Appendices

1. Jenny Marx to Engels. 10 August 1870

Dear Mr Engels,

Moor and Jenny sailed off for Ramsgate yesterday morning,[53] in order to see whether there is anywhere for us to put up our tents. I greatly fear that the rent will be enormous. I have been to see the house-agent, MR Smith, several times already in order to spur him into action.[24] He claims to have taken all the necessary steps and to have written to the owner in Manchester. No reply has been forthcoming from that fine gentleman, who seems to be in no hurry at all about the business. Smith thinks, however, that you are not running a risk of any kind and that there is time enough to settle the matter for you. He promised to write to me again, but since I have not heard anything further so far, I shall go and see him again tomorrow and not mince words.

Lafargue has just sent a number of French papers and I enclose a copy of Le Soir for you here. It may contain something useful for your military articles.a You cannot imagine what a sensation these have been making here! They really have made everything wonderfully clear and vivid, and I cannot but think of you as the jeuneb Moltke.

The nauseating vituperation in the Figaro, etc., really passes beyond all belief. They want to devour the vandals, bones and all, for having had the impudence to concentrate their forces and dare to set foot in the sol sacré de la patrie.c They all deserve to be thrashed by the Prussians; for all the French, even the tiny 10 1870

number of better ones, have an element of chauvinism in some remote corner of their hearts. This will have to be knocked out of them. Even here in our house, where there was also a bit of chauvinism, there is now just indignation about these gentry with their CIVILIS-A-A-ATION and their ideas which they were kind enough to try and import into Germany, which is no sol sacré.

From the stamps on the papers which Laura has sent, I see to my horror that they are still in Levallois-Perret and hence close to the fortifications.[3] We have long since warned them to leave Paris and take little Schnäpschena to Bordeaux. But they won't listen, and I hope they won't have to pay for it. I shall close now so as to catch the post and at the same time to rush for the Pall Mall to see whether there are not any NOTES ON THE WAR by 'Z' in it. Yesterday they printed your articleb as the FIRST LEADER, SO as to make even more capital out of it politically.

The PEACE LEAGUE c donated £20 to the International yesterday to distribute the Addressd in Germany and France. I don't know whether Moor will be happy about Wilhelmchen'se translation. The French translation of the braves Beigesf is quite wretched; in terms of fadaise* it is surpassed only by the translation which has just arrived from the braves suisses.

Please give my best regards to your dear wife.h

Your old friend,

Jenny Marx

2. Eleanor Marx to Engels. 12 August 1870

2

ELEANOR MARX TO ENGELS

IN MANCHESTER

[Ramsgate,] 12 August 1870 36 Hardres Street

My dear Engels,

You will see from the address that we are once more at Ramsgate.[53] I suppose you know that last Tuesdaya Mohr and Jenny went to look for houses.—Mama and I left London yesterday, and after a very pleasant journey arrived here safe and sound. I say a pleasant journey, though I dont think Mama thought so. The sea was very rough, the waves washing over the ship and wetting everybody.—All the passengers with the exception of one lady, myself, and several gentlemen, were sea-sick. This lady and I climbed up just by the side of the Captain's deck, and there we sat down. It was great fun. This morning I turned out before six o'clock in the morning and walked about till nine. I intend to go to the sands now and take a good bath.—Yesterday Papa had a letter from Kugelmann.—He writes about that book to which Rossa's likeness is to be prefixed.[74] He thanks very much for what you wrote,b but says he has not got the likeness.— Now Jane sent it shortly after your preface was sent — so I suppose they didn't get it. Would you mind sending them your copy — you know that one that was given with The Irishman.—We shall be much obliged to you if you will.—Now I must finish, for I'm in a hurry to go out again, so with best love to all

Believe me to be

Your affectionate

Tussy

3. Jenny Marx to Engels. Around 18 August 1870

3

JENNY MARX TO ENGELS

IN MANCHESTER

Ramsgate [around 18 August 1870] 36 Hardres Street

Dear Mr Engels,

I am enclosing a letter from Lafargue which will certainly be of interest to you. It is the first time in ages that we have heard from them and so we now know that they do not intend to take part in the siège. That is one consolation at least. All the news from Paris is really frightful. If the grrrande nation had attacked at the right time, they would have been spared the régime of Eugéniea and Palikao now. Isn't it scandalous that they simply continue to keep Rochefort in jail, the only intelligent politician among the whole of the jeune Franceb? The fact is that they deserve the Prussian rod even more than one might have supposed.

I really am furious about the business with the house[24] and just do not know how you can get around the marquis. Perhaps a letter to MR Smith would be of more use than my personal intervention. He constantly shifts all the responsibility for the delay away from himself and onto the shoulders of the sub-agent. The whole affair is in a complete muddle.

Yesterday evening there was heavy rain here so that Moor could not go out for his evening walk. This morning the sun is shining splendidly again. I am convinced that the marvellous sea air here would help him to recover completely if only he didn't have this wretched rheumatism that keeps him from walking and sleeping. Last night, though, he had a much better time of it, and after lunch he again went to 'BYE-BYES' for a while, as we call the siestas. The girls are constantly by, in, near or on the sea and have red cheeks and even redder noses, but otherwise are very well and cheerful. Only both are suffering greatly on account of the DOWNBREAK of their favourite nations. Jenny is totally 'FRENCH' and Tussy 'IRISH'. And Pigott really has behaved like a madman. 'E. M.' is not Tussy. However, today she intends to send the ass an excerpt from the Liberté in which the French explicitly reject all assistance and enthusiasm on the part of the Irish, since they

4. Jenny Marx to Engels. Around 13 September 1870

would prefer after all to deal with the 'honest English'. That's the treatment they get from Bonapartist France. This is the thanks for their torchlight processions and demonstrations.

Warmest regards from us all and particularly from me to your dear wife.a

Yours,

Jenny Marx

4

JENNY MARX TO ENGELS

IN MANCHESTER

[London, around 13 September 1870]

Dear Mr Engels,

Warmest thanks for your kind long and interesting letter.[45]

To come back to the subject of our house,[24] I am sorry that you were put to the trouble of writing once again. The position with the wallpapering is as follows: Smith and the other agent said they were prepared to paper the room if you desired it; they both thought, however, that the red wallpaper, once it had been cleaned, mended and generally renovated, would be preferable to any other cheaper one, that it was 3 times as expensive as the one in the FRONT ROOM and that it was a genuine DINING ROOM paper. So I went back with Lenchenb to have another look at it, as I did not trust my own judgment entirely, and Lenchen was definitely of 'Smith's' opinion and still claims that she prefers it to any other. I remained undecided and since I did not really know what to do, I waited for your letter. It might perhaps be best if you could look at it for yourself and made up your own mind. It will only take a day if you want to have a new one. Please let me know what you would like to have. Apart from that, the house seemed in good REPAIR from top to bottom, and neither of us could find anything amiss. Two broken windows were just being replaced and also a new robinet* (I can't just think of the German word) on the stone sink in the washhouse. Apart from that everything seemed to be in good order and I think that the man will replace anything still missing without delay. He appeared very willing in every respect.

At any rate, you must stay with us for a few nights and use our house as a base from which to make your ARRANGEMENTS. We shall be able to find room for everyone. For our house is a veritable palace and much too large and dear for us in my view.

Serraillier has written a very interesting letter from Paris which confirms everything we already knew long since about those amiable phrasemongers.b

Serraillier says you can almost get torn in pieces if you tell the truth, and even the better and the best ones are living on their memories of 1792. He is absolutely delighted about Rochefort, whom he has now seen for the second time, and he has enrolled in the home-guard unit du cher Gustave.0 It might be better not to tell Dupont for the moment that Serraillier is helping to defend le sol sacré? He might after all start to suffer from le coeur gros" and want to be off. Et à quoi bon?1 With his quick temper Dupont would make a fine impression. We have had no news from the Lafargues. I am overjoyed that he is SAFE.

Jenny is feeling better, but is greatly affected by the fate of the grrande nation, with which both girlsg are completely infatuated. Time will change all that. Indeed, we have all experienced that enthusiasm.

Best regards to your dear wifeh from

Your

Jenny Marx

5. Jenny Marx to Peter Imandt. Around 13 June 1871[1]

IN DUNDEE

[London, around 13 June 1871] 1 Maitland Park Road

My dear Mr Imandt,

I have just received your letter and make all haste to let you know that Moor is 'ALL RIGHT'. The rumours are just a lot of police fabrications which Stieber has invented in league with those French scoundrels.[756] You will be receiving COPIES of the Address of the International[3] today. Perhaps you can arrange for something from it to appear in the press. The girlsb have been with Laura for the past 6 weeks.[212] They were in Bordeaux at first. But then things got too hot for Lafargue. They made their escape from there and are now close to the Spanish border; SAFE, I hope.

Your brother also wrote briefly yesterday about Moor's arrest. Please tell him what you know. I have my hands full today.

