Notes

Residual editorial notes

115 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[15] The reference is to Johann Baptist Schweitzer's review of Volume One of Capital anonymously printed in twelve issues of Der Social-Demokrat between 22 January and 6 May 1868, under the heading 'Das Werk von Carl Marx'. For Marx's opinion of this review, see his letter to Engels of 23 March 1868 (present edition, Vol. 42).—8, 11, 13, 61

[44] Here productive capital means industrial capital, as distinct from merchant capital. Later, Marx evolved a special definition of productive capital in Part I of Volume Two of Capital (see present edition, Vol. 36).—24

[45] Marx's reference is to the erroneous tenet of Adam Smith's theory (see A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Ld., 1776, Book I, Ch. 6) generally shared by bourgeois political economists according to which the value, and consequently the price of the commodity is reducible to neat revenue and does not include fixed capital. Marx criticised 'A. Smith's dogma' in Part III of Capital's Volume Two (present edition, Vol. 36).—25

[57] Marx is probably referring to the incident described by Plutarch in his Vitae parallelae. Decurions—members of city councils originally existing in the urban communities of Italy dependent on Rome, and later, under the empire, in all towns in the provinces; were in charge of distribution and collection of taxes, renting town lands, expenditure of public money, etc.— 35

[66] A reference to the champions of the so-called 'currency principle', a trend in bourgeois political economy advocating the quantitative theory of money. Jones Lloyd (Lord Overstone), Robert Torrens, George Arbuthnot and other representatives of this school maintained that the value and price of commodities are determined by the quantity of money in circulation, that the guarantee of stable currency is the obligatory backing of banknotes by gold and that their issue is regulated according to the import and export of precious metals, regarding violation of these 'laws' as the decisive cause of economic crises. The attempt of the British Government to rely on the 'currency principle' theory (Bank Act of 1844, etc.) failed, thus proving its scientific groundlessness and its impracticability (see critique of this theory in Marx's À Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, present edition, Vol. 29).— 39

[69] Silesian wars—in historical writings, the wars waged by Prussia against Austria for Silesia (which belonged to Austria). As a result of the First (1740-42) and Second (1744-45) Silesian wars, which formed part of the European war for Austrian succession, the most of Silesia was captured by Prussia. Austria's attempts to recover the territory in the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), sometimes referred to as the Third Silesian War, were futile.—42

[99] Marx gave a critique of the views of the French vulgar economist Bastiat and his German followers in the afterword to the second German edition (1872) of Volume One of Capital and elsewhere in that volume (see present edition, Vol. 35).—68

[110] Marx probably means two legal actions brought against Schweitzer in 1868. On 14 February, speaking at a meeting in Berlin, Schweitzer said that the Royal police headquarters, by the repeated banning of meeting, had violated human rights. Schweitzer's speech was interpreted as undermining the King's state power and he was sentenced to two weeks' imprisonment which he served in September 1868. The Elberfeld court sentenced Schweitzer to three weeks' imprisonment for the distribution of leaflets, and he served his term in Berlin prison from 8 to 29 July 1868.—75

[120] As is apparent from Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 2 August 1868, the matter under discussion is the financial assistance to the weavers in Linden (Hanover) who were on strike. Kugelmann wrote to Marx: 'A few days ago, the workers of the local mill, about 1,000 of them, launched an entirely justified strike. They are working for about 14 hours a day and earn 3 shillings a week. This is the first strike of such scope here, and its successful conclusion is of major importance... It would be of particular significance for Germany if England could render support to the striking weavers. The moral impact of this factor would be tremendous for both sides.' This message was discussed at a meeting of the General Council held on 4 August 1868 (see The Bee-Hive, No. 355, 8 August 1868).—82

[133] Marx is referring to the reports of the International's Italian sections on the situation in the country. Specifically, on 18 August 1868, a letter read out at the General Council meeting stated that 'at Bologna and vicinity the right of meeting is suppressed; the officers of the working men's societies are in prison' (see The Bee-Hive Newspaper, No. 358, 22 August 1868). On 3 November 1867 at Mentana, the French army, jointly with the Pope's mercenary guards, defeated Garibaldi's army which had undertaken a new campaign against Rome to liberate it from the French and annex it to the Italian state.—91

[137] The last meeting of the General Council before the Brussels Congress was held on Tuesday, 1 September 1868. It heard, and unanimously approved the report of the General Council to the Brussels Congress drawn up by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 12).— 92

[140] A reference to Friedrich Lessner's letter to Marx posted in Brussels on 8 September 1868, in which Lessner gave a detailed account of the work of the International Working Men's Association's Congress in Brussels.— 93

