Notes
Residual editorial notes
98 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.
[18] Engels is referring to the events of the Danish War of 1864, in which Prussia and Austria were allies. After their victory over Denmark, Austria established its government in Holstein, and Prussia in Schleswig. But as a result of its defeat in the Austro-Prussian War which Bismarck unleashed in 1866 and the establishment of the North German Confederation, Austria lost all rights to Holstein, and Schleswig-Holstein became a Prussian province.—12
[21] Lassalle was Countess Sophie von Hatzfeldt's lawyer in her divorce case in 1846-54.— 15
[39] Gorbunova asked Engels for advice concerning vocational training in Russia. She asked him, in particular, about the ways 'to avoid, while promoting vocational training in those industrial branches that are most adapted to big production, the advancement of factory production with its workers totally alienated from the land'.—21
[51] 5 ' This probably refers to the Lafargues' plan to set up a commercial business to earn their living (see this volume, pp. 27-29).— 26
[58] Almost all of this letter is in English, with the exception of the few paragraphs in French. It was published in English in full for the first time in: Frederick Engels, Paul and Laura Lafargue, Correspondence, Vol. I: 1868-1886, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1959.— 32
[59] The reference is to the draft rules of Grant's firm in which Paul Lafargue planned to be a partner (see Note 51).— 32
[62] The letter to Eugen Oswald is in German, and that to the unknown correspondent, in English. The latter is the response to Kaulitz's request for a letter of recommendation for a teaching post.— 36
[66] This letter was first published in English in: Science and Society^ Vol. II, No. 2, New York, 1938.—40
[71] 7 ' Marx means the Programme of the Executive Committee of the Narodnaya Volya (St Petersburg, 22 March 1880). Marx had a copy of this edition.— 45
[77] Bradlaugh nominated himself as a candidate at the elections, contributed to the press under the pen-name Iconoclast and hoped to be elected to the House of Commons in 1874 (St Stephen's in Westminster had been the seat of the House of Commons since 1547).— 53
[97] The dedication read: 'To Karl Marx, the bold thinker, the noble fighter for the rights of the proletariat, this book is dedicated by the author as a token of respectful esteem.'—65
[100] T ni s refers to the International Socialist Congress to be convened in Switzerland on the initiative of Belgian socialists to discuss the establishment of a new International. The congress took place not in Zurich (the Zurich cantonal council forbade it), but in Chur between 2 and 4 October 1881. It was attended by delegates of socialist parties from 12 countries. The congress decided against forming a new International. In his letter to Marx of 6 January 1881 Nieuwenhuis expressed the intention of the Dutch Social Democrats to discuss at the congress the laws to be passed immediately in the political and economic fields by the socialists should they come to power.— 66
[110] The system of national schools — a reference to the school reform of 1831 introduced by the then Chief Secretary for Ireland Stanley (Lord Derby). Henceforth, joint schools were set up for Catholic and Protestant children and only religious subjects were taught separately.— 70
[111] 1 ' ' Marx's letter to Zasulich, which became known to many Russian revolutionary Marxists, including Georgi Plekhanov, was preceded by several drafts, which are included in Volume 24 of the present edition. The letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Correspondence, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1955.—71
[112] ' ' 2 Marx is probably referring to the request that he write a book on the Russian village commune made by the revolutionary Narodnik Nikolai Morozov in December 1880 on behalf of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya (see Note 70).—71
[113] 1 ' 3 Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Correspondence, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1955.—73, 196, 250, 256, 341, 430
[114] A reference to Engels' article 'Du sollst nicht ehebrechen' which remained unpublished. See MEGA2, Bd. 1/25, S. 213-14.—73
[115] Engels is rewording a well-known phrase that belongs to Jeanne Antoinette Pois-son, Marquise de Pompadour, usually ascribed to Louis XV, 'après nous le dé-luge'.—73
[116] Engels proceeds to critically analyse the views of A. E. F. Schäffle, which the latter set forth in the book here mentioned.— 74
[117] The Overseas Trade Society {Seehandlung)—a merchant and credit company founded in Prussia in 1772. It enjoyed a number of major state privileges and granted large loans to the government, acting, in fact, as its banker and broker. In 1904, it was officially transformed into the Prussian State Bank.— 74