You cannot imagine, dear Mr Imandt, what we have been through, all the misery and anger, during the last few weeks. It took more than 20 years to develop such brave, able, heroic men, and now almost all of them are lost. There is still hope for some, but the best have been murdered. Varlin, Jaclard, Rigault, Tridon.[757] And above all the true heroes, who fought on without leaders for 8 days in Villette, Belleville and St Antoine0: workers, both men and women!!d The despicable loudmouths like Félix Pyat will probably save their skins. Others are still in hiding, but I am afraid that the bloodhounds will hunt them down.

With best regards.

Yours,

Jenny Marx

6. Jenny Marx ( daughter) to Ludwig Kugelmann. 3 October 1871

My dear Doctor,

My best thanks for the portraits you have been kind enough to send us. They are excellent copies. I quite agree with you as to illustrated paper; but as unfortunately we only had two votes between us and as there were many votes against us, I assure you I had to fight many a hard battle, and at length only succeeded in effecting a compromise — that is to say, both copies have been sent to the artist who is going to publish the portrait, and he is to decide between them, or to make use of both.a

I am happy to say it has been possible to persuade Mohr to give up work for five days, and to go to the seaside.[316] To-day he will have to return, as there is a sitting of the International[3]: mama who is with him, writes, that the few days' rest have done him much good. And he was sadly in want of rest! To me it is a marvel how he has been able to bear all the toil and trouble of these last months.

The work has been, and still is, fearful. Take this day for an example. Early this morning there came a letter from an Italian section of the International — stating, that the Association is making wonderful progress in Italy (I suppose you have seen Garibaldi's letter on the Internationalb), and asking for advice and assistance. Then arrived letters from different parts of France, and finally a crazy epistle from a Swede, who it seems has run mad. 'He calls upon' le grand maître 'to light torches upon the mountains in Sweden' etc. Close upon the postman's rap follows a ring. An arrival from France — Russia — or Hong Kong! The number of refugees here is daily increasing. These poor people are in the most heartrending misery — they have not learnt the art of Badinguet,c d'Orléans, Gambetta and Co. of providing for the rainy day — they have come over here without clothes on their backs or a farthing in their hands. The winter here will be terrible. Your fears with regard to the importation from France of mouchards" are but too well founded. Happily, the Council has taken its precautions. To give you a proof of the success of those precautionary measures, I need only tell you that the International held a conference from the I7[th] to the 23-rd,[254] and not a single paper knew of it. On the 24-th a banquet wound up the proceedings. Mohr was made to preside on the occasion (much against his will, as you may imagine), and he had the honour of having on his right hand the heroic Polish general Wrôblewski. On the other side sat the brother of Dombrowski.b A great many members of the Commune were present. From Switzerland, Outine and Perret had arrived as delegates, from Belgium, De Paepe and five others, from Spain, Lorenzo — a most earnest devoted man — Liebknecht and Bebel could not come for want of cash. The Conference has transacted very much business. Among other questions of course the eternal Swiss squabble cropped up. A special Committee[36]' was selected to examine the difference. The resolutions it has arrived at, will, it is to be hoped, put an end to the underhand machinations of the clique Bakounine-Guillaume-Robin.—The following are some of the resolutions on the Swiss affair—

'Considering 'That the Alliance de la démocratie socialiste has declared itself dissolved; 'That in its sitting of the 18th September the Conference has decided that all existing organisations of the International Association shall henceforth be obliged to designate and constitute themselves simply and exclusively as branches, sections, federations, etc., of the International Association with the names of their respective localities attached;

'That the existing branches and societies shall therefore no longer be allowed to designate themselves by sectarian names such as Mutualists, Positivists, Collectivists, Communists, etc.;

'That no branch or society already admitted shall any longer be permitted to form a separatist body under the name of "section of propaganda", alliance, etc., pretending to accomplish special missions distinct from the purpose common to the mass of militant proletariat united within the Association, etc.;

'That henceforth the General Council of the International Association will in this sense have to interpret the resolution of the Basle Congress "The General Council has the right either to accept or to refuse the affiliation of any new society or group pending appeal to the next Congress", etc., etc.'c

Tussy is calling me — so I must bring this letter to a close. I wished to write also to dear T rautchen, but find I cannot do so to-day. Will you therefore ask her to excuse me, and tell her that every word of the report (in the German paper) concerning our arrest is untrue. Instead of our having proclaimed our names at Luchon, every letter was sent to us to the name of Williams or Lafargue. We lived in utter retirement, seeing no one but the doctor, of whom alas, we had need during the whole of our stay. The stay was sad indeed, for Laura's youngest child was ill during the whole time, and after fearful sufferings, died, towards the end of July — on the 26-th.—A few days after the child's death, just as the Lafargues were able to go out a little, M. de Kératry commenced his guerre à outrance[3] against us. Laura who had joined her husband at Bosost (in Spain) suffered much — her eldest child b

fell ill, so ill that she thought it would die — it was suffering from dysentery, so prevalent in that part of Spain — and she could not move away, as the Spanish and French police were waiting to arrest her. The child is a little better now. Paul, meanwhile, had escaped by unknown paths into the centre of Spain. Tussy and I had been caught on our return from Bosost, arrested, kept close prisoners for several days in our house and then taken to the gendarmerie-barracks. The letter found on me I had written to O'Donovan Rossa. It was an answer to his shamefull condemnation in The Irishman of the Communal movement. I expressed my surprise that he, of all men, should believe the infamous calumnies against the Communists, invented by the wretched police organs

Le Figaro, Paris-Journal etc. I claimed his sympathy (he is a power at New York at this moment) and that of his fellow-countrymen, for the heroic champions of a better society — for, I said, Irishmen, less than all others, can be interested in the continuation of the present state of things, etc.

With best love to Trautchen and Fränzchenc

Believe me, dear Doctor,

Very sincerely yours,

Jenny Marx

7. Eleanor Marx to Aristide Barré. 10 October 1871[759]

Sir,

My father asks me to tell you that an engraver is wanted, and that if you apply as soon as possible you will obtain employment.— You should go to R. Harper and Son, 16 Red Lion Street, Clerkenwell, and say you have been sent by Mr Oswald of 39 Gloucester Crescent.

I am, Sir, Yours very truly,

E. Marx

8. Jenny Marx ( daughter) to Ludwig and Gertrud Kugelmann. 21- 22 December 1871

My dear friends,

First of all let me thank you for your kind letter, my dear Doctor, and ask you to pardon me for hot answering it before this. If you knew how much I have had to do of late you would forgive me. For the last three weeks I have been running from one suburb of London to the other (which is no small undertaking in this immense city), and then I have often written letters until one o'clock in the morning. The object of these journeys and letters is to obtain funds for the support of the refugees.[251] Hitherto, alas, we have been unsuccessful in our endeavours. The infamous calumnies of the shameless newspapermongers have so much prejudiced the English against the Communeux, that they are generally looked upon with unmitigated horror. Employers will have nothing to do with them. The men who had succeeded in obtaining engagements under borrowed names, are dismissed so soon as it is found out who they are. Poor M. and Mad. Serraillier for instance had obtained engagements as French teachers. A few days ago, however, they were informed that the services of an ex-member of the Commune and of his wife would no longer be required. But I can speak of these things from personal experience. The Monros, for instance, have broken off all connection with me, because they have made the terrible discovery that I am the daughter of the pétroleur chief,a who defended the iniquitous Communal movement.

As the refugees cannot find employment, you can imagine to what straits they are reduced. Their sufferings are beyond description — they are literally starving in the streets of this great city — the city, that has carried the chacun pour soib principle to its greatest perfection. It is not to be wondered at that Englishmen, who consider starvation cases to be part and parcel of their own glorious constitution, who look upon the liberty to starve as a privilege to be proud of, are not much impressed by the nameless misery of foreigners for whom they have no sympathies whatever. For more than five months the International has now supported, that is to say, has held between life and death the great mass of exiles. But its resources are now exhausted. In this extremity we have had the enclosed private circular printed. I have drawn it up, and you will see carefully avoided any word or allusion that might shock the philistines.

You can imagine, my dear friends, how much all these difficulties and troubles worry poor Mohr. Not only that he has to fight with all the Governments of the ruling classes — into the bargain, he has hand to hand combats with the 'fat, fair and forty' landladies, who attack him, because this or that Communeux hasn't paid his rent. Just as he has lost himself in the abstrakten Gedanken,c

in rushes Mrs Smith or Mrs Brown. If only the Figaro knew this — what a feuilleton would be offered to his readers'

What with interruptions of every kind Mohr has had the greatest difficulty to find time to arrange the first chapter of his book" for the second edition.[396] By hook and crook he now hopes to be enabled to send it to his publisherb before the end of the next week. He has much simplified parts of it. But, I am happy to say that in spite of such an ocean of cares, Papa's health is pretty good, better than it has generally been at this time of the year. Some weeks ago he had an abscess under the arm, but it was not a bad one and was soon cured. His cough also has almost left him — he only coughs in the morning—(formerly you will remember he sometimes coughed during the whole night).