[157] A reference to an article by Johann Philipp Becker 'Was wir wollen und sollen' printed in 1866 in the first issue of the Vorbote. Before the Nuremberg Congress of the Union of German Workers' Associations, this article appeared, mistakenly, in the Union organ, Deutsche Arbeiterhalle on 27 July and 12 August 1868, as the International's programme, and was reprinted by the Demokratisches Wochenblatt (nos. 31-32, supplements, and 33, 1, 8 and 15 August 1868). It gave an incoherent and vague account of the aims and tasks of the International working-class movement, especially in Germany and Switzerland. However, it was not mentioned at the Nuremberg Congress, as the error had been rectified earlier. The Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 35, 29 August, published the chief points of the International's programme which the Congress adopted without any changes. Delegates Stuttman, Eichelsdörfer and Sonnemann stated that the reference to Becker's article as the International's programme was an error. In a letter to Marx of 20 September 1868, Liebknecht wrote: 'The quiproquo happened while I was absent on my wedding trip. I had given orders to print your "Address"; and Bebel, who could not find it, wrote to Becker for the "Programme" and received the unfortunate document that brought us to despair in Nuremberg. When I discovered the mistake, it was too late to mend it, especially as we could not well disavow old Becker. Luckily, Pfeiffer and Co. were so confused by our vigorous onslaught that they quite forgot to prove the stupidities of the pseudo-programme. Now the thing is explained, and our people know, that under the circumstances the error was excusable.'—102

[179] A reference to a lecture delivered by Karl Vogt in September 1868 at the Schiller Institute in Manchester. See Engels' letter 'To the Directorate of the Schiller Institute' (present edition, Vol. 21).—118

[182] A reference to Wilhelm Eichhoff's letters to Marx of 27 September and 2 October 1868.—120

[183] A reference to Wilhelm Liebknecht's letter to Marx of 2 October 1868.—120

[194] The address written by Marx on instructions from the General Council and approved by the Council on 13 October 1868, is not extant.—128

[195] After Volume One of Capital had been published, Kugelmann and Engels took considerable trouble to blow up the conspiracy of silence of bourgeois science and the bourgeois press against this work. Kugelmann's connections made it possible to distribute the book and popularise it in the democratic and bourgeois press. He managed to get published anonymously a number of reviews by Engels in the Beobachter, Staats-Anzeiger für Württemberg and other newspapers.—130

[213] This letter has come down to us as a copy written in English in Sigfrid Mever's hand.—147

[216] A reference to the 'Adresse an die Demokraten Spaniens' (Address to the Democrats of Spain) issued in October 1868 on behalf of the Social-Democrats of Saxony in connection with the revolution in Spain (see Note 165). The Address was published in the supplement to the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, edited by Liebknecht, No. 44, 31 October 1868.—151

[217] An allusion to the June 1848 uprising of Paris workers which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, and at the coup d'état accomplished in France on 2 December 1851, which established the military bourgeois dictatorship of Louis Napoleon. On 2 December 1852, the Empire was proclaimed, and Louis Bonaparte became Emperor Napoleon III.—152, 242

[229] In St. Stephen's Chapel, where the House of Commons sat between 1547 and 1834. Later, came to designate the House of Commons of the British Parliament.—162

[230] Chassepot—a needle-gun invented in 1866 by a French worker and named after him; the French army was supplied with this type of weapon in 1866-74.—162, 553

[234] Marx's article for The Diplomatic Review was written on request of Collet Dobson Collet, the publisher, on 9 November 1868 (see this volume, p. 159), and published under the heading 'How Mr. Gladstone's Bank Letter of 1866 Procured a Loan of Six Millions for Russia'(see present edition, Vol. 21). The editors of The Diplomatic Review prefaced it with a note which introduced Marx as the author of Capital and the Revelations of the Diplomatic History of the 18th Century (see present edition, vols. 35 and 15).—166

[250] This letter is a rough draft of Marx's reply to the letter from the firm of Asher & Co., Foreign Booksellers & Publishers, 12 December 1868. It contained a request for a copy of Marx's pamphlet Herr Vogt, which was not available in London. The fair copy of the letter has not been found.—185

[268] Herzen announced his decision not to take any further part in the publication of the Kolokol (The Bell) in 'Lettre à N. Ogareff in No. 14-15, 1 December 1868.—200

[272] In December 1868, following the wage cuts in the cotton yarns and goods industry, a wave of strikes began in various regions of France, the most important being the one in Sotteville-lès-Rouen. The Rouen Section of the International arranged for the strikers to receive support from workers in other industries in Paris and Rouen. The Rouen Section applied for aid to the General Council. The c]uestion of the strikes in Rouen and Vienne was discussed on 5 January 1869 at the Council meeting. On Marx's proposal, it was unanimously decided to voice a protest against the arbitrary rule of the French manufacturers (the resolution was published in The Bee-Hive, No. 379, 16 January 1869). The Council requested the British workers to render aid to the locked-out workers of Rouen and took other steps to give material aid to the strikers. A detailed account of the strike in Rouen was presented in the 'Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association' written by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 73-74).—203

[277] A reference to the fact that up to August 1869, the Demokratisches Worchenblatt edited by Liebknecht remained a joint press organ of the German People's Party (see Note 38) and the Union of German Workers' Associations (see Note 169).— 210

