NOTES AND INDEXES

Notes

Residual editorial notes

99 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[17] The draft Rules of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany, framed by the Social-Democratic parliamentary group, was published for discussion in August 1890. The party congress in Halle (see Note 12) adopted them with a number of amendments. These concerned, in particular, the provisions which had been criticised by Engels— on the procedure for fixing salaries for members of the Executive, on the representation of the party branches at congresses, and on the functions of the Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag.— 13

[19] Engels, Selected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1968, pp. 690-91 and in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works, International Publishers, N. Y., 1968, pp. 690-91.—18 1 " In a letter dated 16 August 1890 Otto von Boenigk, who was planning to give a lecture on socialism, asked for Engels' view on the expediency and possibility of socialist reform given the existing distinctions in the level of education, political aware-ness, etc., of the different social classes. Von Boenigk's other question concerned the family of Jenny Marx.— 18

[31] Halle party congress (see Note 12), to publish in Neue ^eit a series of articles criticis-ing the party programme adopted at the Gotha congress in 1875. The prospective authors included Engels, Bebel, Auer, Bernstein and others.— 25 3 ' In his letter of 8 September Kautsky told Engels that he was looking for a deputy editor to work simultaneously for Neue £eit and Schwäbische Tagwacht, and asked Engels to help him in this matter. He mentioned Conrad Schmidt as a possible candidate.—25

[61] This letter was first published in: F. Engels, P. et L. Lafargue, Correspondance, t. II, Paris, 1956.—52

[71] The greater part of this letter was first published, in German, in the supplement to Leipziger Volkszeitung, No. 250, 26 September 1895. The first, abridged, English publication was in: S. Hook, Towards the Understanding of Karl Marx. A Revolutionary Interpretation. The John Day Company, New York, 1933.— 57

[76] This refers to the 1688 coup d'état in Britain which deposed the Stuart dynasty and established a constitutional monarchy with William of Orange on the throne (from 1689). The new system was based on a compromise between the landed aristocracy and the big bourgeoisie. British bourgeois historiographers call this coup the Glorious Revolution.— 62

[77] The deists recognise God as the impersonal rational primal cause of the world, but see him as refraining from any intervention in the life of Nature and society. In contrast to feudal and church ideology, deism tends to take a rationalistic attitude, crit-icising the medieval theological world-outlook. At the same time, it compromises with institutionalised religion, holding that it should be retained for the masses in a rationalistic form.— 62

[85] Sorge's first contribution to Mette Z.eit (No. 8, 1890) was the article 'Briefe aus Nord-amerika'.— 74

[88] This presumably refers to an article in Paterson Labor Standard of 11 October 1890 mentioned by Sorge in his letter to Engels of 14 October.— 75

[100] Engels means the manuscript Theories of Surplus-Value, the only rough draft,

[101] made by Marx in 1862-63, of the concluding — historical and critical — part of Capital. In the last few years of his life Engels, realising that he would have no time to prepare it for publication, enlisted the help of Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky. Theories of Surplus-Value, virtually the fourth book of Capital, was first published by Kautsky in 1905-10.—90 1 ° ' General Seliverstov, chief of the Tsarist secret police in Paris, was killed by the Polish socialist S. Padlewski on 18 November 1890.—92, 102, 108

[102] Paul Lafargue was in negotiation with the chairman of the Paris municipal council's education board on the organisation of a course in the history of labour. The idea of such a course was first mooted by Marie Edouard Vaillant.— 92

[110] In a letter of 23 December 1890, Frankel asked Engels to describe the position in

[111] the French working-class movement brought about by the split in the Workers'

[112] Party between the revolutionary, Marxist wing, led by Jules Guesde, and the Pos-

[113] sibilists (see Note 3).— 96 1 ' ' Engels is mistaken here. Wilhelm Hasselmann was expelled from the Socialist

[114] Workers' Party with Johann Most at the Wyden Congress in 1880 for adopting an anarchist stance.— 97 1 ' 2 This presumably refers to Frankel's article devoted to Engels' 70th birthday.— 99 1 ' 3 This is Engels' reply to the greetings conveyed to him on the occasion of his 70th birthday by the congress of mutual aid funds held in Berlin on 8 to 11 December 1890.—99 1 ' 4 This letter to the Social-Democratic Reichstag deputy Georg Schumacher has reached us in the form of a publication in Rheinische Leitung, No. 47, 24 February 1906, headlined 'Ein Brief von Friedrich Engels'. It is introduced by the following editorial note: 'A copy of a letter from Frederick Engels has been made available to us by the addressee, Comrade Georg Schumacher in Solingen. It is our great fighter's reply to the gift presented to him on the occasion of his 70th birthday. The gift was a knife, a real work of art, made by Comrade Fritz Studer of Solingen.' The Social-Democratic group in the German Reichstag sent Engels an album with the photos of 35 of its members.— 100