The successors of the defunct Alliancists10 have not given the General Council one moment's peace. During several months they succeeded in carrying their intrigues into every country. They went to work with such wild energy that for some time things looked bad for the future of the International. Spain, Italy, Belgium apparently sided with the Bakounine abstentionists, and were against the resolution on the necessity of the International taking part in politics.' Here in England the clique of abstentionists intrigued with Bradlaugh, Odger and their followers, they did not even scruple to make use of the mouchardsd and agents provocateurs of Thiers and Badinguet.e Their organs, the Qui Vive! in London, and the Révolution Sociale in Geneva, outdid each other in calumniating 'ces autoritaires', ces 'dictateurs', ces

'Bismarckiens' du Conseil Général Mr Bradlaugh has resorted to the most miserable misrepresentation to calumniate ' le grand chef de ce conseil'.i2A For weeks he secretly insinuated at private assemblies, at length he has openly proclaimed at a public meeting that Karl Marx was and is, a Bonapartist. His assertions are based upon the passage in the Civil War in which it is shown that the Empire 'was the only form of government possible'—here Bradlaugh stops omitting the concluding words 'at a time when the bourgeoisie had already lost, and the working class had not yet acquired, the faculty of ruling the nation'.

However the success of these intrigants was only apparent, in reality they have everywhere been unsuccessful. All their deep laid plots and maneuvres have availed them nothing.

In Geneva, that hotbed of intrigants, a congress representing thirty sections of the International has declared itself for the General Council, has passed a resolution to the effect that the separatist factions cannot henceforth be considered to form parts of the International, their acts having clearly shown that their object is to disorganise the Association. That these sections, who under another name, are only a fraction of the old Alliance faction, by continuing to sow dissension, are opposed to the interests of the federation.[398] This resolution was voted unanimously in an assembly of 500 members. The Bakounists who had come all the way from Neufchâtel to be present would have been seriously ill-used, had it not been for the men whom they style 'des Bismarckiens', 'des autoritaires'—Outine, Perret etc. who rescued them and begged the assembly to allow them to speak. (Outine of course was well aware that the best means of killing them altogether was to allow them to make their speeches.)

From Belgium, the news according to De Paepe is equally good. On Sunday, a congress is to be held at Brussels.[404]

The Spanish Federal Council has likewise adopted all the resolutions of the delegates of the Conference, and has exposed the bad faith of the separatist faction.

In America the latter party, represented by Section 12,[332] is powerless. All they can do is to disturb the meetings of the other sections.

The London French branch[338] has ceased to exist — Vermersch (Le Père Duchêne) has acted as its undertaker.

I am afraid I have already taken up far too much of your time — yet I must add a few words in reply to your letter, my dear Doctor.

Papa's opinion is that in the event of a war between Russia and Prussia, Austria will be the scapegoat, and that the wolves will make it up by helping each other to a slice of the lamb.

I was sorry to hear you did not receive the Illustrated paper[758]—firstly, because it is difficult to get hold of copies of it, then I am sorry to think you have been fancying all this time that I forgot to send you the paper. Believe me, my dear 'Trautchen'b

und 'Wenzel',c you were the very first persons it was sent to. I sent it you even before Laura had a copy. The portrait has likewise appeared in an Italian paper, in The Illustrated London News,d and will shortly be published in the Spanish Illustracion. You see it is making le tour du monde.e—Thanks for the German Illustration." I do not much like the portrait. In the attempt to beautify features etc.—the artist has sacrificed everything that was characteristic. A friend of ours says that if he had by chance seen it in a shop-window he would have said ' Voilà un bel homme qui ressemble à M. Marx'.* I will send you another Paris Illustration, so soon as I can get a copy from Paris — here in London the paper is not to be had.

As regards Bergeret's book,b I have not sent it. It is not worth while reading. With one exception, all the books on the Commune that have hitherto appeared, are mere trash. That one exception to the general rule, is Lissagaray's workc—which you will receive together with this letter.

To return to the vexed question of the erratic letter that travelled all the way to Russia before reaching you, I must remark you are mistaken in supposing that I was realy vexed when I made a joke about German 'Bildung'.*—Far be it from me, a French barbarian, to venture to criticize the cultivated German nation, cette grrrrrrande nationl But, as it seems you are determined to take up an imaginary gauntlet (imaginary it is, I assure you, for I have both of my gloves in my pocket), I must request you not to use unfair arms against me. If you will look at the enclosed address, you will see that I have never written Hanover with an accent over the ô. On the envelope I wrote 'Hannover'—when I write in English I only put one n, which is the correct spelling in English.—But let us shake hands (how I wish we could really do so!)—for it won't do to be quarrelling as the New Year is walking in. For the New Year I wish you all the best health and happiness, and above all, I hope we may see each other in its course. As our family cannot venture to go to the Continent, and as therefore there is no chance of our paying you a visit in Germany, you must by all means come over here to see us — for let me warn you, that unless you make up your minds to come to London during the next spring or summer, you may no longer find us here, as the English government is taking underhand measures to introduce a bill for the expulsion of Communists and Internationals. The prospect of settling down in the land of Yankee Doodle Dandy is not a very pleasing one to us. However, sufficient for the day is the evil thereofe!

With renewed wishes from all at home for your happiness, and with a hearty kiss to dear Fränzchen/ who will be quite a grown-up young lady by the time I see her again (this summer I trust), Believe me, my dear friends,

Ever affectionately yours,

Jenny Marx

December 22... We have just received your letters. I do not know how to thank you for all your kindness. You spoil us too much... The box has not arrived as yet, in unpacking it we shall follow your instructions to the letter.—With regard to your kind invitation, my dear Trautchen, accept my best thanks for it. I am afraid, however, it will be impossible for me to leave home this winter. I am able to make myself of some use here at this moment — besides which, I have already been away from home for four months this year,[28]' and that seemed to be an eternity to me. I feel as if I had just only come back from that long banishment. You must promise to come and see us next year, my dear Trautchen!

By the bye I forgot to give you my opinion as to O'Donovan Rossa(1)—I am sorry to say that I believe there is much truth in the reports given of him. He has not answered the letter I wrote him — but has not.again attacked the Communists and that is all I wanted.

The Irish in London are entering the ranks of the International. Irish Sections are being formed in various parts of the East-End... But you will think this tape-worm epistle is never coming to an end and perhaps it wouldn't, if my pen didn't positively refuse to mark. So with love to all

Believe me,

Your sincere friend

Jenny Marx

The box has just arrived. I really do not know which of the presents most to admire. I shall spare the locket for the very first grand occasion and shall at once get a frame for Shakespeare's portrait. It is one of the finest I have ever seen. Mohr is very much pleased with his book-shelves. Tussy and mama are not at home!

9. Eleanor Marx to Wilhelm Liebknecht. 29 December 1871

IN LEIPZIG

[London,] 29 December 1871 1 Maitland Park Road

My dear old Library,a

I suppose you'll be astonished at receiving a letter from me, but Papa is so busy that he has ordered his secretary to answer for him. Before speaking to you then of anything else I must give you his message. Mohr says he has been so busy that he could not answer your questions before — and that as regards Biedermann, you had only to compare your translation in the Volksstaat of resolution No. IX 'Political Action of the Working Class' with what he says to see that his was nothing but a police edition of them.[400]

Moreover no second Conference has been held.—

Now that business is attended to let us return to ourselves. No doubt you think that after all these years I have forgotten you. I can assure [you] I have done nothing of the kin'd. I remember both you and Alice"b perfectly — at least I remember Alice as she was, now of course she must be quite changed. You I should know anywhere though I'm sure you'd never recognize me. People that saw me only two or three years ago hardly know me again. I should so like to see Alice, and you too. We quite expected to see you at the Conference, and I was much disappointed when you didn't come.[326]

I suppose you have heard of Jenny's and my adventures in France, about our being arrested, and cross-examined by M. le Préfet Kératry and M. le Procureur général Delpech.—Jenny and I on returning from Bosost, a small village in Spain (whither we had accompanied Laura and her little boyc who went [there] to stay a few days with Lafargue who had gone there to prevent being arrested), were arrested on the French frontier, and conducted by 24 gendarmes right across the Pyrenees from Fos to Luchôn, where we were staying. Arrived there we were driven to the door of M. de Kératry's house, kept waiting in front of it in an open carriage with two gendarmes opposite us for three quarters of an hour, and then taken to our own house. It was Sunday night and everybody out in the street. At our house we found the police who had in the morning searched the house from top to bottom, and had treated our poor landlady and our servant who were alone in the house very badly. Kératry had already cross-examined them, and we were informed that he would presently arrive to do the same for us. At last he came, for he wouldn't leave the park till the band stopped playing. Our room was already full of gendarmes, mouchards,* and agents of every description when the

