1869
DEAR FRED,
HAPPY NEW YEAR! From the enclosed letter from Lafargue you will see that I have received a special NEW YEARS GIFT — THE DIGNITY OF GRANDFATHER.[3]
From the attached 2 numbers printed in Paris—Cloche and Diable à quatre—you can see what an arrogant tone prevails there. It should be compared to the language used by the opposition in Prussia! This petite presseh—and its men included even Rochefort — was the Bonaparte regime's very own product. Now it is the most dangerous weapon against it.
From the enclosed issues of the Vorbotec you can learn about the scandal in Basle.[266] These bloody fellows — I mean our spokesmen over there — have a talent all their own for making the International Working Men's Association responsible for every local QUARREL between MASTER and MEN. At the same time, they neglect to take any measures for the event of war, i.e., establishing TRADES UNIONS. Instead they shout the more loudly. The petty cantonal government intervenes. The smallest incident thus becomes important. Then comes an appeal to the International Working Men's Association in general and the London General Council in particular to pay, ON THE SHORTEST NOTICE, the Swiss war costs. And then 'old man' Becker writesd that we should not 'compromise' ourselves again, as in the Geneva affair,[16] etc. Soon more about this and the Russian-International intermezzo/
a Marx refers to the birth of Charles Etienne Lafargue - b little press - c Der Vorbote, No. 11, November 1868 'Zur Geschichte der Internationalen Arbeiterassociation', and No. 12, December 1868, 'Bericht über die Arbeiterbewegung in Basel'. - d See this volume, p. 203. - <= Ibid., pp. 201-02.
141. Engels to Marx. 3 January
T h e w h o l e FAMILY s e n d s t h e COMPLIMENTS OF THE SEASON. T u s s y says POOR
FRED, HE MUST FEEL RATHER SEEDY BY THIS TIME OF THE YEAR. Addio.
Your
K. M.
141
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
[Manchester,] 3 January 1869
Caro Moro,a
Happy New Year! and my best wishes on the occasion of the Paris New Year gift. I expect you and your wife cannot look at each other without laughing about the new dignity.
The Basle business is not quite clear to me from the Vorbote,b so I am waiting anxiously for the promised additions, and also the further course of the Bakuniad. Bakunin's speeches in the Kolokol are very stupid.c The fellow does not appear to have learned anything for donkey's years. I was interested to learn from the above that he and Herzen are still in collusion with each other. Hence Herzen must be completely done for, otherwise he would not give up KoAOKOAT>.d268 Incidentally, the fellow now writes un français à lui,e which is quite appalling — and this although the chap lives in a French-speaking country! Bakunin's French is much better.
Thanks for Cloche and Diable à 4; the arrogance is indeed very
142. Marx to Engels. 13 January
great. A few Orleanist millions scattered among the generals would now be very desirable.
Best greetings and congratulations to the whole FAMILY.
Your
F. E.
142
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 13 January 1869
DEAR FRED,
THANKS for the numbers of Zukunft (Thesmar and Georgios Jung!)
I put off writing to you from day to day because of a frightful cold which, for ABOUT 2 WEEKS, has been absolutely besieging my eyes, ears, nose and entire head. Since, however, this damned foggy weather still gives no hope of an early delivery from the evil, I shall wait no longer. Is it so pleasant at your place in Manchester too? Little wonder that SUICIDES are in full blossom here now. Only an Irishman, even in Seven Dials,[269] says THAT HE WOULD RATHER COMMIT SUICIDE ON ANY ONE THAN HIMSELF.
Did the young T h . von Gimborn from Emmerich, manufacturer in nuce* present himself to you? It is not quite clear to me what he wants. First, he told me he wanted to go into a factory as a technician for a certain period, SAY half a year, or as a simple worker, in order to study the organisation, etc., of English factory work. Now it is only a question of a 14-day stay in a factory supplying agricultural machinery. Does Gimborn, AFTER ALL, simply wish to discover English factory secrets? H e won't find it easy.
Now a short report about the 'international incidents'.
a) 'Alliance Internationale de la Démocratie Socialiste'[257]: O n 22 December 1868, a unanimous decision of the General Council which stated: 1. Tous les articles du Règlement de l'Alliance, etc. statuant sur les relations avec l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, sont déclarés nuls et de nul effet; 2. l'Alliance etc. n'est pas admise comme branche de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.3 The reasoning behind this decision (which I edited), is stated completely in legal form, and shows the conflict between the statutes of the planned Alliance and our Rules,[270] etc. A final considérant^ which must show old Becker,c in particular, his asininity, is that the Brussels Congress 1S8 already set a precedent with respect to the Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté.[271] With regard to this organisation, which wanted to be recognised by the International Association, the Congress declared: Since the League claims to follow the same principles and to pursue the same aims as the International Association, it has no 'raison d'être' and,
considérant this, stated finally, 'plusieurs membres du groupe initiateur de Genève"1 also voted in this sense in Brussels.