[115] On these events see Engels' article 'Elberfeld', present edition, Vol. 9, pp. 447-49.—100

[116] Engels means his postcard of 20 December 1890 (see this volume, pp. 94-96), which was his reply to Sorge's letter of 9 December.—101

[117] In his letter of 2 December 1890 Sorge complained that the Paris newspaper Le Socialiste was being sent to him irregularly and asked Engels to pass this on to the French socialist leaders.— 102

[118] This refers to Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 75-99), prepared by Engels for publication in the journal Neue £eit. By publishing this programme document of scientific socialism, a model of uncompromising struggle against opportunism, Engels sought to deal a blow at the increasingly active reformist elements in German Social-Democracy. It was especially important to do this in view of the forthcoming Erfurt party congress (see Note 301), which was to adopt a new programme to replace the Gotha one. In having the Critique published Engels had to overcome some opposition from the leaders of German Social-Democracy. The publication was deplored by the Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag and the editorial board of Vorwärts. At the same time, as Engels had foreseen, Marx's work was welcomed both within the German party itself and by socialists in other countries, who regarded it as a programme document for the entire international socialist movement. The Critique of the Gotha Programme, along with Marx's letter to Wilhelm Bracke of 5 May 1875 (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 75-99) and Engels' preface, was printed in Die Neue £eit, 9. Jg., 1890/91, 1. Bd., Nr. 18.—103

[119] See present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 91-92.—103

[124] On 14 January 1891 Vorwärts carried a report by the Berlin correspondent of The Daily Chronicle exposing Theodor Reuß as a former police agent. The correspondent referred to an article on Reuß's spying activities published by Sozialdemokrat as early as December 1887. There had been another article on the same subject, 'Wie John Neve der preußischen Polizei in die Hände geliefert wurde', in Sozialdemokrat, No. 20, 13 May 1887.—109

[125] This presumably refers to Jules Guesde's article 'Une interpellation nécessaire', published in Le Socialiste, No. 17, 14 January 1891. It said that the Russian secret police had set up a central office in Paris, which was despatching agents to other European cities too.— 110

[127] son in Justice No. 367 on 24 January 1891. It urged English socialists to be on the look-out for possible provocations by agents of the Tsarist secret police in London.—110 12? 'We German Socialists are proud of the fact that we are descended not only from Saint-Simon, Fourier and Owen, but also from Kant, Fichte and Hegel. The German working-class movement is the heir of German classical philosophy. London, 4 January 1891. Frederick Engels.' Engels presumably made this inscription at the request of Heinrich Scheu, who was working on his portrait in 1891. The first sentence is from the preface to the German edition of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 457-59), the second concludes Engels' Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 353-98). The portrait and inscription were first published in the Sunday supplement to Arbeiter-Leitung of 18 August 1895, in connection with Engels' death.—110-11

[138] Engels means the fourth German edition of Volume I of Capital (see present edition, Vol. 35).—114

[142] On 30 January 1891 Paul Lafargue wrote to tell Engels that a report in the Paris press said the executive of the German Social-Democratic Party had decided to call on the socialist parties in other countries to put off the celebration of May Day to Sunday, 3 May 1891. Lafargue objected to the postponement and asked Engels to state his opinion of the German socialists' attitude on the matter.— 115

[151] Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme was reprinted, without Engels' preface, in supplements to the newspaper Vorwärts, Nos 27 and 28, 1 and 3 February 1891 from Die Neue Zeil, 9. Jg., 1890/91, 1. Bd., Nr. 18.—118

[158] In his letter of 7 February 1891 Lafargue had asked for Engels' opinion of his article, 'La propriété féodale', published under the pen-name Fergus in La Nouvelle Revue of 1 February 1891.— 123

[165] This refers to Kautsky's letters of 6 and 9 February 1891, in which he informed Engels of reactions in Social-Democratic circles to the publication of Critique of the Gotha Programme in Neue ^eit and of Bebel and Liebknecht's attempt to prevent the publication.— 129

