Makhno movement were not libertarian uprisings but expressions of the petty-bourgeois peasantry's conservatism.
Hue and Cry Over Kronstadt — The campaign around Kronstadt is fuelled by a "people's front" of anarchists, Mensheviks, liberals, and reactionaries seeking to discredit revolutionary Marxism.
Kronstadt: Trotsky Was Right! — Newly opened Soviet archives vindicate the Bolshevik suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion as a necessary defence against counter-revolution.
Who Was Makhno and What Did He Stand For? — Makhno's movement was not a genuine working-class revolution but a petty-bourgeois peasant phenomenon that served reactionary ends.
Section Five: The Spanish Revolution — The Spanish Civil War demonstrated that anarchism's refusal to seize power leaves the working class defenceless against fascism.
Trotsky's "The Class, the Party, and the Leadership" — The Spanish Revolution failed not because workers were immature but because they lacked a party capable of leading them to victory.

Key Concepts¶

Historical materialism — The Marxist method that grounds legal relations and forms of state in material conditions of life, specifically the relations of production corresponding to a given stage of productive forces.
Dictatorship of the proletariat — The transitional workers' state necessary to crush capitalist resistance and begin the construction of socialism, which will wither away when classes are abolished.
Permanent revolution — The theory that democratic tasks such as land reform cannot be achieved without the proletariat conquering power, which itself places socialist revolution on the agenda.
Petty-bourgeois socialism — A current that oscillates between radicalism and conservatism, wishing to perpetuate private property while destroying the state, rooted in the unstable position of the small proprietor.
Vanguard party — The active, class-conscious minority that articulates revolutionary theory and tactics, winning the confidence of the masses through struggle.
Trade union autonomy — The syndicalist principle that unions should be independent of political parties, which Trotsky argues is a hollow abstraction that serves capitalist domination.
Propaganda of the deed — The anarchist tactic of individual terrorism and insurrectionary acts, which Trotsky condemns as substituting mechanical action for social struggle.
Coordinator class — Albert's term for a layer that monopolises skills and knowledge, which Marxists argue is not a class in the Marxist sense, as its power does not derive from property ownership.

Chapters¶

22 chapters