Communism and Syndicalism¶
Core Argument¶
Chapter Digest: Communism and Syndicalism¶
This chapter confronts the trade union question as the central axis of the Opposition’s influence, arguing that the Communist Party must lead the proletariat in every sphere, including the unions. The pre-war revolutionary syndicalists fought for autonomy from bourgeois parties and reformist socialism, but their theory of the active minority was merely an incomplete precursor to a revolutionary party. Anarcho-syndicalism lacked a correct theory of the state and the party. In the post-war period, communism superseded syndicalism; to revive it now is reactionary. The syndicalist epigones, basing themselves on the most backward workers, demand absolute independence from the Communist Party. Yet real independence from the bourgeoisie requires a revolutionary party. Trade unions are not self-sufficient; the party is the vanguard. Party influence does not violate trade union autonomy, and Communists must submit to trade union discipline. The party’s leadership role intensifies during general strikes and revolutionary struggle. No politically independent unions exist anywhere; all follow a party. The Syndicalist League is a political organisation that masks its leadership behind the slogan of independence. That slogan is bureaucratic, not a class slogan. Trade union unity is not a fetish; the revolutionary road lies in strengthening the revolutionary CGTU and weakening the reformist CGT. The trade union opposition, by breaking with the party, disarms itself ideologically and develops in a reformist spirit.
The Communist Party’s task is not merely to gain influence over existing unions, but to win the majority of the working class through them. This requires methods suited to the unions’ nature; influence bought by narrowing unions into party auxiliaries for momentary aims is wrong. The way out lies not in counterposing unions to the party, but in an irreconcilable struggle to change both. The Left Opposition must link trade union questions to the proletariat’s political struggle, providing concrete analysis of the French labour movement, evaluating the strike movement quantitatively and qualitatively, and rejecting capitalist stabilisation. It must fight both the centrist bureaucracy’s adventurist ranting and right-wing elements hiding behind its criticism. A revolutionary organisation is not built from small conservative groups seeking mutual accommodation. In epochs when the revolutionary tendency is a minority, implacable struggle for correct perspective and genuine Marxist education of cadres is demanded. The author admits his earlier view of the Monatte group was too optimistic. Events have proven that without clear ideological demarcation from syndicalism, the French Communist Opposition cannot advance. The proposed theses are the first step on this road.