Préfet Kératry arrived accompanied by Delpech, procureur général, a juge de paix,b a juge d'instruction? the procureur de la république,"1 etc. I was sent with the Commissaire de Toulouse and a gendarme into a side room and Jenny's examination began, it being then about 10 o'clock. They examined her over two hours but to no use for they heard nothing from her. Then came my turn. Kératry told me most shameful lies. He got one or two answers from me by pointing to Jenny's declaration, and telling me she had said such and such a thing. Fearing to contradict her I said: 'Yes, it is so.' It was a dirty trick, wasn't it? However he heard precious little with all that. The next day when they came again we refused to take the oath. Two days after Keratry came and said he should in the evening send orders for our liberation (we were guarded by police). Instead of that we were taken off to a 'gendarmerie', and there we passed the night. The next day we were, however, let off, though we could not really move a step without being watched, besides we couldn't get back our English passport. At last we got everything, and arrived at last in London. Laura went through much the same adventures at Bosost, though not quite so bad as we, for she was in Spain. It appears that Kératry after the first evening did everything he could to get us free but Thiers wished us to be imprisoned. What was very amusing were the blunders Kératry and the police made — for instance they looked in the mattresses for bombs, and thought that the lamp in which we had warmed the milk for the poor little baby who died,' was full of 'pétrole'l And all that because Lafargue is Mohr's son-in-law, for Lafargue had done nothing at all.

There are a great many members of the Commune here, and the poor refugees suffer frightfully — they have none of them any money, and you can't think how difficult it is for them to get work. I wish they'd taken some of the millions they're accused of having stolen.

Now, my dear old-friend, good-bye.—Kiss all at home for me, especially Alice, and receive all our best wishes for the New Year. I must apologize for my dreadful writing, but I've such a wretched pen and almost no ink.

Once more 'A Happy New Year'

and believe me to be

Your affectionate

Tussy

10. Jenny Marx ( daughter) to Ludwig Kugelmann. 22 January 1872[760]

My dear Doctor,

I am afraid your plan with regard to the refugees cannot be carried out. On the slightest pretext they would be delivered up into the hands of the Versailles hangmen. Why, even here in England the ministry have been working underhand to introduce a bill for their extradition. If it does not come to that it is simply owing to the fact, that so soon as the intention of the Government had been discovered, it was at once made known to the English people, who now being forewarned will be forearmed, and will not stand tamely by to see their country degraded by such an act. I do not know whether I have told you that it was Papa who first obtained information of the plans of the Government by means of an acquaintance of his connected with the Home Ministry,(1) and that he at once made them known in the General Council, after which the news was published in The Eastern Post[761] And yet, with such proofs of the absolute necessity for the political and diplomatic action of the General Council staring them in the face, the miserable band of intrigants, who style themselves Internationals, continue to work as indefatigably as ever to undermine the Council. In the Belgian Congress[404] you will have seen that they have already reaped the first fruits of their intrigues. They have passed a resolution, the object of which is to transform the General Council into a bureau de renseignement? De Paepe, who had written to the Council some time before the Belgian Congress, and with the contents of whose letter I acquainted you, had been altogether mistaken in his appreciation of the state of affairs!

In London, Bradlaugh is doing all the dirty work, together with his understrapper Le Lubez. They do not shrink from employing the vilest means to obtain their ends. Mr Bradlaugh's latest expedient consisted in spreading the report that Karl Marx is a police agent. But instead of entering into the details of that affair, I will send you the numbers of The Eastern Post, containing the correspondence on that subject.[424]

Papa has already sent off more than half his booka to Meissner.[396] In the first chapter he has made great alterations, and what is more important, he himself is satisfied (which does not happen often) with these alterations. The work he has done these last few weeks is immense, and it is really a wonder that his health (it continues to be good) has not given way under it.

Entre nous, my dear friend, I must say that I think Meissner has been behaving very badly to Papa — that instead of forcing him to do all this work at the last moment, he ought to have informed him of the forthcoming publication of a second edition at least four months ago and thus have given him time.

Unfortunately Papa is obliged at this moment likewise to prepare the first chapter for the French translator[436] who is at once to set to work, Lafargue having come across a first-rate French publisher,b who is very anxious to publish Das Kapital. The translator is not Keller, who was prevented from resuming his translation, because he is engaged on another work. Charles Longuet, one of the ex-members of the Commune, has found another translator for it — Leroy I believe his name isc—who has translated several works of Feuerbachd with much skill. He is said to have succeeded in rendering in the fixed formal French language much of the movement of German thought — no easy task. The book is to come out in livraisonse—thirty I believe.

I must not forget to tell you that Lafargue has again been disturbed by the police, has been obliged to leave St Sebastian and is now staying at Madrid. So Laura is left alone with her childa in a strange country. We cannot imagine on what pretext Lafargue has again been expelled as the International, of which he formed sections, is not being persecuted at this moment in Spain.

As I wish to post this letter to-day I must say good-bye to you now. Hoping soon to have the long-promised letter from Trautchen and with my best love to her and Käuzchen ,b

Believe me, my dear Doctor,

Very faithfully yours,

Jenny Marx

Not only in Germany books, papers and letters are being continually lost. I do not know whether this is owing to the so-called postboxes in the streets. The next time I send you anything I will post it at the office.c

11. Eleanor Marx to Nikolai Danielson. 23 January 1872

Dear Sir,

Papa is so very much overworked at the present moment that he begs you will excuse his not writing himself and my doing so for him.—He has so very little time that I am convinced you will for once not mind his not writing himself.—He says I am to tell you that notwithstanding all the work he has to get through, he would have written long since had he not put off doing so from day to day in the hope of being able to correspond directly with you.—A second edition of Papa's book" is about to appear in Germany, and this has given him much to do, for many changes have been made. A French edition[436] is also about to appear, and you can understand what work it is to prepare for all this.— He is up the greater part of the night writing, and all day he does not leave his room — I am much afraid that this will compromise his health.—It is to be hoped that he will soon have finished with these difficult editions. As to Roberti, Papa says I am to tell you that he has seen the essay in the Revue Positive, but never received the book.[762]—Thus it would be impossible for him to write anything in refutation of the said book — and the essay does not give sufficient matter for attack.—Papa thinks you would do well to retard the Russian edition in no way, but to continue as quickly as possible.860—I am in great hopes that when once a French edition of Das Kapital has appeared, an English one will soon follow[763]— the English ape everything the French do, only when a thing comes from Paris does it meet with success here.—For instance, the biography and portrait which appeared of Papa in the Illustration have been copied by no end of papers — not only here but in Spain, Italy, Germany, America, etc.—doubtless you also have seen it in Russia.

We are all beginning to feel very anxious about our 'mutual friend'.b—The interest we all take in him makes us fear greatly.[740]—Alas that he should ever have left England! — It is several months since we heard anything, and the last news was not reassuring.—

Hoping, dear Sir, that you will excuse Papa, and begging you to accept his best compliments,

I am

Yours most faithfully,

Eleanor Marx

12. Wilhelm Liebknecht to Luigi Stefanoni. 29 February 1872[764]

Sir,

I have just learnt that your paper has not only published repeated attacks on the International Working Men's Association, but that it has also (in Nos. 1 & 4 of this yeara) translated and endorsed the filthy slanders of the police about the London General Council and Marx in particular, which appeared in the Berlin Neuer Social-Demokrat.b

Since the publication of my previous letter to you, in the Libero Pensiero No. 3,c was suited and perhaps designed to give the impression that I approve of this conduct, I hereby formally request you to inform your readers that I must repudiate any connection with men who aid and abet the European police in their persecution of the International and thus — whether con-sciously or unconsciously — play into the hands of Messrs Bismarck and Bonaparte.

I may tell you furthermore that the regional congress in Chemnitz, to which I referred in the letter published by you, has unanimously come out in favour of the London General Council.[418] In conclusion I would add that a copy of this letter is being sent to my friend and teacher, Karl Marx, for him to make whatever use of it he wishes.

W. Liebknecht

13. Jenny Marx ( daughter) to Ludwig Kugelmann. 3 May 1872[76]

My dear friend,

Knowing how deep an interest you take in everything that concerns Papa, I hasten to tell you that he has just received the first proof-sheets of the livraisons* to be published in French.[436]

Unfortunately much time has been lost because M. Lachâtre, the publisher, insisted upon printing in the first livraison a portrait of the author of Das Kapital. Perhaps we ought to excuse Lachâtre for attaching so much importance to the publication of the portrait if we take into consideration the fact that the Russian government has allowed Das Kapital to be printed, but has put its veto upon the issue of the author's likeness![146] However that may be, the fact is that it is owing to the likeness which had to be first taken, then engraved, that a great delay has been occasioned.