[16 7] Engels' mention of the system of acquired rights is an allusion to Lassalle's work of the same title, Das System der erworbenen Rechte. Eine Versöhnung des positiven Rechts und der Rechtsphilosophie. In zwei Theilen. Leipzig, 1861. For an assessment of this work see present edition, Vol. .41, pp. 330-31.— 129

[170] This refers to a letter from Bebe! to Kautsky, which the latter had enclosed with his letter to Engels of 18 February. As can be seen from Kautsky's comments, Bebel said in his letter that the publication of Critique of the Gotha Programme had evoked a negative reaction in the party.— 131

[172] wärts, No. 37, 13 February 1891 (see Note 162), adding a brief introduction and the following note: 'It is a fact that we of course did not feel obliged to submit Marx's letter for approval to the party leadership or the parliamentary group..., but it is also a fact that we made no secret of our intention to publish it. The responsibility for the publication is ours entirely.'—132, 133, 146 '7 2 This letter was first published in English in: K. Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, Lawrence & Wishart, London, 1933.— 133

[173] For the reaction of the Vienna Arbeiter-Zeitung see Note 161. The Sächsische Arbeiter-Zeitung reprinted Marx's work in its Nos 30, 31, 33 and 35; 6, 7, 10 and 12 February 1891, with an editorial introductory note emphasising the special significance of this programmatic letter for German Social-Democracy. Züricher Post, No. 34, 10 February 1891, carried an editorial (written by Franz Mehring) headlined 'Hängen und Würgen', which stressed that the publication of Marx's work testified to the strength and fighting spirit of German Social-Democracy which, with the objectivity and self-criticism characteristic of it, sought to clarify for itself the goals of its struggle.— 133

[174] This refers to Countess Sophie Hatzfeldt's divorce suit, conducted by Lassalle from 1846 to 1854.—134

[175] In a letter of 20 February 1891 Richard Fischer informed Engels of the party Executive's decision to bring out new editions of Marx's The Civil War in France and Wage Labour and Capital and Engels' Socialism: Utopian and Scientific and asked Engels to write prefaces to these works.— 136

[180] nection with the publication of Critique of the Gotha Programme. In February 1891 Hyndman published several items in the newspaper Justice describing Engels as the leader of 'the Marxist clique' engaged in plotting and intrigues fraught with the danger of a split. Hyndman supported the stand taken by the Reichstag Social-Democratic group and the editorial board of Vorwärts in regard of the publication of Marx's work (see Note 162). To prevent Edward Aveling's nomination in Northampton (see this volume, pp. 120, 123-24, 126-27) Hyndman publicised in Justice the slanderous accusations levelled at Aveling by the Executive Committee of the Socialist Labor Party of North America ('The Northampton Election', 'Dr Aveling?', 'Dr Aveling Again') (see Note 133). The Committee, which had financed a US lecture tour by Edward Aveling, Eleanor Marx-Aveling and Wilhelm Liebknecht in September-December 1886, had charged Aveling with excessive expenditure and the forging of bills.— 138, 140, 155 i8o Wilhelm Rosenberg and his followers pursued a sectarian policy underestimating the party's work in America's mass labour organisations, above all in the trades unions. In September 1889 they were removed from the leadership of the Socialist Labor Party of North America.— 138

[181] In February 1891 Victoria, the widow of the German Emperor Frederick III, paid an unofficial visit to Paris. Nominally private, the visit pursued a specific political purpose — to bring about a rapprochement between Germany and France predicated on the latter's recognition of the results of the Franco-Prussian war, i. e. its giving up Alsace-Lorraine. The very fact of Victoria's sudden appearance in Paris (the visit had not been agreed with the French government), her demonstra-tive pilgrimages to sites associated with German military victories, hurt the national feelings of the French and provoked anti-German demonstrations. The visit caused a serious Franco-German diplomatic conflict.— 140

[185] This text was written by Engels on a postcard. The part of it which bore the stamp is missing, some of the words are damaged.— 142

[186] Along with his letter of 26 August 1891 the Italian socialist Pasquale Martignetti sent Engels a copy of the journal Critica Sociale, No. 3, 20 February 1891, containing a notice on the forthcoming issue, by Fantuzzi Publishers, Milan, of a new I talian translation of the Manifesto of the Communist Party.— 142

[187] In his letter of 23 February 1891 Filippo Turati asked Engels' permission to translate and publish in Italian a number of works by Marx and Engels. He also ap-proved, on the whole, of the publication of Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme in Neue ^eit.— 143