[121] In December 1880, the British Prime Minister Gladstone declared that he intended to submit to Parliament a new bill on the state of emergency in Ireland (see Note 123). This prompted the Left wing of the Irish Land League (see Note 139) to urge the peasants to refuse payment of land rent. The more resolute section of the revolutionary democrats believed this would be a prologue to a long-expected armed uprising.— 75
[125] Engels is replying to Johann Philipp Becker's letter of 24 March 1881 in which the latter thanked him for the help he had received in October 1880.— 76
[134] The Dogberry club (after a character in Shakespeare's Much Ado about Nothing) was a jocular name for the gatherings at the Marxs' of the family members, Engels and other friends — devotees of Shakespeare's work.— 82
[138] l3B The Arms Act (Peace Preservation Act) declared bearing arms without a permit to be a breach of the peace liable to punishment by the courts. On 18 March 1881, the operation of the Act was extended to Ireland.— 84
[141] 14 ' Engels is referring to the Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstags that included the speeches made by Ignaz Auer and August Bebel on 30 and 31 March 1881 on the subject of the 'local state of siege' in Berlin and Hamburg, and Bebel's speech on the Workers' Accident Insurance Bill delivered on 4 April 1881 (see notes 65 and 144). The shorthand report was sent by Bernstein to London before 28 April.—85
[151] Bank Holidays in Great Britain — the six public holidays on which banks are closed.— 95
[155] Napoléon le petit — a nickname given by Victor Hugo to Louis Bonaparte in his speech at the meeting of the French Legislative Assembly in 1851; gained wide currency after Hugo's lampoon Napoléon le Petit appeared in print in 1852.—100
[156] Anti-Renters — in the 1830s and 1840s, land tenants in the State of New York who refused to pay rent to the big landowners and demanded that the farms be sold to them. The Anti-Renters offered armed resistance to the rent collectors. The greatest unrest took place between 1839 and 1845. The campaign against the landowners ended in a compromise: from 1846, they graduallv began to sell land to tenants.—
[161] Between 28 July and 22 August 1881, Engels was on holiday in Bridlington Quay (Yorkshire).—104, 108, 126
[162] In a letter of 10 June 1881, Theodor Friedrich Cuno asked Engels to help Norris A. Clowes, the New-York Star correspondent for Ireland.— 105
[167] Code pénal—the penal code adopted in France in 1810 and introduced in 1881 into the regions of Western and South-Western Germany conquered by the French.—
[170] The Editors are not in possession of Engels' letter to Laura Lafargue of 6 August 1881. Laura Lafargue's letter to Engels of 13 August 1881 makes it clear that she was unable to take up his invitation.— 114
[171] Marx met Hirsch in Paris on 7 August 1881.— 115
[172] In his speech at the election meeting in Batignolles (see Note 165), Albert Adrien Regnard denounced the domination of Church congregations over primary and secondary schools and advocated compulsory free secular primary schooling. Marx ironically calls him a champion of anti-clericalism ('Kulturkämpfer' in the original) drawing a parallel wlith the Kulturkampf policy pursued by the Bismarck government in the 1870s. To suppress the clergy and weaken the Party of the Centre (see Note 225), laws were introduced that banned political agitation by clergy-men, withdrew their right of supervision over the schools, etc. Bismarck's campaign was a failure. In the late 1870s-early 1880s, seeking to unite the forces of reaction, Bismarck effected a reconciliation with the Catholic clergy. Nearly all the laws passed against it at the time of the Kulturkampf were abrogated (see also Note 255).—117
[173] The Labour Standard, No. 14, 6 August 1881, anonymously printed the article by Johann Georg Eccarius 'A German Opinion of English Trade Unionism'. Eccarius regarded highly the German trade unions founded in 1868 by Max Hirsch and Franz Duncker (the so-called Hirsch-Duncker trade unions). For Engels' opinion of the article, see this volume, p. 119.—118, 121, 123
[181] As instructed by Eduard Bernstein, on 23 July 1881 Karl Kautsky despatched to Engels several anti-Semitic articles from German newspapers.—126
[182] Engels is referring to articles printed by the newspaper in the winter (9, 23 and 30 January and 6 February) and summer (30 June and 28 July) of 1881. On 30 June and 7 July, the 'Feuilleton' column of the newspaper also carried excerpts from Marx's work 'On the Jewish Question' (see present edition, Vol. 3, pp. 146-74).—126
[186] Jules Vallès' open letter to the President of the French Republic Grcvy was published in early February 1879 in the newspaper La Révolution Française.— 127
[189] The speakers at the Anarchist Congress used numbers rather than names (see reports on the congress printed by Die Freiheit, Nos. 31, 32 and 33, 30 July, 6 and 13 August 1881). The Freiheit report of 23 July stated that 45 delegates holding 80 mandates represented 59 federations and 320 sections.— 129