The translation of the first part of the book is not so good as we had every reason to hope it would be from the fame of the translator, M. Roy, who has with great success translated Feuerbach. Papa is obliged to make numberless corrections, he has to re-write not only whole sentences but entire pages. This labour, added to the correcting of the proof-sheets11 from Germany[396] and to the overwhelming International business is too much even for Papa, though you know his Arbeitskraft0 is extraordinary. I hope therefore you will pardon him for not writing oftener to you. It is absolutely impossible for him to do so. I greatly fear he will soon fall ill again — as so much work will be unendurable when the hot weather sets in. At the present moment his health is not bad.

I suppose you have seen from the German papers that the International has been fiercely attacked in the House of Commons? Enclosed is the answer issued by the General Council0 and which (with the exception of The Eastern Post) not one London paper has had the common fairness to insert.[765] Though the British Government has been obliged to declare its inability to comply with the wishes of M. Thiers openly to interfere with the International, it secretly does all the dirty work demanded of it. Mr Gladstone furnishes M. Thiers with the correspondence of the General Council to the Continent. Last week, for instance, Outine from Geneva wrote to inform us that a letter Papa had written to him on International affairs[17] had evidently been opened, and that, strange to say, at the post-office in London the words via Ostende had been changed for via Calais, which of course enabled the Versaillists to make themselves acquainted with the contents of the letter. And this letter had been registered!

We have had very sad news from Spain. Our poor little Schnapsa is very very ill. He has never recovered from the terrible attack of cholera he had last August. He is getting weaker and weaker.

Will you please give my love to Trautchen and tell her I will write to her soon.

With kindest regards from all at home to yourself, Trautchen and Käuzchen b

Believe me, my dear friend,

Very sincerely yours,

Jenny Marx

14. Jenny Marx to Wilhelm Liebknecht. 26 May 1872 ..:

My dear LIBRARY,c

Engels has taken upon himself the task of informing you about the Eccarius affaird and of putting you in the picture with regard to all the despicable infamies of which I cannot think without indignation and which I might not be calm and dispassionate enough to recount to you myself. For my part, I am happy to seize the opportunity to thank you for the confidence you have so genuinely retained in your old and undoubtedly sorely tried friend, and to tell you of the intense sympathy and concern with which I have thought of you and your dear wifea in these difficult, troubled times. I have often longed to tell you how much I admired the fortitude, tact and skill which you have displayed in these trying circumstances. And to be quite frank, my thoughts have lingered even more with your wife than with you. In all these struggles we women have the harder part to bear, because it is the lesser one. A man draws strength from his struggle with the world outside, and is invigorated by the sight of the enemy, be their number legion. We remain sitting at home, darning socks. That does nothing to dispel our fears and the gnawing day-to-day petty worries slowly but surely sap our spirit. I can say this from over 30 years' experience, and can certainly claim that I am not one to lose heart easily. Now I have grown too old to hope for much and the recent terrible eventsb have completely shattered my peace of mind. I fear that we ourselves, we old ones will not live to experience much good any more and my only hope is that our children will have an easier time of it. You cannot imagine what we have had to endure here in London since the fall of the Commune. All the nameless misery, the suffering without end! And on top of that, the almost unbearable work on behalf of the International. As long as Moor had all the work and just managed, thanks to his diplomacy and tactical skill, to keep the various unruly elements together in the face of the world and the cohorts of enemies, as long as he succeeded in sparing the Association RIDICULE, inspired the trembling crew with fear and terror, attended no Congress and never claimed the limelight, had all the labour and none of the credit — as long as that was the case, the rabble remained silent. But now that his enemies have dragged him into the light of day, have put his name in the forefront of attention, the whole pack have joined forces, and police and democrats alike all bay the same refrain about his 'despotic nature, his craving for authority and his ambition'! How much better it would have been, and how much happier he would be, if he had just gone on working quietly and developed the theory of struggle for those in the fight. But he has no peace by day or by night.

And what deprivation, what gênea in our private lives! And at the very time when our girls need our help.

So you have heard of Jenny's engagement. Longuet is a very gifted man and he is good, honest and decent, and the harmony of opinions and convictions between the young couple is certainly a guarantee of their future happiness. On the other hand, I cannot contemplate their union without great uneasiness and would really have preferred it if Jenny's choice had fallen (FOR A CHANGE) on an Englishman or a German, instead of a Frenchman, who of course possesses all the charming qualities of his nation, but is not free of their foibles and inadequacies. At present, he is tutoring in Oxford, in the hope of making better contacts. But you know yourself how precarious private tutoring can be, and I cannot help being afraid that, as a political woman, Jenny will be exposed to all the anxieties and torments inseparable from it. All of this entre nous. I know that you will keep it to yourself. It was an immeasurable relief to be able to open my heart to an old loyal friend and reveal my silent worries. I feel easier after these words and hope that you will not be angry with me for 'striking such a sad note' instead of writing cheerful letters to you and your dear wife. We heard from Laura yesterday. Her little boy,b who is now 3'/2 years old and the only survivor of her three children, had been lying sick with cholera for 9 months and was so emaciated that his poor parents had given him up for lost. Laura, in a strange land,c whose language she did not know, had spent the whole 9 months at his bedside! I need say no more. The child is now somewhat better and if he recovers still further and is able to travel, the Lafargues intend to come here in August. Tussy is well and in good cheer and a politician FROM TOP TO BOTTOM! Lenchend is her old self. The smell of the SUNDAY ROASTBEEF is just coming in from the kitchen and since the tablecloth is pushing me away from the desk, I shall bid you an affectionate farewell.

Give your dear children a thousand kisses from their old friend, especially my dear Alice.

Embracing you and your dear wife, I remain your old friend

Jenny Marx

15. Jenny Marx ( daughter) to Ludwig and Gertrud Kugelmann. 27 June 1872[7 6 6]

My dear friends,

If you knew how often I have sat down to write to you, and how often I have been interrupted before I had written half a dozen lines, I am sure you would forgive me for not having answered your last letter before this.

You, my dear Doctor, will be glad to hear that Mohr is entirely of your opinion with regard to his activity in the International. He is convinced that so long as he remains in the General Council, it will be impossible for him to write the second volume of Das

Kapital, at which he has been unable to work during the last year. Consequently, he has made up his mind to give up his post as secretary immediately after the next Congress. Until that time however, he will have to work terribly hard in the Council and out of it, in order to prepare for the great battle that will be fought out at the Congress, which is to take place in Holland.[580]

You will have some idea of this work when I tell you that besides writing manifestoes, reading or answering mountains of letters, Mohr is obliged to attend not only the usual weekly sittings at Rathbone Place, but additional ones at our house and that of Engels,[767] the last of which lasted from four in the afternoon until one o'clock in the morning. So much for International business. The remaining time (and there is not much of it) is given up to the correction of the proof-sheetsa from Meissner, and the revision of the French translation,[436] which unfortunately is so very imperfect, that Mohr has been obliged to re-write the greater part of the first chapter. The first livraison^ consisting only of the portrait of the author, after the enclosed photograph by Mayall— an autograph letter[1] and answer from the publisher Lachâtre, will shortly appear, in about a week.—Of the Russian translation, which is excellent, a thousand copies have already been

a of the second German edition of Volume I of Capital - b instalment - c See this volume, p. 347.

The French translation of the Civil War is producing a very good effect upon the refugees, equally satisfying all parties— Blanquists, Proudhoniens, and Communists. It is a great pity it did not appear earlier,[245] as it would undoubtedly have done much towards smoothing down the animosity against the General Council.—

And now, my dearest Trautchen,a let me also give you some news. In all probability the marriage so often announced by the presse policière de Paris will take place somewhere about the middle of July — the 18th or 19th. Last week the Gaulois married me for the 20th time. It selected the notorious Landeck as my husband.b

When I am married in good earnest I suppose those idiotic scribblers will let me alone.

I cannot send you M. Longuet's photograph, my dear friends, as I only have a very horrible one, that is being exposed in the shop windows, a caricature made to please the bourgeoisie, and to satisfy them that physically as well as morally the Communeux are the monsters for which they took them. So soon as I have a better likeness I will send it [to] you. What do you think of the enclosed one of Papa? We all greatly admire it and think it superior to the one he had taken at Hanover.—

With best love from all at home to yourselves and Käuzchenc

Believe me as ever

your affectionate friend

Jenny Marx

16. Jenny Marx-Longuet to Ludwig and Gertrud Kugelmann. 23 December 1872[766]

My dear friends,

A Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to you!—All at home join me in that heartfelt wish! I say all at home—for as you will have seen from the above address I am again in my dear old home with my parents. My husband and I have left Oxford after a fruitless stay of six weeks, during which time not a single pupil was forthcoming. The learned Dundrearies who had taken lessons during the summer term were no doubt so much shocked at seeing Mr Longuet's name among the names of the delegates to the International Congress M0 that they resolved to have nothing to do with their former teacher. Of course this was a great disappointment to me at first, knowing how difficult it is to find employment where there is so much competition — this country is overflowing with all sorts of French professors, French exiled journalists, doctors, lawyers, tinkers and tailors having indiscrimi-nately taken to that line. Gradually I have however become reconciled to our Oxford misadventures. I am so very much happier in London than in orthodox snubbish Oxford. London contains Modena Villas and in the front room first floor of Modena Villas I can always find my dear Mohr. I cannot express you how lonely I feel when separated from him — and he tells me that he also missed me very much, and that during my absence he buried himself altogether in his den. If only my husband and I could find something to do in London, I shall bless the ill luck that has driven us from the grand seat of sham science.