[189] The following notes are Engels' summary of his reply to a letter from Rave of 8 March 1891, jotted down by Engels on this letter. In his letter, Rave acknowledged receipt of Engels' letter of 6 March 1891. He wrote that he was enclosing with his letter two proof sheets of his translation of August Bebel's Die Frau in der Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft, which Engels had requested, and asked about Engels' terms regarding the proposed translation into French of The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. In his answer Engels suggested that Rave should make a trial translation of several pages from Chapter IX of this work. Engels' letter itself is not extant.— 144

[191] of the present edition.— 144, 154 19 ' An excerpt from this letter was first published in German in the journal Die Ge-sellschaft, No. 5, 1932; the first — partial — English publication was in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Letters on 'Capital', New Park, London, 1983.—145

[192] In his letter to Engels of 9 January 1891 Karl Kautsky related a curious episode: the translator of Oscar Peschel's book, Völkerkunde ( The Races of Man, and their Geographical Distribution, New York, 1876), had rendered the phrase 'blüthenlose Pflanzen' (cryptogams) as 'organisms, devoid of blood such as plants' (the translator confused the German word 'Bliithen' [blossoms] with 'Blut' [blood]).—146

[195] In his letter of 10 March 1891 Hermann Schlüter, describing the position in the Socialist Labor Party of North America (see Note 133), noted the weakness of its links with the mass working-class organisations. This, he said, had a negative effect on the strike struggle, in particular that of the building workers.—149

[199] Laura Lafargue undertook to edit the French translation of Engels' The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, made by the French socialist Henri Rave. She invested a great deal of effort to improve Rave's translation. Engels looked through the edited translation and admired her work. The French edition came out in 1893.—154, 201, 215, 251

[204] An allusion to the fact that Engels had published Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme without having advised Bebel in advance.— 158

[210] Martignetti's translation in Milan in 1892. Engels' letter proper is not extant.— 160 2 , 0 In his letter of 30 March 1891 Paul Lafargue informed Engels of the Allemanists'

[211] (see Note 53) reluctance to admit the Broussists (see Note 3) to the Marxists' com-

[213] In his letter of 30 March 1891 Lafargue informed Engels that the Allemanists (see Note 53) had tried to oppose the Guesdists (Marxists) in a number of places in the provinces. Members of the Workers' Party in Rouen published a letter protesting against the Allemanists' line. The letter appeared in Le Parti Ouvrier of 10 and 11 March 1891, not in Le Socialiste, as Lafargue had mistakenly told Engels.— 163

[214] In his letter to Engels of 5 April 1891 Kautsky wrote to say that Conrad Schmidt

[216] In his letter to Engels of 5 April 1891 Kautsky said he was afraid Lafargue had not

[217] written for Neue J?eit for a long time because the journal had failed to publish his article on pre-Marxian theories of value (see Note 168).— 164 2 ' ' This letter has reached us in the form of a rough draft written by Engels on Henri Rave's letter to him of 1 April 1891. Engels' letter proper is not extant. — 165

[219] In a letter of 2 April 1891, Paul Singer, chairman of the Executive of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany, advised Engels of August Bebel's forthcoming silver wedding (6 April 1891) and asked Engels to send his congratulations. For Bebel's letter mentioned here (written on 30 March), see Note 232.—166

[222] Leo Frankel had requested Engels (letter of 16 April 1891) to write an article for the May Day issue of Bataille, a Left radical newspaper published by the French historian Prosper Olivier Lissagaray.— 171

[235] Engels means the refrain of Jacob Audorfs Lied der deutschen Arbeiter (Arbeiter-Marseillaise), written in 1864: 'Nicht zählen wir den Feind, nicht die Gefahren all! Der kühnen Bahn nur folgen wir, die uns geführt Lassalle!' ('We do not count the foes, the dangers — not at all! We boldly forge ahead along the path shown by Lassalle!').—180

[241] 3, Engels was on Platform 6, as reporter for Neue £eit. Evidence of this is his press ticket, reproduced in this volume on p. 187.— 185 2 , 1 Engels quotes the dictum 'c'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la guerre' ('magnificent, but this is not war'), which is attributed to the French general (subsequently marshal) Pierre Bosquet. He is supposed to have used it to characterise the reckless, self-destructive bravery of the British cavalry in the famous charge of the light brigade at Balaklava in the Crimean War.—189