In the meantime, we have received letters from Brussels, Rouen, Lyon, etc., declaring unconditional support for the General Council decision. Not one voice has been raised in support of le groupe initiateur de Genève. That this group did not act quite honestly is clear from the fact they only informed us of their establishment and their activities after they had already tried to win over the Brussels people, etc. I regard the matter as closed, though we have not yet received an answer to our 'judgement' from Geneva. The attempt has, in any case, failed.
b) Ad voceme Bakunin: To understand his enclosed letter,[264] you must know the following: D'abord* this letter crossed our 'MESSAGE' regarding the 'Alliance'. Bakunin is thus still under the pleasant misapprehen-sion that he will be allowed to go his own way. Further: The Russian Serno was, in his earlier correspondence with Borkheim, decidedly against Bakunin. In my reply to Serno[84] I wished to use this young man as an informant about Bakunin. Since I trust no Russian, I did it in this form: 'What is my old friend (/ don't know if he still is) Bakunin doing, etc., etc' The Russian Serno 142. Marx to Engels. 13 January 1869 immediately informed Bakunin of this letter, and Bakunin used it for a sentimental entree. c) Ad vocem OLD Becker:
H e has got himself badly stuck. D'abord he sends us, dated Geneva, 21 December, a 4-page letter about the Basle business,b but without a single fait précisa We should, however, act immediately. At the same time, he writes to Lessner that we (the General Council) h a d already 'compromised' ourselves in the Geneva affair, a n d this should not happen again. Or, he says in these precise words (in his letter to Lessner),
'does the General Council, like God, exist only in the faith of fools?' In Geneva, people only speak of us with a shrug of the shoulders, etc.
Thereupon Becker received the reply from Jung that his 4-page epistle contained nothing. How can he expect to receive money in London on the basis of such a vacuum?
In his letter of 21 December, Becker announced a further ELABORATE REPORT. Instead of this we receive the Vorbote. You saw for yourself that the Vorbote in fact only reported c on the 'concluded' LOCKOUT of the RIBBON WEAVERS,266 and certainly did not make clear how the conflict has developed since. In short, TO THIS VERY MOMENT we know no more than is reported in Vorbote. Not only can no step be taken with the TRADES UNIONS on this basis, but it is impossible to publish anything about the affair on behalf of the General Council. We cannot expose ourselves to a reply from the usurers of Basle that we are shouting to the world without knowing the facts.
Summa summarum, a week ago the General Council decided to reprimand both Becker and Perret (the French correspondent for Geneva) for not providing us to date with the necessary information on the Basle affair. T h e matter will rest there for the time being. I'm sorry for OLD Becker. But he must realise that we hold the reins, although we refrain from direct intervention as long as possible.
d) STRIKES IN ROUEN, VIENNE, ETC. (COTTONSPINNING2 d): Are ABOUT 6-7 WEEKS OLD. The interesting thing about the case is that, some time ago, the MASTER-MANUFACTURERS (and SPINNERS) in Amiens held a GENERAL CONGRESS under the chairmanship of the mairee of Amiens. Here it was decided — on the suggestion of a certain faiseur" named Vidal, who had h u n g out in England for a considerable time — that competition should be offered to the English in England, etc. Namely, by establishing depots for French
143. Engels to Marx. 19 January
yarn, etc., in England, both for sale there and to overseas merchants who trade directly with England. And this should be brought about by a further reduction of WAGES, after it had already been admitted that, in France itself, assuming the present tariffs, English competition was only being withstood through the low WAGES (relative to the English ones). In fact, after this Amiens congress, they began with wage reductions in Rouen, Vienne, etc. HENCE the STRIKES. We have let the people know, through Dupont, about the bad state of business here (especially also the COTTON TRADE), and thus the difficulty of raising money at this time. MEANWHILE, as you will see from the enclosed letter (Vienne), the STRIKE in Vienne has come to an end. For the present we have sent to those in Rouen, where the conflict is still going on, a draft for £20 on the Paris bronze-workers, who still owe us this money from their LOCKOUT.[18] Incidentally, these French workers act much more rationally than the Swiss and are, at the same time, much more modest in their demands.