The Lafargues are also staying at Hampstead, where they intend settling down for a few years. Mama wishes me to tell you that Laura is looking much better now than while staying at the Hague — she is much more cheerful, and we trust, will gradually altogether recover from the terrible shock caused by the death of her dear little boy.a All the other members of our family are well. I trust, my dear friends, you will be able to give me equally good news of yourselves. Do write me soon. You know I take a deep interest in all that concerns you. If you, my dear Trautchen, would only condescend to let me have one letter for every half dozen you write your friend Mrs Tenge I should be satisfied. You see I am not very exacting and not at all jealous!

The French translation of Das Kapital is slowly progressing.[436]

The next livraison11 will be excellent. Papa has re-written it altogether. The translator, who is a very dull dog, had made a sad mess of it. Unfortunately this sort of correction gives Mohr as much, if not more work, than if he had written the whole thing himself. He works every night till two or three o'clock in the morning. Have you read the articles on the first livraison that have just appeared in the Liberté of Brussels?a It was left for these Belgian wiseacres to discover that Marx and Proudhon have together resolved the 'constitution de la valeur'. Voilà ce que c'est que l'esprit belgedu faro tout pur,b unadulterated. However dull these Belgians be, they are not too dull to carry on their miserable intrigues against the International. They work as hard as ever with their brothers of the Jura and have of late also joined hands with the model British workmen Hales and the drunken Mottershead. Their party has been further strengthened by the addition of Jung — whose shameful defection is the result of his grotesque vanity. The miserable wretch could not bear the idea of transferring the Council to New York, which robs him of all his importance. For weeks he fumed and fretted in silence, and now at length has openly entered the service of the Great Hales. All these petty intriguers however will soon have played out their small games, and certainly it will be a good thing for the Association to have got rid of such workers as the illustrious Jung, Hales etc. It is after all no misfortune these men have come out in their true colours.—

My paper is full — so I have just only time to repeat to you our best wishes for yourselves and dear Fränzchen.c

I remain your sincere friend

Jenny

17. Jenny Marx-Longuet to Ludwig and Gertrud Kugelmann. 12 May 1873[766]

My dear friends,

I should be really grieved if I thought you had all this time been looking upon me as a faithless friend — but no — you must surely know me well enough to have attributed my silence to everything but want of friendship. And indeed everything but that has been the cause of it. Ever since Christmas I have been altogether absorbed by the delightful battle known as the struggle for life. Were I to enumerate all the races I have run from the north to the south, from the east to the west of London — and run in vain — to pick up pupils for French, German, singing and elocution, I should sadly tire you. The result of all this has been the acquisition of a vast amount of experience, a thorough insight into the shameless impossible tricks of advertisers, agents, princi-pals of schools etc. Though like Shakespeare's Rosalind I would rather have a fool to make me merry than experience to make me sada—yet in this case I do not regret my hard earned experience — for I hope some day to make known to the public the machinations of these ghouls of middlemen and thus to save others from the snares into which I have fallen. My husbandb has not been more successful than myself in this land of liberty and free competition. Of course if we had chosen to settle down somewhere in the provinces, to vegetate in some corner out of the world, we might have found employment long ago — but though married, my heart is as it ever was chained to the spot where my Papa is, and elsewhere life would not be life to me. If all fails however I suppose I must leave him... But sufficient for the day is the evil thereofc—I will not think of it beforehand.

I have yet to thank you for your last letters, my dear friends. To you, my dear Doctor, I need not write a line in answer to your opinion of the representatives of the Jura at the Congress.[580] Time has taken the trouble to do that for me, and to do' it far more effectually than I could have done. Those miserable intriguers whose sole object is to sow dissension in the Association and to reap the benefit thereof, have been all along treated far too generously by their opponents.—Have you seen the last production of that infamous lump of vanity, Jung, in the Libertéd? The lies he tells of my husband he has concocted together with a quondam revolutionist who has now settled down as flunkey in an English gentleman's family, and is content to figure as 'calves'. A companion worthy of the illustrious Jung!

There is no truth whatever in the rumour to which you allude of Papa's going to America.— The second volume of Das Kapital does not progress at all, as the French translation,[436] which has to be almost entirely re-written, takes up the whole of Mohr's time. What do you think of it and of the epilogue to the second edition[396] of Das

Kapital}

To you, dear Trautchen," I need not say that I think of you very very often and that I long to see you again,—you and dear Fränzchen.b Does that young lady still recollect a certain by-byc of old? Give her my best love. Mohr sends you and Wenzel many greetings in which my husband and mama join. He will write to you soon.

Very faithfully yours,

Jenny

18. Charles Longuet to Hugo Heller. 23 June 1873

My dear Friend,

May I thank you on both my own and my father-in-law's behalf for your kind suggestion; but at this moment we neither of us have anything of importance to convey to Paris. So if the French customs search your pockets or your baggage for petrol, they will be wasting their time.

Do not, however, let this deter you from coming to see us on Friday ,d if you have a moment to spare. In any case I very much hope we shall see you before your return to Oxford.

To the best of my knowledge there has never been a General Clément in the Commune; I presume you must mean Citizen J. B. Clément, ex-member of the Commune for the 18th arrondissement.

My wife and I beg you to convey our respects to Mrs Heller.

With cordial salutations,

Charles Longuet

Published for the first time Printed according to the original

Translated from the French NOTES

AND INDEXES


Endnotes

a F. Engels, Notes on the War. - b young - c sacred soil of the mother country
a of Paris - b Charles Etienne Lafargue - c F. Engels, 'The Prussian Victories'. -d K. Marx, 'First Address of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association on the Franco-Prussian War'. - e Wilhelm Liebknecht's - f worthy Belgians - s absurdity - h Lydia Burns

[74] Engels means the portrait of Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, a Fenian leader, which Ludwig Kugelmann asked to be sent for a collection of Irish folk songs entitled Erins Harfe being prepared for publication by Joseph Risse. At the request of Marx's eldest daughter Jenny, Engels wrote short notes for the Preface (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 140). However, neither Rossa's portrait nor Engels' notes appeared in the collection, which was published in Hanover in 1870.—50, 54, 557

a 9 August - b F. Engels, 'Notes for the Preface to a Collection of Irish Songs'.
a wife of Napoleon III - b young France

[4 5] This letter by Engels has not been found.—29, 43, 125, 156, 159, 185, 277, 305,

a Lydia Burns - b Helene Demuth
a tap - b See this volume, p. 77. - c of dear Gustave (Flourens) - d the sacred soil - e a heavy heart - f And what would be the good of it? - 8 Jenny and Eleanor Marx - h Lydia Burns

[756] A number of European newspapers announced that Marx had been arrested in Holland. A statement to this effect appeared in The Pall Mall Gazette, No. 1970, 7 June 1871, in the article 'The Interregnum'. Marx replied with a letter to the editor of The Pall Mall Gazette exposing this falsehood (see present edition, Vol. 22, p. 360).—561

[212] Towards the end of April 1871 Marx's daughters Jenny and Eleanor set out for Bordeaux to visit Laura and Paul Lafargue; in June all of them moved to Bagnères-de-Luchon. Early in August, fearful of persecution, Lafargue left for Spain and Laura followed him. Jenny and Eleanor were arrested in Luchon and later expelled from France. On this see K. Marx, 'Letter to the Editor of The Sun, Charles Dana' and Jenny Marx's Letter to the Editor of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly (present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 396-99, 622).—150, 153, 177,

[757] The information concerning Charles Victor Jaclard and Edme Marie Gustave Tridon proved erroneous. Jaclard escaped from prison on 7 October 1871, and Tridon emigrated to Brussels, where he died on 31 August 1871.— 561

a K. Marx, The Civil War in France. - b Jenny and Eleanor Marx - c working-class quarters in Paris - d In the original, this sentence is given as a postscript.