[251] On Sunday, 24 May, the traditional procession to the Mur des Fédérés (the Confed-erates' Wall in the Père Lachaise cemetery) took place. The speakers were Dumay, Vaillant and Allemane.— 193

[2 5 6] This concerns the polemic, in the columns of Neue Zeit in 1891, between Karl Kautsky and the German physician Ferdinand Simon (son-in-law of August Bebel) on the need to combat alcoholism. Simon advocated total abstinence for workers.— 200

[259] The Salvation Army— a religious philanthropic organisation founded by the preacher William Booth in England in 1865. In later years it spread its activities abroad, adopting its present name in 1878, after its reorganisation along military lines. It carries on large-scale religious propaganda and maintains a network of charity institutions in many countries.— 203

[271] On 1 July 1891 Vorwärts published an official statement of the party Executive of 30 June 1891 denying Georg von Vollmar the right to speak on behalf of the party.— 211

[280] Engels must have sent Laura Lafargue a copy of The Star of 27 June 1891 containing another letter of Arthur Field on the Brussels Congress, headlined 'The International Labour Congress', and a copy of the same paper of 2 July 1891, carrying, under the same headline, Burrows' answer (see Note 266).— 219

[295] Addressing the Brussels Congress (see Note 135) in the course of a debate on the proletariat's attitude to militarism on 21 August 1891, Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, the leader of the Dutch socialists, tabled a resolution urging socialists in all countries to call a nation-wide general strike in the event of a declaration of war. The congress turned down the resolution.— 234

[311] Engels means the English translation of his Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, com-missioned without his knowledge by the Socialist Labor Party of North America (see Note 133) and published in The People in 1891. As can be seen from Sorge's letters to Engels of 9 and 12 October 1891, the translation was made by Daniel De Leon and H. Vogt (presumably from the German edition of 1883) and printed also as a pamphlet.— 250, 265

[315] On 8 October 1891 Marseilles' democratic forces staged a mass demonstration against Constans, who had arrived with other ministers for the start of city services improvement works. Despite numerous arrests and attempts to disperse the crowds with military force the demonstration was resumed. Throughout their route the ministers were met with boos and calls of'Down with Constans!' and 'Down with the Fourmies murderers!' Incensed by the hostile reception, Constans demanded that the Mayor should take the most drastic measures against the demonstrators.— 255

[331] In January 1891, glassworkers in the Rhone department struck for uniform rates and shorter hours. By the autumn the strike had spread throughout France, involving nearly 6,000 workers.— 269

[384] Lafargue's maiden speech in the Chamber of Deputies (8 December 1891) was

[401] In the second half of January 1892 several French newspapers, including Figaro,

[413] interests of the city's working people, and exposed the demagogy and machinations of the building companies and the authorities. For instance, Victor Adler, in an article headlined 'Die Verkehrsanlagen von Groß-Wien und die Wiener Arbeiter', published in Arbeiter-Leitung, No. 2, 8 January, proposed setting up a trade-union association to protect the interests of the building workers. In November 1888 Marie-Edouard Vaillant submitted to the Paris municipality a building project to improve the sanitation facilities in working-class neigh-bourhoods.— 360 4 ' 2 During the campaign to elect the London County Council, working-class candidates demanded in their manifesto that the Council be turned into a municipal body which would really protect the workers' interests. In particular, they insisted on the municipalisation of the gas, water and power supply and of the city transport (the omnibus and tram service), then in private hands. They also urged measures to improve the health service and working and living conditions. The funds to finance these measures were to be obtained through heavier taxation of the landowners. The London County Council collected taxes and disposed of the local budget. All persons eligible to vote for Parliament and all women over 30 years of age were entitled to vote for it.— 360, 449, 494 4 ' 3 During a visit to the Munich City Hall, in the autumn of 1891 Emperor William 11 made the following entry in the Book of Honour: 'Regis voluntas — suprema lex' (The King's will is the supreme law).— 361, 371

[4 1 4] The National Liberal Party — originally Prussian and later (from 1871) all-