Hoping that your head is not so sneezily and villainously idiotised as mine,
Your
K. Moro(1)
143
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 19 January 1869
Dear Moor,
You must excuse me for replying so late and so briefly, but recently we have had nothing but misfortune at home. Scarcely is Sarahb better, than Lizzie gets violent gastric catarrh, which I treated for a long while, and scarcely is this over, and she gets, as
144. Marx to Engels. 23 January
the result of an injury to her toe, an inflammation of the lymph ducts in her foot a n d leg, which could have become very unpleasant, but is now nearly over — and before she could get u p , Mary Ellen a returns sick from h e r parents, where she h a d spent a few days. What it is I shall only find out tomorrow, since Gumpert will be coming only then: he fears scarlet fever; but, u p till now, there has been no sign of a rash. In addition, there have been all sorts of stupid invitations that could not be refused — a lot of work at the office, and you will grasp that I have enough going on. With best greetings to the ladies.
Your
F. E.
Did you get the wine that time, and also the Social-Demokrat a n d Ténot, b etc.?
144
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 23 January 1869
DEAR FRED,
We all hope that things are better at 86 Mornington STREET. Scarlet fever is apparently raging throughout England. But perhaps Gumpert has m a d e a mistake with Mary Ellen.[3] TUSSY SENDS HER BEST COMPLIMENTS TO HER AND MRS BURNS.
Here there is a preponderance of coughs a n d colds. In my case, things were so bad that, for nearly 2 weeks, I was 'puking' regularly, to use the elegant language of Frau Blind. I went out again yesterday for the first time, and today I am smoking A CIGAR as a test.
145. Engels to Marx. 25 January
The enclosed photogram is sent to you by Jennychen, who is also coughing nastily. She asks for the return of Büchner,[3] since she has studied Darwin(1) and now wishes to get acquainted with the great Büchner. The cross (on the photogram of Jenny) is the Polish 1864 Insurrection Cross.[273]
Tussy has taken over sending receipts for the wine, and believes that to date she has done so.
Enclosed are 2 Borkheimiana. So that he can deposit his 'super intellect' somewhere, and not buzz my ears full, I have recommended that he write 'Russian Letters' for Zukunft.[274] Nous verrons.'[1]
I have seen from The Money Market Review that Knowles is paying 7s.6d. in the £.b How is the old boy doing?
With best greetings to the whole household.
Your
Moor First published in MEGA, Abt. Ill, Bd. 4, Printed according to the original Berlin, 1931 , , , . ,. , c , ,-Published in English for the first time
145
ENGELS TO MARX[275]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 25 January 1869 7 Southgate
Dear Moor,
In all haste, just an announcement that we are all on our feet again, and that, luckily, Gumpert raised a false alarm about scarlet fever. Today I must look carefully through the draft contract with G. Ermen, which I am now getting, so that things may be settled as soon as possiblee; for this reason, only these few lines today. As soon as I see the way clear and everything has gone so far that no miscarriage may be feared, I shall come to London for a few days.
Best greetings to you all.
F. E.
146. Engels to Marx. 26 January
147. Marx to Engels. 28 January
Since Jenny has been coughing, you must have cancelled immediately the arrangement about giving lessons?a
146
ENGELS TO MARX[275]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 26 January 1869 7 Southgate
Dear Moor,
Today, at 2 o'clock midday, Ernest Jones died of pneumonia. He had been sick since Thursdayb and given up by the doctors since Friday.
Another of the old gang!
Your
F. E.
147
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 28 January 1869
DEAR FRED,
The news about E. Jones naturally caused deep dismay in our household, since he was one of our few old friends.
28 1869
I am sending you 1 Vorbote and a small pamphlet I received today from Berlin. The author, who sent it, describes himself on the envelope as a university lecturer in agricultural management.
Jennychen 's cough has nearly disappeared. In the past few days I have had another bad attack, but today the business appears to me to have changed into a running cold, and thus be coming to an end.
Liebknecht writes to me that, in Switzerland and Germany, revolts are pending against Becker (OUR OLD ONE a) and that a public scandal can 0*1/31 be avoided if Becker breaks with Bakunin and abandons his dictatorial behaviour. People are very dissatisfied with his financial management, and his reports on it. Liebknecht wishes me to write privatim to Becker, since he is very STUBBORN. But the business is tricky. Wilhelm will go to Vienna in May. The last fifty copies of Herr Vogt have been deposited with Kugelmann, on my instructions.
The Gurney affair[227] AMUSES me immensely. I have studied this damned CASE in all the DETAILS, SO I found nothing new in the PROCEEDINGS in Mansion House,b EXCEPT GREAT Edwards.0
You must notify me several days in advance when you are coming here, so I can invite Prof. Beesly for one evening.
Salut.