[190] Der Sozialdemokrat of 25 August 1881 carried this information almost verbatim in the 'Sozialpolitische Rundschau' column.— 129
[191] The reference is to the Anarchist Congress in Saint-Imier (Switzerland) convened after the Hague Congress of the First International had expelled Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume.— 129
[205] The Seventh International Medical Congress was held in London between 3 and 9 August 1881.—140
[207] On 22 September 1881, Der Sozialdemokrat carried a leader headed 'Die Vivisektion des Proletariats'.—141
[210] The Editors are not in possession of Marx's note to Jenny Longuet.—142, 143
[214] 2i4 27 October 1881 was the day fixed for the elections to the German Reichstag (see Note 216).—150
[215] Ina postcard dated 13 October 1881 Johann Philipp Becker wrote to Engels about the Chur Congress (see Note 100), in which he had taken part as a representative of the German workers in Switzerland.—151
[220] On 17 May 1879, with the approval of the whole Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag, the Social-Democratic deputy Max Kayser defended the government project for protective customs tariffs. Marx and Engels sharply criticised Kayser because the proposal promoted the interests of big industrialists and landowners, and further condemned some of the German Social-Democratic leaders' stand vis-à-vis Kayser (see present edition, Vol. 45, pp. 259-62).—153
[225] The Centre (Zentrum) — a political party of German Catholics formed in 1870-71 as a result of the unification of the Catholic groups in the Prussian Provincial Diet and the German Reichstag (its seats were in the centre of the assembly halls). It united, under the banner of Catholicism, the Catholic clergy of various social ranks, landowners, bourgeoisie and certain sections of the peasants, especially in the petty and medium-sized states of Western and South-Western Germany, and supported their separatist and anti-Prussian tendencies. Engels gave a detailed description of the Party of the Centre in his work The Role of Force in History (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 509-10).— 157
[250] The Comité national (National Committee) of the French Workers' Party was set up on the initiative of its Right-wing leaders Malon and Brousse in mid-October 1881, just before the Rheims Congress of the party (see Note 223), which endorsed it. The National Committee was formed on the principle of equal representation of all six federations (five persons from each) which constituted the French Workers' Party at the time: the Federative Union of the Centre (see Note 265), the Eastern Federative Union, the Northern Federation, the Federative Union of the South, the Federative Union of the West, and the Algerian Federation. To all practical purposes, only the first three federations were in existence at the time, whereas the other three existed only on paper and their representatives, who were under Ma-Ion's and Brousse's influence, did not have legal powers. Thus, with the exception of the five Collectivists (Guesdists), who represented the Northern Federation, the remaining 25 members of the National Committee were Malon's and Brousse's followers, which placed the party leadership into the hands of Right-wing elements.—
[270] 2 ' ° The Federal Diet (Bundestag) — the central organ of the German Confederation set up by the Vienna Congress in 1815. It comprised representatives of the German states and sat in Frankfurt-am-Main under the chairmanship of the Austrian representative. The Federal Diet ceased to exist together with the German Confederation at the time of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866.—191
[279] 2' 9 In his letter to Engels of 1 February 1882, Johann Philipp Becker proposed setting up a new international workers' organisation along the lines of the International Working Men's Association.— 196
[2 8 5] In a letter of 24 February 1882, Jenny Longuet wrote to Marx that her sister Eleanor had turned down Prosper Lissagaray's proposal of marriage.— 219
[298] Laura Lafargue visited Eastbourne during Marx's and his wife's stay there between late June and 20 July 1881.—238
[301] The reference is to Charles V's abortive campaign of 1541 in Algeria (which at the time formed part of the Ottoman Empire) under the pretext of suppressing the pi-rates who had made it their base. Having suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Turkish troops near the town of Algiers, the Spanish troops were driven from the country's other strongholds.— 241
[306] An allusion to the poetic efforts of King Ludwig I of Bavaria, whose trivial verses, later completely forgotten, diverged from proper German grammar and provoked a great deal of ridicule.— 249