[316] Lavrov's letter of 29 September and this one by Engels refer to a consignment of books for Lavrov (see this volume, p. 218) and also discuss in a coded form the organisation of assistance to the French refugees.—222, 562

[254] An allusion to the preliminary conference held in London on 25-29 September 1865 instead of the congress of the International Working Men's Association planned for Brussels. In line with a resolution of the Basle Congress (1869), the next congress of the International Working Men's Association was to be held in Paris. However, the persecution of the International's sections by the police in France compelled the General Council to move the next congress to Mainz (see Note 40). The outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War made the congress impossible; nor was it possible to hold it in the atmosphere of severe reprisals against the members of the International during the civil war in France, especially after the suppression of the Paris Commune. In these circumstances, the majority of national federations agreed that the congress be postponed and the General Council be empowered to fix the date of its convocation. At the same time the urgent tasks to be undertaken in the struggle against the Bakuninists and other sectarian elements, as well as other pressing problems, demanded the adoption of collective decisions. At its meeting on 25 July 1871 the General Council, at Engels' suggestion, resolved to convene a private conference of the International in London on the third Sunday of September. The majority of the federations agreed to the proposal. The London Conference was held from 17 to 23 September 1871. Twenty-two voting, and ten non-voting, delegates took part in its work. The countries unable to send delegates were represented by the corresponding secretaries. Marx represented Germany, Engels — Italy. In all, nine sessions were held. The most important decision of the Conference was formulated in Resolution IX, 'Political Action of the Working Class', which declared the need to found, in each country, an independent proletarian party whose ultimate goal was the conquest of political power by the working class.—178, 187, 308, 326,

[36] The Garde mobile (Mobile National Guard)—special armed forces introduced in France in 1848. From 1868 onwards it was made up of men who had reached call-up age but were not enlisted for active service or in the reserve; it was assigned to frontier defence, and to rear and garrison service. In 1870 it was called up for active service for the first time and formed the core of the French armed forces after the fall of the Empire. The Garde mobile was abolished in 1872.—21

a a meeting of the General Council - b Garibaldi's letter to Arthur Arnold published in Der Volksstaat, Nos. 80 and 81, 4 and 7 October 1871. - c Nickname of Louis Bonaparte (Napoleon III), who, in 1846, fled from prison in Ham in the clothes of a mason by the name of Badinguet.
a police spies - b Theophil Dombrowski - c Jenny Marx quotes in French. Cf. present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 429-30. - d Gertrud Kugelmann
war to the knife - b Charles Etienne Lafargue - c Franziska Kugelmann

[759] The letter gives some idea of Marx's work to organise assistance to the refugee Communards.— 565

[251] 231 In June 1871 the General Council began to raise funds and distribute them among the Commune refugees; it also found jobs for them. In July the General Council formed a special Relief Committee which included Marx, Engels, Jung and other members of the Council. On 5 September 1871 Marx and Engels, being busy with the preparations for the London Conference of 1871, resigned from the Committee. Marx nevertheless continued to take an active part in organising assistance to the Commune refugees.—176, 202, 326, 566

a incendiaries' chief - b every man for himself - c abstract thoughts

[398] The resolutions of Thirty Sections in Geneva were adopted at the meeting of the Geneva Sections of the International on 2 December 1871. They rejected the Bakuninist Sonvillier circular and expressed solidarity with and support for the General Council's activities and the London Conference resolutions. The resolutions of the thirty sections were published in L'Égalité, Nos. 23 and 24, 7 and 24 December 1871. In addition, Engels sent to Lafargue the 'Réponse du Comité fédéral romand à la Circulaire des 16 signataires, membres du Congrès de Sonvilliers', published in L'Egalité, No. 24, 24 December 1871, which condemned the Bakuninists' splitting activities. All these documents were published by Lafargue in La Emancipation, Nos. 29 and 30, 1 and 7 January 1872.—284, 568

a Volume I of Capital - b Otto Meissner - c K. Marx and F. Engels, 'Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association Assembled at London from 17th to 23rd September 1871'. IX. Political Action of the Working Class. - d police spies - e Nickname of Louis Bonaparte (Napoleon III) who, in 1846, fled from prison in Ham in the clothes of a mason by the name of Badinguet.

[332] Section No. 12 joined the American sections of the International in July 1871. Its leaders, the feminists Victoria Woodhull and Tennessee Claflin, began campaigning for bourgeois reforms on behalf of the International. On 27 September 1871, without the knowledge of the New York Central Committee, Section No. 12 demanded that the General Council recognise it as the leading body of the International in the USA. Simultaneously it campaigned in the press against the sections which upheld the proletarian character of the International. In its resolution of 5 November 1871 the General Council rejected the claims of Section No. 12 and confirmed the powers of the New York Central Committee. Nevertheless Section No. 12 continued to act in the same vein, which led to a split between the proletarian and petty-bourgeois sections. In March 1872 the General Council expelled Section No. 12 from the International, and in September 1872 this decision was confirmed by the Hague Congress.—

[338] The French Section of 1871 was formed in London in September of that year by French refugees. The leaders of the Section established close contacts with Bakuninists in Switzerland. The Rules of the French Section of 1871, published in Qui Vivel, its official newspaper, were submitted to the General Council at its extraordinary meeting on 16 October 1871 and referred to a special commission (see Note 341). At the General Council meeting of 17 October Marx tabled a resolution on behalf of the commission (present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 24-27), recommending that the Section bring several paragraphs of its Rules into line with the Rules of the International. In its letter of 31 October signed by Augustin Avrial, the Section rejected the General Council resolution. This reply was discussed in the commission and at the General Council meeting of 7 November 1871. Auguste Serraillier, Corresponding Secretary for France, submitted a resolution written by Marx, which was adopted unanimously by the Council (see present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 37-42). In December 1871 the French Section of 1871 split up into a number of groups. In some of his letters Marx called this section French Section No. 2 to distinguish it from the French Section in London, established in 1865 (see Note 50).—241, 256, 267, 278, 280, 302, 309,

[758] Marx's portrait, made from a 1867 photograph taken by Fr. Wunder of Hanover and engraved on wood by J. Robert, appeared on the front page of the Paris L'Illustration, No. 1498, 11 November 1871. The same issue printed an anonymous biography of Marx (see Note 684).— 562, 568, 576

a Gertrud Kugelmann - b Ludwig Kugelmann's nickname - c In the original: London Illustrated Times. - d a round-the-world trip - e Illustrierte Zeitung
a 'That is a handsome man who resembles Mr Marx'. - b J. Bergeret, Le 18 mars. - c [P. O.] Lissagaray, Les huit journées de mai derrière les barricades. - d 'culture' -e Matthew 6:34 - { Franziska Kugelmann

[28] Marx sent to Paul and Laura Lafargue a clipping from Der Volksstaat, No. 59, 23 July 1870, with a report from Berlin which quoted the declaration made by Bebel and Liebknecht in the Reichstag on 21 July 1870. He may also have enclosed the 'Politische Uebersicht' column from the same issue, dealing with the attitude of the German working class to the Franco-Prussian War. On Bebel's and Liebknecht's declaration in the Reichstag see Note 31.—14

Published in English for the first time

(1) See this volume, p. 564.

[4 0 0] On 23 December 1871 the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, No. 300, and on 28 December, the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, No. 302, printed a report on the 1871 London Conference, including the texts of its resolutions. At Marx's request Eleanor Marx informed Liebknecht on 29 December (see this volume, p. 571) that the report was a falsification. On 30 December Der Volksstaat, No. 104, printed a statement in its 'Politische Uebersicht' column pointing out that the above-mentioned resolutions were falsified. Engels referred to it as the 'Stieberian escapade' after Wilhelm. Stieber, the 22-556 organiser of the trumped-up Communist trial in Cologne (1852). On the trial, see Note 138.—288, 571

[326] On 12 September 1871 Liebknecht sent Engels a mandate to attend the London Conference as a representative of the Saxonian members of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party.— 232, 571

a Liebknecht's nickname coined by Marx's daughters - b Liebknecht's daughter -c Charles Etienne Lafargue
a police spies - b Justice of the Peace - c examining magistrate - d Baron Desagar-re - e the Lafargues' youngest son

[760] p a r t 0f thj s letter was published in English for the first time in Labour Monthly, September 1957, and in full in Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Publishers, Vol. II, [Hanover] 1962.—573, 578

[761] Marx reported on the intention of the Gladstone government to subject refugee Communards to persecution at the General Council meeting of 19 December 1871; his speech was published as part of the report on the Council meeting in The Eastern Post, No. 169, 23 December 1871.—573

(1) Nicolas Léon Thieblin 20-556

[424] The bourgeois radical Charles Bradlaugh made slanderous attacks on Marx in a public lecture delivered on 11 December 1871 and in a letter to The Eastern Post printed in its second edition on 16 December. At the General Council meeting of 19 December Marx pointed to the close link between Bradlaugh's behaviour and the harassment of the International by the ruling circles and the bourgeois press. Replying to the slanderous letters printed in January 1872 by The National Reformer, which was edited by Bradlaugh, Marx sent several statements exposing The Eastern Post (see present edition, Vol. 23, pp. 62-63, 71, them to 72-73).—299, 567, 574

a information bureau - b Volume I of Capital - c Maurice Lachâtre - d Joseph Roy - e L. Feuerbach, Das Wesen des Christenthums; Vorlesungen über das Wesen der Religion... - { instalments