Your
Karlo Morod
148. Engels to Marx. 29 January
148
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 29 January 1869
Dear Moor,
I at last have a chance to write to you at greater length. Herr, etc. Gimborn(1) has not presented himself. According to your description, the fellow obviously wants nothing but to indulge in spying industrially.
The Bakunin group of both male and female sex (which difference Bakunin also wants to abolish, i.e., that of the sexes) has probably quietly passed away. The business was of Russian cunning, but still started stupidly; the fox tail showed too clearly and workers, in particular, cannot be caught in this way. Old Beckerb simply cannot keep his fingers off 'organising', and was just the man to walk into the trap. I am quite ready to believe that he commits other idiocies, but I wish we had a better source than Wilhelm,' who simply cannot see FACTS as they really are. Apropos, Wilhelm has not sent me his sheetc any more since New Year; if he thinks I'm going to pay for it, he is making a big mistake. I am really glad not to be instructed every week that we may not make a revolution until the Federal Diet, the blind Guelph(2) and the honorable Elector of Hessee are restored, and terrible and legitimate revenge wreaked upon Bismarck the godless.
The Basle story is very nice.[266] Altogether things are marching ahead well in Switzerland. Of course, the affair is significant only because everything which is more or less suppressed on the rest of the Continent appears there in the light of day. But that is in itself very good. And direct legislation by the people makes sense there, because the direct or indirect domination of the bourgeoisie should be countered on the legislative councils.[276] Since the Swiss workers virtually did not exist as a political party of their own until the Geneva STRIKE,f but were simply the tail of the radical bourgeoisie, they elected only radical bourgeois to the councils. On the other hand, the elected peasants could also be managed easily by the educated bourgeois. For small cantons, this may be quite satisfactory, but it naturally immediately becomes superfluous and a hindrance as soon as the proletariat enters the movement en masse and begins to dominate it.
A nice feature of the Basle strike is the contributions from Austria as far as Temesvâr. It is inexcusable how old Becker has squandered this business with his wild declarations.(3)
Have only glanced at the Vogt pamphlet,b seen that he has the horse descended from the flea. If this is so, from whom is the jackass who wrote this pamphlet descended?
Today I am sending you back the copies of Social-Demokrat, etc., together with some copies of Zukunft It is very good that there are still 50 copies of Herr Vogt with Kugelmann. When Vogt lectures again in Berlin, Kugelmann must send some there, and advertise it in the newspapers. I bet that will drive him away.
Sam Moore is now busily studying the first part of your Duncker,c and he understands it quite well. He has completely grasped the dialectical stuff on money theory, etc., and declares it the best thing in the whole book, THEORETICALLY SPEAKING.
The business with good old Gottfried*d is dragging on and on.e
If I can manage it somehow, I shall come to London next Thursday' evening and stay until Sunday evening.
The photograph gave great pleasured Gumpert has the Büchnerh; I shall pick it up in the next few days; I fight shy of his wife, who is becoming increasingly philistine.
You must give it to the Lassalleans that they understand agitation in quite a different way from our good old Wilhelm and his boors of the People's Party."[77] This is very disagreeable, since they appear to outflank Wilhelm and Bebel completely, and the masses are so enormously stupid, and the leaders a bunch of blackguards.
Tomorrow Jones will be buried with an enormous procession in the same churchyard where Lupus lies. It is a real pity about the man. After all, his bourgeois phrases were simply hypocrisy, and here in Manchester there is nobody who can replace him with the workers. The people here will break up completely and trail more
149. Marx to Engels. 29 January
than ever behind the bourgeoisie. Furthermore, amongst the politicians, he was the only educated Englishman who was, au fond,2
completely on our side.
Apropos Beesly: How are things regarding the article for the Westminster?b Strike while the iron is hot.
I still have something of a cold. With weather like this, there is no end to it. I hope you are better now, too.
Best greetings to your wife and the girls. How is MRS LAFARGUE AND
BABY?C
Your
F. E.
That the Russiand from the start announces 'Marx, K., Works, Volume I',e is also good.
149
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 29 January 1869
DEAR FRED,
Eichhoff 's brother' wanted to reprint my '18th Brumaire' (and pay for it).