[318] 3 ' 8 Engels is referring to the materials carried by Der Sozialdemokrat, Nos. 4, 5 and 9 on 19, 26 January and 23 February 1882. They gave a rebuff to Ernst Breuel's two open letters (Nos. 4 and 9, 19 January and 23 February) in which he accused the editors of bias, anarchist leanings, etc., in connection with their criticism of Wilhelm Hasenclever's and Wilhelm Bios' opportunist stand (see Note 240).— 259
[319] 3 ' 9 The Echternachprocession — an annual festival held on Trinity Sunday ever since the Middle Ages in the town of Echternach (Luxembourg) as a token of gratitude for the subsidence of the St Vitus' dance, epidemic that raged there in 1374. The members of the procession do not just move forward but make more complicated forward and backward steps.— 262
[320] The German playwright and literary critic Amadeus Gottfried Adolf Müllner gave pride of place in his plays to fate and predestination. Necessary romantic attributes of the so-called tragedies of fate were unlucky days, ill omens, fatal weapons, etc.; the plot usually had a tragic end.— 263
[3 2 5] A joking allusion to the Old Testament dictums about dust being the serpent's meat (Genesis 3:14, and Isaiah 65:25), as well as to Darwin's book The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of Worms, with Observations on Their Habits, London, 1881. According to Darwin, worms help in the formation of humus by dig-ging up the earth and passing it through their bowels.— 274
[339] On 18 May 1882, Der Sozialdemokrat (No. 21) featured a leader 'Die Situation in Irland' written by Bernstein under the pen-name Leo. Engels considered it necessary to explain his stand in a letter to Bernstein. The latter passed it on to Liebknecht, who included a major part of it, without the author's permission and with editorial comments, in the article 'Zur irischen Frage' printed by Der Sozialdemokrat No. 29 on 13 July 1882. Liebknecht supplied the letter with a polemical conclusion and the following editorial introduction: 'A friend of Ireland, familiar with the country and the people as few people are, writes to us from London about his dis-agreement on individual points with the opinion set forth in Der Sozialdemokrat, No. 21.' Engels voiced his protest at the unauthorised publication in a letter to Bernstein of 9 August 1882 (see this volume, pp. 300-01). Part of the original has been lost, which is why the letter is printed according to Der Sozialdemokrat and partly to the extant original manuscript. The letter was published in English for the first time, in part, in: Marx and Engels, On Colonia-lism, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1959.— 285, 301
[341] 541 Catholic Emancipation—the abolition of restrictions on the political rights of Catholics in Ireland by the British Parliament in 1829 as a result of a mass movement. Catholics were granted the right to stand for election to Parliament and to hold certain government offices. Simultaneously, the property qualification was raised fivefold. The British ruling classes hoped this manoeuvre would bring the élite of the Irish bourgeoisie and Catholic landowners over to their side and cause a split in the Irish national movement.— 286
[345] The Wyden Conference of the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (August 1880) instructed the party leadership to set up a communication office that would establish and maintain contacts with the German Social-Democrats and the socialist parties and organisations in other countries.— 290
[347] Engels is referring to his article 'Bruno Bauer and Early Christianity' published in Der Sozialdemokrat, Nos. 19 and 20 on 4 and 11 May 1882 (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 427-35).—292
[351] A reference to Johann Most's pamphlet Kapital und Arbeit. Ein populärer Auszug aus 'Das Kapital' von Karl Marx. 2nd edition, Chemnitz [1876]. The first edition appeared in Chemnitz in 1873. On Liebknecht's request, Marx, with Engels' help, made changes in and additions to the second edition. For Marx's appraisal of this publication, see Engels' letter to Philip Van Patten of 18 April 1883, present edition, Vol. 4 7 . - 2 9 4
[3 5 8] Engels is referring to Johann Philipp Becker's letter of 2 August 1882, in reply to his own letter of 10 February 1882 (see this volume, pp. 196-98).— 300
[361] Der Sozialdemokrat, No. 32, 3 August 1882, published the article 'Die Socialdemok-ratie und die egyptische Frage', which approved of the resolution passed by the meeting convened in Paris by the Guesdists. They protested against the bombard-ment of Alexandria by the British and hailed Arabi Pasha and the National Party.—301
[371] On 2 August 1882, the Belgian socialist César De Paepe, suspecting Arthur Duvcrger, secretary of the magazine L'Europe, where he himself was also employed at the time, of having an affair with his wife, gravely wounded him. The jury acquitted De Paepe.— 312
[395] Marx paraphrases the beginning of a saying popular in the early Middle Ages in the European countries: 'The devil was sick, the devil a monk would be; the devil was well, the devil a monk was he'.— 339