[287] Marx is referring to the book: J. L. Foster, An Essay on the Principles of Commercial Exchanges between England and Ireland, London, 1804. The source of this research was the material collected by two Parliamentary commissions, the Secret Committee of the House of Lords and the Select Committee of the House of Commons, appointed in 1797 to investigate the affairs of the Bank of England in connection with the operation of the so-called Bank Restriction Act, promulgated on 3 May 1797. It introduced a compulsory exchange-rate of the Bank of England bank-notes and cancelled the exchange of bank-notes into gold. In 1819, the British Parliament adopted a new law which re-established the exchange of bank-notes into gold. The exchange was completely restored by 1821. A synopsis of Foster's book made by Marx is extant. Marx made it in his notebook of excerpts entitled 'Heft II. 1869' probably right after he had received the book.—224

[300] Marx discussed the draft of the reply 'The General Council of the International Working Men's Association to the Central Bureau of the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy' with Engels; it was unanimously approved by the Council at the meeting of 9 March 1869. The document was written by Marx in English and French (see present edition, Vol. 21), and confidentially communicated to the corresponding secretaries of the International's sections. The document was published for the first time in 1872, in the private circular of the General Council Fictitious Splits in the International (see present edition, Vol. 23).—235, 237

[305] Following in the steps of the ribbon-weavers, the Basle dyers also went on strike on 9 November 1868 (see Note 266). The strike lasted until spring of 1869 and developed into a campaign for the existence of the International in Basle, where its next congress was to be held by decision of the Brussels Congress. In many countries, members of the International launched a mass campaign of solidarity with the striking Basle workers. Apart from the 'Bericht über die Arbeiterbewegung in Basel' published in Der Vorbote for December 1868, the events were described by Johann Philipp Becker in his pamphlet Die Internationale Arbeiter-Association und die Arbeiterbewegung in Basel im Winter 1868 auf 1869, Genf, 1869.—238

[311] A reference to August Bebel's letter to Marx of 27 March 1869 written in connection with the dispute between Bebel and Liebknecht, on the one hand, and Schweitzer, on the other, at the congress of the General Association of German Workers held in Barmen-Elberfeld on 28-31 March 1869. Pressured by the workers, Schweitzer was obliged to meet half-way the demand of the Association's Leipzig members for an open discussion with Liebknecht, and for his and Bebel's presence at the Barmen-Elberfeld congress (see Note 318). Afraid of losing his prestige in the Association, Schweitzer intended to submit for discussion a proposal on establishing closer contacts with the International. Bebel, who had with Liebknecht arrived at Barmen-Elberfeld on the eve of the congress, warned Marx about Schweitzer's demagogic manoeuvres in the above-mentioned letter of 27 March 1869: 'We have heard so much about Schweitzer's mean tricks here that our hair is standing on end. It is now abundantly clear that Schweitzer has proposed the International's programme solely for the purpose of dealing us a strong blow and splitting up or winning over to his side the majority of the opposition. I request you therefore on my behalf, and also on that of Liebknecht and our other friends, to ignore for the time being the request to approve the corresponding decision of the congress or at least to give Schweitzer a very cautious reply.'—249, 250

[335] Marx is referring to a work by J. Janin La fin d'un monde et du neveu de Rameau, written in 1861; it was a sequel to Diderot's novel Le neveu de Rameau, as re-interpreted by Janin.— 263

[342] Marx forwarded to Engels Alphonse Vandenhouten's letter to Marie Bernar, Corresponding Secretary for Belgium, which dealt with the so-called Brussels Liberation Section (or the Revolutionary Committee of the International Association) founded by bourgeois and petty-bourgeois republicans in Brussels in April 1869. One of the section's leaders was a former police chief. Its provocative activities and calls for plunder and violence provided the Belgian police with an excuse for persecuting members of the International Association. The manifesto of this organisation, connected as it was with the French branch in London (see Note 72), was published in La Cigale, No. 16, 18 April 1869. It was discussed at the General Council meeting of 20 April 1869, which stated that 'there was a party at Brussels who would not conform to the policy of the Central Committee but desired to be affiliated as an independent branch. In case an application should be made to this effect the Council was asked not to comply till after the Congress.'—272

[343] A reference to the bloody reprisals of the Belgian authorities against the strikers at the Cockerill Ironworks in Seraing and miners in Frameries in April 1869. These events were discussed at the General Council meetings of 20 and 27 April and 4 May. Marx was instructed (see Note 339) to draw up an address in English and French on behalf of the Council, and read it out on 4 May 1869, at a General Council meeting. It was decided to publish and distribute it (see K. Marx, 'The Belgian Massacres', present edition, Vol. 21). On his suggestion, it was also decided to launch a mass protest campaign and secure material relief for the victims.— 275

[358] 368 A reference to Austria's defeat in the war with Prussia in 1866, which resolved the long-standing rivalry between the two states. Its outcome was the unification of Germany under Prussia.— 289

[376] The Arms Act regarded everyone carrying arms without a permit as a violator of public law and order, liable to a court trial. Under George III, in the late 18th century, an act was promulgated which also banned learning the use of arms without prior official permission.— 305