[417] Liberals were a pillar of the Junker-bourgeois bloc. One of the party's major objec-tives was the union of the German states under the aegis of Prussia. Soon after this was achieved, the party finally took shape as the spokesman of the big bourgeoisie, above all the industrial magnates. Its programme called for equality and bourgeois-democratic liberties but, faced with the mounting working-class movement, the party gave up the struggle for these demands and contented itself with Bismarck's half-hearted reforms.— 361, 373, 504 4 ' 5 Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in Marx and Engels on Reactionary Prussianism, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1943.— 362 4 , 6 The twenty-fifth anniversary of Bebel's parliamentary activity was observed in Berlin on 22 February 1892. The celebration was attended by almost the entire Reichstag Social-Democratic group, the staff of the Editorial Board and the print-shop of Vorwärts and by representatives of the Berlin party branch.— 362, 372 4 " On 22 January 1891, in the course of a Reichstag debate on a commercial treaty with Switzerland, Bennigsen, the leader of the National Liberals (see Note 414), expressed the hope that the treaty could help form close ties between the German liberal parties. On 23 January Eugen Richter, leader of the Freisinnige Party (see Note 242), supported Bennigsen's idea in his speech. The Social-Democratic deputy Max Schippel, speaking on the same day (the speech was published in Vorwärts on 24 January), ridiculed these hopes, pointing out that there was no basis for them in view of the contradictions dividing the various sections of the German bourgeoisie.— 362

[418] The Centre (1870-1933) was a bourgeois political party in Germany formed

[419] through the merger of the Catholic factions in the Prussian Landtag and the German Reichstag (these factions had their seats in the centre of the respective assembly halls) on the eve of Germany's unification. The Centre united, under the banner of Catholicism, different social strata: clergymen, landowners, bourgeois and part of the peasantry, predominantly of the small and medium-sized states in west and southwest Germany, whose particularist tendencies it supported. The Centre was in opposition to the government, but voted for its measures directed against the working-class and socialist movement. The late 1870s brought a certain rapprochement between the ruling quarters and the Centre. With the country's industrial progress big industrialists came to play a more important part in the party's leadership. Engels characterises the Centre in detail in The Role of Force in History (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 453-510) and in the article 'What Now?' (see present edition, Vol. 27).—363 4 ' 9 The Conservative Party expressed the interests of the Prussian Junkerdom, the military, the upper echelons of the bureaucracy and the Lutheran clergy. It traced its origin from the extreme Right monarchist faction in the Prussian National Assembly of 1848 and was initially called the party of Kreuz-Heilung. After the establishment of the North German Confederation and in the early years of the German Empire it attacked the Bismarck government from the Right, opposing bourgeois reform and the expansion of the competence of the Imperial authorities, since it considered Prussia's hegemony in the Empire insufficiently consolidated. However, as early as 1866 there was a split in the party, resulting in the secession of the Free Conservative Party, which spoke for the big landowners and a section of the industrial community and unreservedly backed Bismarck. In 1876 the Conservatives united with other Right-wing groups to form the all-German Conservative Party (1876-1918), which inherited the Conservatives' home and foreign policy.— 363

[421] On 12 February 1892 Karl Ferdinand von Stumm-Halberg, an important German industrialist and Conservative deputy, sharply attacked the Social-Democratic Party in the Reichstag, accusing it, among other things, of preparing the forcible overthrow of the monarchy, violation of the oath, and preaching free love. In his reply Bebel exposed Stumm's speech as a provocation designed to prepare the ground for a new anti-Socialist law, and clarified the policy of German Social-Democracy.— 364, 371

[424] This refers to the correction of inaccuracies in the first French edition of Marx's The Poverty of Philosophy (1847) and reproduced in the 1885 German edition. The corrections in question were mentioned by Engels in his 'Preface to the Second German Edition of Karl Marx's The Poverty of Philosophy' (see present edition, Vol. 27) in 1892. These inaccuracies were used by the Austrian bourgeois sociologist and lawyer Anton Menger, in his book Das Recht auf den vollen Arbeitsertrag in geschichtlicher Darstellung (1886), to cast aspersions on Marx's and Engels' schol-arship and integrity. Menger's insinuations were exposed in 'Lawyers' Socialism', a polemic written jointly by Engels and Kautsky (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 597-616).—368

[448] On 4 March 1892 Turati sent Engels two copies of the journal Critica Sociale of 1 March, which contained Giovanni Bovio's answer to Engels' article 'Reply to the Honourable Giovanni Bovio' (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 270-72).— 388

[449] The Roman newspaper La Tribuna of 2 February 1892 carried a critical article by Giovanni Bovio about Engels' work 'Socialism in Germany' (see Note 409). Engels quotes from the article in his 'Reply to the Honourable Giovanni Bovio' (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 270-72).—388