[4 0 0] The reference is to the challenge to a duel sent by Prosper Lissagaray to Paul Lafargue; likening Lissagaray to the French politician and journalist Paul Adolph Granier de Cassagnac, Engels is ironically hinting at Cassagnac's scandalous press publications, which led to a number of duels and trials for libel.— 345
[410] Léon Picard's article mentioned here appeared in Le Citoyen on 3 September 1882 under the heading 'L'afTaire de la rue Saint-Marc'. Chauvinistic in spirit, it was disclaimed by the editorial board. The article set the German refugees against the Guesdists (for details, see Engels' letter to Bernstein of 4 November 1882, this volume, pp. 359-60).—352, 354, 360
[411] 41 ' Marx stayed in the south of England in Ventnor (the Isle of Wight) between 30 October 1882 and 13 January 1883.-353, 363, 368, 406, 419, 429, 430
[412] The Cuban revolutionaries General Antonio Maceo and two of his fellow-officers arrested by the Spanish government escaped from prison in Cadiz in August 1882 and sought political asylum in the Gibraltar fortress on British territory. On 20 August they arrived at the fortress but were instantly arrested and handed over to the Spanish police. At the House of Commons sittings of 31 October and 7 November, members of Gladstone's Liberal government (Ashley, Charles Dilke et al.) attempted to justify the Gibraltar authorities. At the same time, they denied that the government in London had anything to do with the matter.— 353, 365, 373
[415] The Rosetta Stone, a basalt slab found in Egypt near the town of Rosetta by an officer of Napoleon's expeditionary corps in August 1799. It had a text carved out on it in the Egyptian hieroglyphic, Egyptian demotic and Greek languages. In 1822, the hieroglyphic text was deciphered by the French scholar J. F. Champollion. The slab is kept at the British Museum in London.— 354
[417] 4 " Engels uses the old battle cry, 'Hie Welf, Hie Waibling!', of the two rival medieval political parties, of which one supported the Welf, and the other, the Hohenstaufen (or Waibling, from the name of their family residence and the town), dynasty. The cry sounded for the first time, or so the legend has it, during the battle at Weins-berg in 1140. Later, at the time of the struggle between the Popes and the German emperors in Italy in the 12th-15th centuries, the rivalry was between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines (the German names changed Italian-fashion).— 357
[418] * ' 8 The Wyden Conference — the first congress of the German Social Democrats after the promulgation of the Anti-Socialist Law (see Note 16) held on 20-23 August 1880 in Wyden Castle, Canton of Zurich (Switzerland).— 358
[419] * ' 9 The Editors are not in possession of Lafargue's letter to which Engels is referring. What is meant here is probably Brissac's and Bouis' resignation from the Egalité editorial board, and the political vacillations of Picard, an editor of L'Egalité and Le Citoyen.— 358
[430] The second edition of Alexander Redgrave's book The Factory and Workshop Act, 1878, with introduction, copious notes, and an elaborate index (London, 1879) was received by Marx from King's company. The copy, with Marx's notes, is extant.—
[434] On 9 June 1880, L'Egalité (No. 21, 2nd series) carried a report ('Le patriotisme de la bourgeoisie et les Chinois') on the meeting held on 5 May 1880 by the Paris Society of Political Economists in connection with the Chinese emigration to California. Participants in the meeting praised the cheap Chinese labour. This event was also covered by Le Revue socialiste (No. 9, 5 July 1880) in the article 'La Question chinoise devant les économistes', signed 'B. M.'. Its author was probably Benoît Malon.—372
[4 3 5] The manifesto of the National Council, set up as a counterbalance to the Possibilist National Committee by decision of the Roanne Congress (see note 394) on the basis of the Lyons party groups with a seat in Lyons, was printed on 5 November 1882 by L'Egalité (3rd series, No. 47) under the heading 'Parti ouvrier. Conseil national'.— 373
[436] Engels is referring to the House of Commons' debate on the Egyptian events (see Note 355) in early November 1882.—373
[437] Clôture—the parliamentary procedure whereby debate is closed and the measure under discussion is brought up for an immediate vote. The clôture was announced on 11 November 1882. The voting was to be on the changes in parliament procedure.—373
[446] A reference to Sheldon Amos' review of John Seymour Keay's pamphlet 'Spoiling the Egyptians' reprinted in London in 1882. The review appeared in The Contemporary Review, Vol. XLII, October 1882, under the heading '"Spoiling the Egyptians": Revised Version'. Keay responded with the article ' "Spoiling the Egyptians". A Rejoinder' featured by The Contemporary Review, Vol. XLII, November 1882.—381