[377] As a result of a vigorous campaign by the British trade unions for their legalisation, in the spring of 1869 the Royal Commission submitted to Parliament a Bill on the recognition of the unions' legal rights. The Trade Union's Act was passed in 1871.—305

[378] The collection Agricultural Statistics, Ireland. Tables showing the estimated average produce of the crops for the year 1866, Dublin, 1867, was used by Marx when preparing the second edition of Capital's Volume One to supplement Part VII, 'The Accumulation of Capital', Chapter XXV, 'The General Law of Capitalist Accumulation', Section 5, 'Illustration of the General Law of Capitalist Accumulation, f. Ireland'.—306

[393] A reference to Liebknecht's letter to Engels of 11 December 1867, in which he explained the reasons for his cooperation with the German People's Party (see Note 38).—324

[396] 3% Engels is referring to the elections of the President of the united General Association of German Workers in late June 1869 (see Note 363). The official communication on the results of the elections signed by Mende and published in Der Social-Demokrat on 9 July stated that Schweitzer had been elected by an 'absolute majority' and 'stronger minority' vote. The latter meant that Mende voted for Schweitzer.— 324

[408] Marx used the book by Nassau William Senior mentioned here while preparing the second German edition of Volume One of Capital, which appeared in 1872 (see present edition, Vol. 35).— 331

[417] This letter was published in English for the first time in: Friedrich Engels. 1820-1970. Referate, Diskussionen, Dokumente, Hanover, 1971.— 341

[426] On 21 August 1869, Liebknecht reprinted Marx's biography in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 34. It was written by Engels and first appeared in Die Zukunft, No. 185, 11 August (see present edition, Vol. 21). When reprinting the material, Liebknecht omitted the following phrases (printed in italics): 'Everything he [Lassalle—Ed.] wrote was derived from elsewhere, not without some misunderstandings either; he had a forerunner and an intellectual superior, whose existence he kept a secret, of course, whilst he vulgarised his writings, and the name of that intellectual superior is Karl Marx.' By way of explanation, Liebknecht wrote to Marx on 17 August 1869, that he had abridged the text since it could 'offend' the Lassalleans if printed in full.—352

[429] In the 1860s, in Prussia's Rhine Province, Baden and some other German lands, Catholic priests, including Ketteler, the Bishop of Mainz, launched a campaign for universal suffrage, laws protecting workers' rights, etc. In this way the Catholic clergy sought to prevent socialist ideas from taking hold of the German workers. On 6 September 1869, a congress of Catholic communities opened in Düsseldorf, which adopted a resolution 'To demand from all Christians of all estates that they take care of the working class and promote its economic and moral flourishing'.— 354

[4 3 3] Marx quotes an old German song (c. 1200).— 355

[436] Ribbonmen—participants in an Irish peasant movement whose members were united in secret societies and wore a green ribbon as an emblem. The Ribbonmen movement, which emerged in late 18th century in Northern Ireland, was a form of popular resistance to the arbitrary rule of the English landlords and the forcible eviction of tenants from the land. The Ribbonmen attacked estates, organised attempts on the lives of hated landlords and managers. The activities of the Ribbonmen had a purely local, decentralised character; they had no common programme of action.—357, 549

[451] The Land and Labour League was founded in London in October 1869 with the participation of the General Council. Its Executive Committee included more than ten General Council members. The League's programme was drawn up by Eccarius on Marx's instruction and edited by Marx (see Vol. 21, pp. 401-06). Along with general democratic demands, like the reform of the finance and tax system and of public education, it contained demands for the nationalisation of the land and the reduction of working hours, as well as the Chartist demands for universal suffrage and home colonisation. Marx held that the League could play a role in revolutionising the English working class and could promote the establishment of an independent proletarian party in England. However, by the autumn of 1870, the influence of bourgeois elements had grown in the League and it gradually began to lose contact with the International.— 364, 375, 377, 412

[456] A strike of spinners in Bolton caused by reduction of wages by 5 per cent and the overall deterioration of the workers' conditions due to an industrial slump lasted from 29 October to 4 November 1869 and ended in defeat for the workers.— 367

[459] Bonhorst was arrested in Magdeburg on 27 October 1869, on the charge of agitating against the Prussian Government, and was sentenced to four weeks' imprisonment.— 367

[468] The reference is to Marx's speeches on the policy of the British Government towards the Irish prisoners, which he made at the General Council meetings of 16 and 23 November 1869, and which were recorded by the Council's Secretary Eccarius in the Minute Book (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 407-12).— 375

[475] See present edition, Vol. 38, pp. 423-24.-382

[476] Engels is referring to the report 'Vom Rechte das mit uns geboren' read at the Berlin General Union for the Defence of Rights by Scheffer, champion of the idea of free religious communities. The purpose of such communities was to 'foster a higher degree of awareness in the people'. The report was published in Der Volksstaat, nos. 12 (supplement), 13 14 and 15; 10, 13, 17 and 20 November 1869.—382