[451] Marx's article 'On Proudhon' (see present edition, Vol. 20) was published in the Berlin Social-Demokrat, organ of the Lassallean General Association of German Workers, on 1, 3 and 5 February 1865, Nos 16-18. It was reprinted in the first and second German editions — both prepared by Engels — of Marx's The Poverty of Philosophy, which appeared in 1885 and 1892.—389

[4 5 5] The Paris Figaro had published an article by Paul Lafargue containing a definition of socialism. In his letter of 14 March 1892 Schlüter asked Engels to send him a copy of the issue in question.— 392

[464] Paul Lafargue took part in the May Day demonstration in London in 1892 as a representative of the French Workers' Party (see also this volume, pp. 410-11).—402

[46 5] Yoynbee Hall, in London's East End, was named after Arnold Toynbee, the English social reformer and economist, who died in 1883. The hall was used as a meeting place by his followers, Christian philanthropists, who sought to win over students and intellectuals for the propagation of Christian socialism among workers.— 404

[466] Extracts from Engels' 'Preface to the 1892 English Edition of The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844' (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 257-59) were published in Martignetti's Italian translation in Critica Sociale, No. 8, 16 April 1892, under the heading 'A proposito délia lotta di classe'.— 405

[498] Wasserpolacken (Water-Polacks) was a name (used from the 17th century) for Poles native to Upper Silesia who floated timber down the Oder. Subsequently, all the Poles of Upper Silesia, who had lived under Prussian rule for centuries, were called by this nickname.— 446

[502] This refers to the anti-Semitic pamphlet by Hermann Ahlwardt, Neue Enthüllungen. Judenflinten, Dresden, 1892, an 'exposé' of underhand dealings allegedly engaged in by the Isidor Löwe firm in supplying arms to the German army. The pamphlet was confiscated under a court ruling. Bebel had sent a copy of the pamphlet to Engels.— 448

[508] Unitarianism is a system of Christian thought and religious observance deriving its name from its doctrine of the single personality of God the Father, in contrast with Trinitarianism or the concept of one God in three persons. Modern Unitarianism is an outgrowth of Humanism and of the Reformation. Unitarianism made its way to England and America in the seventeenth century. Nineteenth-century Unitarianism laid special emphasis on the moral aspect of religion and opposed every preoccupation with the external, ritualistic aspect. The Free Congregations (Freie Gemeinden) were communities that had separated from the official Protestant Church in 1846-47 under the influence of the Friends of Light, a religious trend, formed in 1841, that questioned the pietism, with its extreme mysticism and hypocrisy, dominating the Protestant Church. On 30 March 1847 Free Congregations were granted the right to independent worship.— 456

[510] a letter containing the receipt for a sum of money the German Social-Democratic Party had provided by way of material aid to a Polish student who carried on revolutionary work among Poles in Germany.— 458 5io Writing to Engels on 29 June 1892 Bebel, presumably in reply to Engels' letter of 20 June concerning the pressure of work (see this volume, p. 450), remarked that he did not expect an answer to his letter.— 459, 467

[511] Engels means the note headlined 'Die englischen Wahlen' in Vorwärts, No. 152, 2 July 1892. For the 1892 elections in Britain see Note 504.—459

[512] This refers to the Manchester School—a trend in political economy reflecting the

[513] interests of the industrial bourgeoisie. It favoured Free Trade and non-interference by the State in the economy. The Free Traders' stronghold was Manchester, where the movement was led by Richard Cobden and John Bright, two textile manufacturers who founded the Anti-Corn Law League in 1838. In the 1840s and 1850s the Free Traders were an independent political group which later formed the Left wing of the Liberal Party.— 459 5 ' 3 The Corn Laws imposed high import duties on agricultural produce in the interests of the landowners, in order to maintain high prices for their products on the home market. In 1838 the Manchester factory owners Richard Cobden and John Bright founded the Anti-Corn Law League, which demanded the lifting of the corn tariffs and urged unlimited freedom of trade for the purpose of weakening the economic and political power of the landed aristocracy and reducing workers' wages. The struggle between the industrial bourgeoisie and the landed aristocracy over the Corn Laws ended in 1846 with their repeal.— 459

[516] InJune 1892 Bismarck, in Vienna for his son's wedding, criticised the policy of his successor, Chancellor Leo von Caprivi (see Note 437). He did so in public speeches and in an interview for the Viennese Neue Freie Presse, published on 24 June.— 464

[518] tersea on 6 July 1892.— 466 3 ' 9 This refers to the second and third electoral reforms in Britain.