[447] Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in: Marx, Engels, Pre-capitalist Socio-Economic Formations. A Collection, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979.—381
[4 5 1] In 1882, Marx stayed with his daughter Jenny Longuet in Argenteuil between 6 June and 22 August and from 28 September and into the first days of October.—
[461] The Crystal Palace—a glass-and-steel building erected for the first World Exhibition in London in 1851.— 391
[467] Affaires véreuses cabinet (cabinet of black affairs, or black cabinet) — a secret establishment at the postal departments of France, Prussia, Austria and some other states that opened and inspected correspondence; had existed since the time of the absolutist monarchies in Europe.— 398
[46 8] A reference to the events in the period when the Tudors' absolutist monarchy was being established in England following the War of the Roses (1455-85). The war was caused by the conflict between the feudal lords that grouped around two rival royal dynasties, the Lancasters and the Yorks. The founder of the dynasty, Henry VII Tudor, who had defeated King Richard III of York, made an attempt to sanctify the dynasty, seeking to consolidate the monarchy and his claim to the throne, which he based on his kinship with the Lancasters. With this end in view, in 1506 he requested Pope Julius II to canonise one of the Lancasters, King Henry VI, who had been dethroned by the Yorks at the time of the War of the Roses.—
[4 7 3] The Sachsenspiegel (Saxonian mirror) — a medieval German law code explaining the local (Saxonian) common law.— 404
[4 7 6] This refers to the Socialist Republican Alliance founded in Paris in October 1880 by a group of amnestied Communards. Among them were noted and influential figures in the working-class and democratic movement, former members of the International Working Men's Association and its General Council. The members of the Alliance declared themselves socialists, but refused to be committed to any doctrine whatsoever. In early 1881, the Alliance fell apart.— 408
[479] Weitlingianism — the doctrine of Utopian egalitarian communism advocated by Wilhelm Weitling that gained some currency among German craftsmen. In the early 1840s, it had had a certain progressive role, but later, since it rejected the need for active political struggle on the part of the proletariat and advocated sectarian, conspiratorial methods, it began to act as a brake on the evolution of the German workers' class awareness. The reactionary features of Weitling's doctrine, which gradually acquired a religious, Christian colouring, became more and more apparent with the passage of time. Neglect of the laws of history and dogmatism typical of the doctrine led to scientific methods and the need for a bourgeois-democratic stage in the revolution in Germany being ignored, and to excessive stress on the role of personality in history.— 413
[480] At that time, Bebel was doing a 4-month jail sentence in the Leipzig prison (he was allowed to go and stay at home on 2-9 January 1883).— 414
[497] In the first part of his work Die überseeische Lebensmittel-Konkurrenz (Leipzig, 1881) (see Note 495), Kautsky makes use of the information on the forms of agriculture in Canada supplied by Rudolf Meyer to the Viennese newspaper Das Vaterland.—
[499] The Hutzwang (enforced partition) — under the law of ancient Germans, the duty of all members of the commune to remove the fences around their land plots for the period between the harvest and the sowing so that the land could be used as communal pasture in the meantime.— 438
[500] E ng e] s m a y b e referring to the letter to the French Minister of Justice signed by Lafargue and Guesde and printed by L'Égalité' on 16 February 1883. The letter was entitled 'Deux noveaux prétendants'. In an ironic manner, Guesde and Lafargue demanded a milder punishment for themselves, equal to that reserved for royalty, for, considering the morals of the French monarchs, was anybody able to vouch that the accused did not have royal blood in their veins? — 441
[510] The Deutsch-Amerikanische Arbeiter-Library series initiated by Hepner opened with Bebel's pamphlet Unsere £iele, which Hepner published in 1883 in New York under another title, Die £iele der Arbeiterbewegung, having first made a number of changes.— 455
[514] Marx visited Johann Philipp Becker in Geneva on 26 September 1882 before his departure from Switzerland.— 460
[517] 5 " In a letter of 16 March 1883, Theodor Cuno asked Engels to confirm that Marx was called Mohr by his family. Cuno wanted to mention it in his article about Marx. Hepner, however, asserted that Marx had never had such a nickname and that mentioning it could only 'harm' the party.— 466
[519] 5 , 9 A reference to the mounting political tension in Ireland in the late 1870s-early 1880s engendered by the campaign for Home Rule and by the people's protest action against the landlords (see notes 124 and 139).— 471