[479] Engels is referring to an armed uprising staged in the spring of 1867 by the Irish revolutionaries, the Fenians (see notes 86 and 452). The British authorities, who had been informed that preparations for an uprising were under way, easily suppressed the isolated outbursts. Many Fenian leaders were arrested and tried.— 387

[485] At the time of the English Revolution an uprising broke out in Ireland which resulted in the Catholic part of the island splitting with England. The uprising was suppressed in 1649-52. The 'pacification' of Ireland was executed with the utmost brutality and ended in the mass transfer of land to the new English landlords; this strengthened the landowner and bourgeois strata and paved the way for the restoration of the monarchy in 1660.— 391

[492] After the defeat of the 1867 armed uprising in Ireland (see Note 479), many Fenians were arrested and tried. On 18 September 1867 in Manchester, the Fenians made an armed attack on a prison van in an attempt to liberate Kelly and Deasy, two of their leaders. Five Irishmen captured on the spot were sentenced to death, which triggered off a wave of protests in Ireland and England. Members of the General Council also voiced their protest. Seeking to work out a coordinated tactic of the proletariat in the national question and to popularise the ideas of proletarian internationalism among English workers, Marx persuaded the General Council to hold a public discussion of the Irish question to which representatives of the Irish and English press were to be invited. The discussion began on 19 November, and on 20 November, at an extraordinary meeting, the General Council adopted the petition 'The Fenian Prisoners at Manchester and the International Working Men's Association' (see present edition, Vol. 21). This is the document that Marx mentions in a letter to Engels.—392.

[495] Marx's letter to R. Applegarth of 3 December 1869, has not been found.—393

[517] Prévost-Paradol's article was published on Monday, 17 January 1870, in the Journal des Débats,— 409

[518] A reference to the speech by John Bright, Minister of Trade in Gladstone's liberal government, made at Birmingham on 11 January. It was published by The Times on 12 January 1870.—409

[522] Marx intended to expound the issues of landed property and rent in the third book of Volume Two of Capital, but altered the original plan in the course of his work. The manuscript of the third book of Capital was written in 1864-65. After Volume One of Capital appeared in 1867, Marx did a great deal of work collecting new material about landed property in Belgium and a number of other European and American countries. However, it did not allow him to re-write the section on land rent. Later, Engels included the part on landed property into Volume Three of Capital. For details, see Engels' preface to Volume Three of Capital (present edition, Vol. 37).—412

[524] A reference to Hins' letter to Stepney of 21 January 1870, which was forwarded to Marx by Eccarius on 27 January 1870.—412, 424, 431

[527] Later, in his letter to Hermann Jung of 15 April 1870 Henri Perret gave a detailed account of the incident. James Guillaume's father was secretary of the State Council in Neuchâtel, and it was he who signed Martinaud's mandate.— 413

[528] In 1863, Volume III of Giraldus Cambrensis' complete works was published (Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, voluminis I-VII, Londini, 1861-1877). Volumes I-IV were brought out by J. S. Brewer, and volumes V-VII — by James F. Dimock. His works Expugnatio Hibernica and Topographia Hibernica were included in Volume V, which appeared in 1867. (See also this volume, p. 402).—416

[529] On 20 January 1870, at an electors' meeting in Berlin, bourgeois democrat Johann Jacoby, deputy of the Prussian Landtag, made a speech on the goals of the labour movement, in which he said, among other things: 'From the viewpoint of a future historian of culture, the emergence of the tinies workers' association will be of more value than the Battle of Sadowa'. On 23 January, having received a report of the meeting, Kugelmann wrote to Jacoby: 'Why, making references to Aristotle, de Maistre, Owen, von Gentz and John Stuart Mill do you ignore the name of Karl Marx, a researcher compared to whom all the above-mentioned, with the exception of Aristotle, are mere pygmies, a thinker who can by right be called the brain of the 19th century; whose teaching you have not only failed "to develop further" but the other way round, ... his epoch-making works, specifically, the Manifesto of the Communist Party and Capital, have provided you with the most significant material.' On 24 January, Jacoby wrote to Kugelmann acknowledging Marx's indisputable merits; still he tried to justify himself, saying that his popular exposition required no specific references. These letters of Kugelmann's and Jacobi's were forwarded by Marx to Engels.—417

[540] A reference to Bouverie's speech in the House of Commons on 10 February 1870, in connection with the proposal of the government to deprive O'Donovan Rossa of the right to attend its sessions (see Note 466). His speech was published by The Times on 11 February 1870, in a report on the session.—429

[542] Marx apparently means the January 1870 issue of Der Vorbote, edited by J. Ph. Becker, which featured materials describing the activities of the International, specifically, the fourth article in the series Der vierte Kongress der internationalen Arbeiterassoziationen in Basel, written in the spirit of the policies pursued by the General Council. On Bakunin's statements in L'Égalité, see Note 507.—431

[549] A reference to Bakunin's Confession to Tsar Nicholas I written in 1851 during his imprisonment at the Peter and Paul Fortress. Bakunin acknowledged his errors and characterised his revolutionary activities as 'political madness'. Marx communicated to Engels some data from the article published by Moskovskiye Vedomosty, No. 4, 6 January 1870.—437