[762] Probably a slip of the pen in Eleanor Marx's letter. The reference is apparently to La Philosophie positive, No. 3 for November-December 1868, which featured a short review of Volume I of Capital written by Yevgeny De-Roberti. Referring to De-Roberti's book, Eleanor Marx probably meant his Politiko-economicheskiye etyudy (Essays on Politics and Economics), which appeared in St Petersburg in 1869.—576

[763] Volume I of Capital first appeared in English under Engels' editorship in 1887.—576

a Charles Etienne Lafargue - b Gertrud and Franziska Kugelmann - c A note in the margin in Jenny Marx's hand: 'This Moreau is no doubt a police agent anxious to obtain the portraits of the Communists.' 20*

[740] On 10 June 1873 after two abortive attempts Hermann Lopatin managed to escape from prison in Irkutsk. That August Lopatin arrived in Paris.— 539,

Volume I of Capital - b Hermann Lopatin

[764] This letter was written by Liebknecht on 20 February 1872 at Engels' suggestion and on the basis of the information supplied by him (see this volume, pp. 319-20). Liebknecht sent the text to Engels, who translated it into Italian and forwarded it to Carlo Cafiero in Italy to be published in the press (a handwritten draft of the translation has survived which is identical to the version published in the Gazzettino Rosa). The Gazzettino Rosa dated the letter 29 February 1872 — 577

[418] The Congress of Saxonian Social-Democrats was held in Chemnitz on 6-7 January 1872. It was attended by 120 delegates, among them Bebel and Liebknecht, representing nearly 60 local organisations. In closed session the congress considered its attitude to the Sonvillier circular (see Note 374) and the battle against the anarchists in the International. Having rejected the circular and approved the resolutions of the London Conference, the congress gave its unanimous support to the General Council.—298, 304, 310, 577

a 'L'Internazionale e il Consiglio Supremo di Londra', II Libero Pensiero, Nos. 1 and 4, 4 and 25 January 1872. - b J. Schneider, 'An die Socialdemokraten Deutschlands', Neuer Social-Demokrat, No. 67, 3 December 1871; see also items in Nos. 68-70 of Neuer Social-Demokrat of 6, 8 and 10 December 1871. - c on 18 January 1872

[76] Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Writings on the Paris Commune, Monthly Review Press, New York-London, 1971.—52, 76

[146] Volume I of Capital was translated into Russian by Hermann Lopatin, Nikolai Danielson and Nikolai Lyubavin. It was the first translation of his work into any foreign language. The book was published in full in the spring of 1872 except for the portrait of Marx, because the censor had forbidden its reproduction in the Russian edition.—100, 578

[765] The declaration was written by Marx in connection with the slanderous speech made in the House of Commons by Alexander Baillie-Cochrane on 12 April 1872. It was published in The Eastern Post, No. 186, 20 April 1872.—578

[17] This letter by Marx has not been found.—10, 15, 26, 33, 65, 70, 106, 176, 192,

a instalments (of Volume I of Capital) - b of the second German edition of Volume I of Capital - c capacity for work - d K. Marx, 'Declaration of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association Concerning Cochrane's Speech in the House of Commons'.
a Charles Etienne Lafargue - b Gertrud and Franziska Kugelmann - c Liebknecht's nickname coined by Marx's daughters - d See this volume, pp. 381-84.
a Natalie Liebknecht - b the defeat of the Paris Commune
a straits - b Charles Etienne Lafargue - c The Lafargues lived in Madrid at the time. - d Helene Demuth

[767] A reference to the meetings of the General Council Executive Committee (see Note 435). The Committee meetings usually took place at Marx's or Engels' homes.— 582

[245] The Civil War in France was published in French for the first time in L'Internationale in Brussels in July-September 1871 and in L'Égalité in Geneva in August-October 1871. It appeared between separate covers in Brussels in June 1872. In Spain Marx's work was published in La Emancipaciôn in July-September 1871. The publication of the Italian edition, started in L'Èguaglianza (Girgenti) in November-December 1871, was not completed. The Dutch edition appeared in De Toekomst in June-July 1871. On the German translation of The Civil War in France see Note 226.—170, 400, 583

a Gertrud Kugelmann - b Le Gaulois, 18 June 1872. - c Franziska Kugelmann
a Charles Etienne Lafargue - b Gertrud Kugelmann - c instalment
a 'Karl Marx et son analyse de la valeur', La Liberté, Nos. 49 and 51, 8 and 22 December 1872. - b 'composition of value'. There you have the Belgian spirit as it is — the purest beer - c Franziska Kugelmann
a Shakespeare, As You Like It, Act IV, Scene 1. - b Charles Longuet - c Matthew 6:34 - d H. Jung, 'Monsieur le rédacteur...', La Liberté, No. 18, 4 May 1873.
a Gertrud Kugelmann - b Franziska Kugelmann - c Jenny's nickname coined by Marx - d 27 June

[5 3] Marx and his family were on vacation in Ramsgate from 9 to 31 August 1870.—38, 56, 60, 64, 82, 555, 557

[24] Marx means renting a house for Engels who intended to move from Manchester to London for good in September 1870 after retiring from the firm of Ermen & Engels. Jenny Marx took an active part in looking for a suitable house.—12, 15, 19, 49, 52, 555, 558, 559

[3] This refers to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71.— 3

[1] Part of this letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Correspondence. 1846-1895. A Selection with Commentary and Notes, Martin Lawrence Ltd., London [1934].—3, 30, 38, 61, 127

[396] In his letter to Marx of 28 November 1871 Meissner wrote that almost the whole of the first German edition of Volume I of Capital, issued in 1867, had been sold out. He suggested that Marx should start preparing the second German edition (see Note 145).—283,298, 301, 314,327, 343,347, 374, 379, 396,

[404] In its discussion of the Sonvillier circular (see Note 374), the congress of the Belgian Federation of the International Working Men's Association held on 24-25 December 1871 in Brussels declined to back the demand of the Jura Federation that a General Congress of the International be convened without delay, yet at the same time instructed the Belgian Federal Council to draw up new draft Rules for the Association. Those behind the project were motivated by the desire to deprive the General Council of its powers. A short report on the congress was published in L'Internationale, No. 155, 31 December 1871, and also in Der Volksstaat, No. 5, 17 January 1872.—289, 296, 310, 374, 568, 574

[436] The surviving manuscript copy of the letter does not bear the name of the addressee. However, its contents and Marx's correspondence on the subject indicate that it was addressed to the heads of the Lachâtre publishing house in Paris. On 13 February 1872 Marx received a reply from the manager Juste Vernouillet, who informed him about the despatch of copies of the agreement on the publication of the French translation of Volume I of Capital. The agreement was signed on 15 February by Marx on one side, and Maurice Lachâtre and Juste Vernouillet on the other. It stipulated that the French edition was to be published in 44 instalments, and sold five instalments at a time. The French authorised edition of Volume I of Capital was published between 17 September 1872 and November 1875. The translation was done by Joseph Roy, who began in February 1872 and completed work in late 1873. The quality of the translation largely failed to satisfy Marx; besides, he was convinced that the original needed to be revised to adapt it to French readers.—316, 319, 328, 343, 362, 367, 374, 377, 379, 385, 396, 399, 405, 409,

[766] This letter was published in English for the first time in Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Publishers, Vol. II, [Hanover] 1962.—

[580] On 19 July 1872 at the meeting of the General Council Executive Committee (Sub-Committee; see Note 435), Engels was instructed to prepare the financial report for the Hague Congress covering the period since the London Conference in September 1871. The report was read out by Engels at the Hague Congress sitting of 7 September 1872, and unanimously approved. Marx and Engels arrived at The Hague to take part in the Congress on 1 September 1872. On 8 September they travelled to Amsterdam, where they took part in the meeting marking the closure of the Congress. Engels returned to London on 12 September, and Marx around 17 September 1872. The Fifth Congress of the International Working Men's Association was held on 2-7 September 1872 in The Hague and attended by 65 delegates from 15 national organisations. Its decision to include in the General Rules (as Article 7a) the major tenet on the conquest of political power by the proletariat, and its resolutions relating to Administrative Regulations signified a victory for Marxism. The Congress took stock of the struggle Marx, Engels and their followers had waged for years against petty-bourgeois sectarianism in the workers' movement, in whatever guise it appeared, most notably against Bakuninism; Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume, the anarchist leaders, were expelled from the International. The resolutions of the Hague Congress laid the groundwork for the future formation of independent political parties of the working class on a national level.—427, 430, 438, 450, 460, 475, 489, 491,