[521] the British working-class movement in the late 1880s and early 1890s. One of the biggest among them was the Union of Gas Workers and General Labourers, founded in 1889 (see Note 164). In contrast to the 'old' unions which, as a rule, consisted of workers of only one trade, the new ones were based on the production principle (workers of different trades in one industry could belong to the same union). The new unions opened their doors to unskilled workers, who hitherto had remained outside the union movement. An important part in the formation of the new unions was played by British socialists, who had the direct assistance of Engels. He characterised the New Trades Unions in his article 'May 4 in London' and in his 'Preface to the 1892 English Edition of The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844 (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 257-69).—468, 471, 520, 522, 528 52 ' In December 1889 Charles Stewart Parnell was put on trial on charges of'cohabi-tation' with Mrs O'Shea, with whom he had lived in factual wedlock from 1881. Supporters of the Liberal Party took advantage of this to achieve their political ends. Gladstone demanded Parnell's resignation as leader of the Home Rule Party. Some Home Rulers joined Gladstone. This led to a split in the Irish Parliamentary group, with 45 members demanding Parnell's resignation from the leadership. The split among the Home Rulers and Parnell's death (6 October 1891) temporarily weakened the Irish national movement.— 468

[525] Engels means the publication in the Almanack du Parti Ouvrier pour 1892 of the most important section of his work 'Socialism in Germany', written in October 1891 (see present edition, Vol. 27, pp. 235-50).—472

[528] A pun on the geographic name Eylau and the name of a financier with whom the French socialists were negotiating over the establishment of a daily newspaper. The battle of Eylau, in Eastern Prussia, 7-8 February 1807, between the French and Russian troops was one of the bloodiest in the war of the fourth coalition against France. Despite heavy losses Napoleon's army failed to achieve a decisive victory.— 476

[548] The Norici were inhabitants of Noricum, an area south of the Danube corresponding to part of Austria (Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg) and Germany (Bavaria). The Norici were of Illyrian origin and later were dominated by various Celtic tribes. In 15 B. C. Noricum was conquered by the Romans and made a Roman province.— 503

[5 5 0] On 1 October 1892 the first issue of Le Socialiste, the daily newspaper of the French Workers' Party (see Note 423) was due to appear.— 505

[567] Bernstein requested Engels to send Kautsky the following excerpt from Marx's letter to Arnold Ruge written in September 1843: 'In that case we do not confront the world in a doctrinaire way with a new principle: Here is the truth, kneel down before it! We develop new principles for the world out of the world's own principles. We do not say to the world: Cease your struggles, they are foolish; we will give you the true slogan of struggle. We merely show the world what it is really fighting for, and consciousness is something that it has to acquire, even if it does not want to' (see present edition, Vol. 3, p. 144). The letter had been published in the only issue of Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbücher to have appeared, in the section 'Ein Briefwechsel von 1843'. Kautsky made use of the excerpt in the editorial 'Zum zehnjährigen Be-stand der "Neuen Zeit'", published in his journal, Vol. I, No. 1, 1892-1893.—528

[571] banks in England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland, respectively.— 532 5'° The fifth congress of the National Federation of Trade Unions, held in Marseilles, 19-23 September 1892, discussed, among other matters (the questions of the general strike, of May Day celebrations, of women's and child labour in industry), the decision of the Glasgow Congress of British Trades Unions (see Note 540). The congress resolved to stay away from the international congress on the eight-hour working day called by the British trades unions and instead invite their representatives to the 1893 International Socialist Workers' Congress in Zurich (see Note 541).— 533, 546, 548 57 ' This refers to the Congress of the American Federation of Labor (see Note 84) then being prepared. Held in Chicago in December 1893, it decided to submit for discussion to the trade unions a programme containing a number of socialist principles, and also the question of the workers' independent political activity. On the basis of this discussion, a final decision was to be taken at a congress in Denver in December 1894. The programme called for the nationalisation of the railways, the means of communication and mines, for obligatory schooling, for a legal eight-hour working day for all categories of workers, for home and factory sanitary inspection, for the transfer of all the instruments and means of production and distribution to the collective ownership of the people, and for other measures.— 534

[585] This refers to the 1890 May Day demonstration in London, which Engels described in his article 'May 4 in London' (see present edition, Vol. 27).— 560