[552] This is a reply to Collet's letter of 26 January 1870. C. D. Collet had asked for details of the Russian railway loan. Collet sent this letter by Marx on to Urquhart with his own postscript. At its first publication in the first Russian edition of Marx's and Engels' Works, Urquhart was mistakenly named as the addressee. The letter first appeared in English in: Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History, Leeds, 1967, No. 14, pp. 16-17.—438

[556] On 21 February, Marx forwarded to L'Internationale certain material disclosing the cruel treatment of the members of the Irish national liberation movement by the British authorities. Marx expected that De Paepe would use this material for an article. However, the editorial board decided to print Marx's sketch verbatim dividing it into two instalments, which appeared on 27 February and 6 March, nos. 59 and 60 (see K. Marx, 'The English Government and the Fenian Prisoners', present edition, Vol. 21). On the publication of this material see also this volume, p. 453.—440

[560] 56° See Note 556.-444

[563] On 15 February 1870, the House of Representatives of US Congress passed a resolution obliging the President to submit to it the information on the cases of American citizens kept in British prisons on the charge of involvement with the Fenians.— 445

[565] Fenians—see Note 86. Head Centre, head of the secret Fenian organisation within the structure of the Fenian brotherhood.— 449

[568] A letter about his mother's sickness, who was taken ill on Wednesday, 2 March, was posted by Hermann Engels on 5 March, and received by Frederick Engels on 8 March 1870 (see this volume, pp. 452-53). Hermann asked Frederick to come over and wrote that he had sent a telegram. Enclosed with the letter was a copy of Hermann's letter to Emil Blank which contained the details.—452

[575] Engels quotes the evidence given by a prisoner published in: Things not Generally Known, Concerning England's Treatment of Political Prisoners, Dublin, 1869.—457

[576] Shamrock—the national emblem of Ireland, usually represented as a clover leaf, which symbolises the Holy Trinity in the Christian Church. The Irish pin the emblem on their hats on 17 March, the birthday of St. Patrick, who is traditionally considered Ireland's patron saint.— 458

[578] Marx's letter to R. Pigott of 19 March 1870 has not been found.—458

[588] A reference to the evidence for the defence in the murder case of the journalist Victor Noir by Prince Pierre Napoléon Bonaparte (see Note 516). At the trial, which took place in March 1870, it was alleged that Noir slapped Pierre Bonaparte on the face.—463

[595] 695 Marx is apparently referring to a story about a boy which he had told on a visit to the Kugelmanns. The boy used to complain: 'O that I should be learning French instead of Latin!' (see Mohr und General. Erinnerungen an Marx und Engels, Berlin, 1982, pp. 278-79). Gertrud Kugelmann used this phrase in a letter to the Marx family of 21 March 1870.—467

[596] Omladina (i.e., the Association of Serb Youth), a political organisation of Serb liberal bourgeoisie which existed in 1866-72 in the town of Novi Sad which used to belong to Austria-Hungary. Its stated goal was promotion of culture and education, but it really campaigned for political unification of all Serb territories. The democratic wing headed by S. Markovic opposed the liberal trend prevailing in the Omladina, which tended to ignore the class aspect of this issue. The organisation was disbanded because of internal strife. Burschenschaften—German student organisations which at the time of the liberation war against Napoleonic France championed Germany's unification. Alongside with progressive ideas, the Burschenschaften advocated nati-onalism.— 468

[599] A reference to Friedrich Lessner's letter to Marx of 6 April 1870, which dealt with the motion, introduced by Hales at the General Council meeting, to appoint a finance commission.—471

[601] In the address 'L'Union des Travailleurs allemands de New-York aux ouvriers de Paris' published by La Marseillaise, No. 103, 2 April 1870, F. Carl and F. Jubitz welcomed the revolutionary actions of the Paris workers. They described them as front-rank fighters for freedom and equality on the road to social revolution.— 472

[617] The first French edition of the International's Rules, 'Congrès ouvrier. Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Règlement Provisoire', was published by the French Section of the International set up in Paris in 1864 by the workers Tolain, Fribourg and others, who had Proudhonist sympathies. The translation, which appeared in early January 1865. contained a number of distortions and errors. (See present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 89-90.) In November 1866, after the Geneva Congress, which approved the Provisional Rules, Marx and Lafargue published a verified translation of the Rules of the International Working Men's Association and the Administrative Regulations, but that edition was not widely distributed in France, since it was almost entirely confiscated by the French police. On 18 April, replying to a proposal by Marx, Lafargue wrote that it was impossible to publish the Rules in La Libre pensée, since the newspaper was registered as a purely literary publication (see this volume, p. 557). However, Lafargue managed to get the verified translation of the Rules published, and it appeared in Paris after 20 April 1870. The translation had been checked by Lafargue. Against a background of mounting police reprisals in France, it became necessary to expedite the publication of the Rules and Lafargue had no chance to send the manuscript to Marx for review. In June 1870, Lafargue's translation was published for the second time in: Procès de l'Association Internationale des travailleurs. Première et deuxième commission du Bureau de Paris, Deuxième édition, Paris, juin 1870.— 486, 557

[618] Marx is referring to H. Verlet's article 'Force et matière' published in La Libre pensée, No. 13, 16 April 1870. The author spoke highly of Büchner's book Kraft und Stoff.— 486

[623] A reference to the resolutions proposed by Bakunin at the congress of the League of Peace and Freedom held in Berne in 1868 in connection with the discussion of the League's draft programme. Bakunin spoke several times in defence of his proposals. His speeches, as well as his and his followers' announcement about their withdrawal from the League, were published in Herzen's Kolokol, No. 14-15, 1 December 1868.—489

[624] The demand to abolish the right of inheritance was put forward by Saint-Simon's followers (Enfantin, Bazard, Rodrigues, Bûchez, etc.) who, in the late 1820s, set out to popularise and develop Saint-Simon's doctrine. In 1830, a book was published in Paris which, based as it was on Bazard's lectures, expressed the views of Saint-Simon's followers on the right of inheritance: Doctrine de Saint-Simon Exposition. Première année. 1829, Paris, 1830, pp. 143-69.—490

[626] A reference to Kolokol, the Russian revolutionary democratic newspaper edited by Alexander Herzen and Nikolai Ogarev. It was published in Russian in 1857-67, and in French with Russian supplements in 1868-70, in London up to 1865 and later in Geneva. After Herzen's death in 1870, an attempt to keep up the newspaper was made by Sergei Nechayev, who was in close contact with Bakunin. This is probably what Marx means. Six issues appeared in April-Mav 1870.—492, 508, 516

[637] A reference to the first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party by Marx and Engels, which appeared in Geneva in 1869 in Bakunin's translation. The book was printed at the Kolokol printshop. The inadequacies of Bakunin's translation, which in places somewhat distorted the meaning of this major programme document of the proletarian party, were corrected in Plekhanov's translation, which was published in Geneva in 1882.— 502

[645] Marx refers to the programme article of Kolokol's new editorial board 'To the Russian Public from the Editors' published in No. 1, 2 April 1870.— 507

[652] The Annales Ultoriences were compiled by various chroniclers between the 15th and 17th centuries and described events beginning from the mid-fifth century; they were published by Ch. O'Conor in the fourth volume of his collection Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores Veteres (Ancient Annalists of Ireland). Annales IV Magistrorum were compiled in 1632-36 in the Donegal Monastery by four monks. The first part of the Annales was published in the third volume of Ch. O'Conor's collection; in full, they were put out by J. O'Donovan, together with an English translation, in 1856; Annala Rioghachta Eireann. Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland, by the Four Masters, from the earliest Period to the Year 1616.— 517

[653] Engels' letter to Liebknecht, written around 15 May 1870, is not extant.— 519

[669] Engels' 'Confession' is a joking reply to the questionnaire compiled by Marx's eldest daughter Jenny. It is published in this volume from the handwritten text preserved in her album. This was a favourite parlour game in England and Germany at the time (see Marx's 'Confession', Vol. 42 of the present edition).—541

[670] Reineke de Vos (Reynard the Fox)—a popular character of the medieval epic poems about animals, a satire of feudal society. The first literary version appeared in 1498 in Lübeck under the title of Reynke de Vos. Goethe's Reineke Fuchs is the most popular embodiment of the epic.—541

[671] Ruge's letter to Steinthal of 25 January 1869 was forwarded to Marx on 4 February by W. Strohn with whom Steinthal was friendly. Marx let Engels, Borkheim and Kugelmann read it. He sent it to the latter on 11 February (see this volume, p. 213).—542

[672] Around 10 September, 1869, Marx and his daughter Jenny left for Belgium and Germany. They visited Bruges, Liège, Aachen, Cologne, Siegburg (where they called on Dietzgen), Bonn, Mainz (where they spent a day with the German socialist Paul Stumpf) and Wiesbaden. Marx and Jenny arrived in Hanover around 18 September 1869 (see this volume, p. 353 and Note 349).— 543

[673] Eccarius' report on the first meetings of the Basle Congress (see Note 379) published in The Times of 15 September 1869, quoted in full the speech made by the American delegate Andrew Cameron.— 543

[674] A reference to Lessner's letters to Marx which gave a detailed account of the Basle Congress. Lessner sent five letters in all (6, 7, 8, 9 and 11 September 1869). Of Liebknecht's letters dealing with the Congress, the one of 7 September is extant.—544

[675] In a report made at the Basle Congress meeting of 7 September 1869, Liebknecht touched on the question of his disagreement with Schweitzer and criticised Lassalle's views.—544

[676] A reference to Chapter III 'Die Production des absoluten Mehrwerts' of the first German edition of Volume One of Capital. Corresponding to it in the second and subsequent German editions of this volume and in the first (1887) English edition is the entire Section Three (see present edition, Vol. 35).—545

[677] Eleanor Marx toured Ireland with Engels and his wife Lizzy Burns from 6 to 23 September 1869.—546

[678] A reference to the Act of Disestablishment of the Church passed by Gladstone in Ireland in 1869.—549

[679] The Orangemen—members of the Orange Society (Order), a Protestant terrorist organisation founded in 1795 and employed by the authorities, Protestant landlords and the clergy against the Irish national liberation movement. The name was derived from William III, Prince of Orange, who suppressed the 1689-91 Irish uprising for the restoration of the Stuart monarchy. The Order had a particularly powerful influence in Ulster, Northern Ireland, with its predominantly Protestant population.—549

[680] Ordeal or Dei iudicum, an ordeal by red-hot iron, boiling water, etc., used in the Middle Ages to ascertain the guilt or innocence of the accused.—550

[681] fi81 Rochefort's position, who sought to avert unnecessary bloodshed on the day of Noir's funeral, was criticised in the 'Politische Uebersicht' column, Der Volksstaat, No. 7, 22 January 1870. Rochefort was described as 'a vacillating man, lacking principles', 'a frondeur', not a revolutionary.—553

[682] Jennv Marx quotes the editorial written by P. Granier de Cassagnac for Le Pays, 15 January 1870.—553

[683] A reference to the strike by over 10,000 workers at Schneider's engineering and metal works in Creuzot in the second half of January 1870. The strike began in protest against the dismissal of the members of the delegation which was to negotiate with the management about transferring the pensions fund to the workers. After government troops had been sent to Creuzot, the strike took on a political character. The Bonapartist government managed to suppress it by making mass arrests. One leader of the strike was Adolphe Alphonse Assi, a mechanic. The progress of the strike was described by Der Volksstaat, No. 8, 26 January 1870 in the 'Politische Uebersicht' column.— 553

[684] Jenny Marx quotes A. Guéroult's article 'Les Grèves' published in L'Opinion Nationale newspaper on 28 January 1870.— 554

[685] A reference to Marx's 'Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association' read at the Basle Congress meeting on 7 September 1869. Lafargue paraphrases the following passage: 'But the workmen on the Continent ... begin ... to understand that the surest way to get one's natural rights is to exercise them at one's personal risk' (present edition, Vol. 21, p. 77).—555

[686] Mutuellistes—in the 1860s, the name given to the right wing of the Proudhonists who were members of the French sections of the International.— 555

[687] A reference to the document in which the Paris Federation of the International's sections defined its tactics with respect to the plebiscite scheduled for 8 May 1870 (see Note 612). The leadership of the International's sections in France recommended that the voters should abstain or cast their ballots blank. Manifeste antiplébiscitaire des Sections parisiennes fédérées de l'Internationale et de la Chambre fédérale des Sociétés ouvrières à tous les travailleurs français was published in La Marseillaise, No. 125, 24 April 1870 and issued in Paris as a leaflet at the same time.—556

[688] A reference to the address of the so-called London French Section on the question of the plebiscite, 'Adresse aux citoyens français', which appeared in La Marseillaise, No. 116, 15 April 1870. In connection with this and other documents of this organisation, which illegally used the name of the International, on 10 May the General Council approved Marx's statement which stressed that the Section had 'ceased ... to have any connection whatever with the General Council in London or any Branch of that Association on the continent' (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 131).— 556

[689] Lafargue is replying to Marx's advice to avoid any distinctive names except territorial designations when setting up new sections of the International (see this volume, p. 485). Later, the London Conference of the International held on 17-23 September 1871, granted this recommendation, which was spear-headed against sectarianism, the status of a clause in the Rules (see present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 423-24)._556

[690] -phg n o t e quoted by Lafargue appeared in La Libre pensée, No. 13, 16 April 1870. It puns on the pen-name of Villemessant, well known reactionary journalist, and the French expression 'vil me sens' (I am feeling low). 'Paris-faillite' (Bankrupt Paris) is a dig at the gutter police sheet Paris-Journul.— 557

[691] The Irishman, No. 40, 2 April 1870 published excerpts from Jenny Marx's second article on the Irish question. The sixth article, 'Agrarian Outrages in Ireland', was published in full in The Irishman, No. 45, 7 May 1870. On Jenny Marx's articles on the Irish question, see Note 562.— 559

[692] A reference to a collection of Irish songs Erins-Harfe. Irländische Volksmelodien nach Thomas Moore, with the lyrics, Irish Melodies, written by Thomas Moore. The collection was prepared and published in Hanover in 1870 by the singer Joseph Risse, whom Marx and Jenny met in 1867 during a visit to the Kugelmanns. Engels' note mentioned in this letter probably was not used in the preface.— 563

[693] The letter was written two days before the Franco-Prussian war, which began on 19 July 1870. Jenny, who was misled by the Bonapartist press, was unable to give a sound assessment of the French public's mood on the eve of the war. The chauvinistic demonstrations were organised in Paris and the provinces by the government, which made use of police agents and declasse elements. Paul Lafargue wrote to Marx in July 1870 that in Paris, 'the police were obliged to feign enthusiasm so as to make it credible'.— 563