Accordingly, I thought it necessary to write to Meissner,[84] to ask, as it were, for his authorisation for this (he does not like pamphlets). He writes that nobody but he may print the pamphlet, since he is my publisher ex officio* and wishes to remain such. The stuff should be sent to him direct, after minor alterations.[278]
QUESTION: can you get me a COPY of Louis Bonaparte? Wasn't there a copy amongst Lupus' estate?[279]
Your
K. M. First published in Der Briefwechsel zwischen Printed according to the original F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, Stuttgart, 19,13 Published in English for the first time
150. Engels to Emil Blank. 4 February
150
ENGELS TO EMIL BLANK
IN ENGELSKIRCHEN
Manchester, 4 February 1869
Dear Emil,
I have just received from Mother the sad news that our dear Marie Bartels died of scarlet fever on Monday(1) evening. The news moved and shocked me deeply. I had watched her, and all your children, growing up from the start more than the children of my other brothers and sisters, accordingly my attachment to her was livelier and warmer; I saw her last at her wedding, when she was so extremely happy and could look forward to a long succession of happy years; and now all this has come to an end. What must be the feelings of you and Marien,b of poor Robertc with his two small children! For twenty years you and Marie have been so blessed by happiness, have had so little opportunity to taste the tragic face of life, that such a stroke out of a clear sky must hit you doubly hard. In such cases words of consolation are no help; one must weep oneself dry like a child, till time heals the wounds. I am not writing to console you, but only because I know that it is a comfort to receive expressions of sympathy from those from whom one may expect them. And this sympathy and this compassion I send you, please believe me, with all my heart.
Greet Marie, poor Robert, and all your children most heartily from me.
From my heart
Your
Friedrich
151. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 11 February[29]
Dear Friend,
The delay in this letter may be ascribed to two circumstances. First, the damned foggy weather here — NOTHING BUT MIST — has loaded me with a nearly four-week quite extraordinarily vicious influenza. Second, I had the enclosed photograms(1) taken at least 7 weeks ago but, as a result of this very weather and atmospheric darkness, the things could only be printed from the plate very recently.
The enclosed letter from A. Rugeb has been received by my friend Strohn in Bradford, from one of his business friends. Ruge obviously could not resist the 'negation of the negation'. You must return the letter to me immediately, since Strohn must return it to the addressee.
The TREASURER of our GENERAL COUNCIL here — Cowell Stepney, a very rich and distinguished man, but completely devoted to the workers' cause, though in a somewhat eccentric way — enquired of a friend in Bonn about literature (German) on the labour question and socialism. He sent him, en réponse,c a summary (written) made by Dr Held, Professor of Political Economy at Bonn. His comments show the tremendous narrow-mindedness of these learned mandarins. Writing about me and Engels, he (Held) states:
'Engels. "The Condition of the Working Class" etc., the best product of German socialist-communist literature.' 'Closely connected with Engels is Karl Marx. He is the author of the most scientific and learned work which socialism as a whole has to show, Capital etc. Although only recently published, this book is still an echo (!) of the movement before 1848. That is why I mention it here in connection with Engels. The work is, at the same time, (!) of great interest for the present since (!!) one may study here the source from which Lassalle drew his basic ideas.'
A nice place to find oneself! A lecturer of political economy at a German university writes to me that I have thoroughly convinced him, but — but his position enjoins him, 'like other colleagues', not to express his conviction.
This cowardice on the part of the specialist mandarins, on the
152. Marx to Engels. 13 February
one hand, and the conspiracy of silence of the bourgeois and reactionary press, on the other, is doing me great damage. Meissner writes that the accounts at the autumn fair are unfavourable. He is still 200 thalers below his costs. He adds: If only half that which Kugelmann has done for Hanover had been done in a few larger places like Berlin, we should already have a second edition.
I became a grandfather on 1 January; A LITTLE BOY (1) was the New Year gift. Lafargue has finally managed it to have himself excused 3 examinations and only has to take another two in France.
With best greetings to your dear wife and Fränzchen,
Yours
K. M.
The cross my eldest daughter Jenny is wearing in the photogram is a Polish Insurrection Cross of 1864.[273]
152
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 13 February 1869
DEAR FRED,
THANKS for the copies of Zukunft. Enclosed is a letter from Lugau,[280] together with the fellows' statutes, etc.b Since I am, at the moment, very occupied with my book,c and have actually started work again after a feverish-cold interruption of several weeks, it would be very good — supposing your time is not completely taken up either — if you could make me a short report on the enclosed documents[281] (if possible in English, for communication to the GENERAL COUNCIL). These good
153. Marx to Engels. 15 February
mineworkers in Lugau are the first in Germany to communicate with us directly, and we must take a public stand on their behalf.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
Send me the stuff back as soon you no longer need it.
153
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 15 February 1869
DEAR FRED,
Herewith the story about the LOANS under Westbury, etc. You can keep the booklet, but you must send me back the enclosed English letter. I told Borkheim I needed the information for an acquaintance in Holland.
Don't forget to let me have Foster's FOREIGN EXCHANGES(1) AS SOON AS POSSIBLE. I shall return it immediately after reading it. The book cannot be obtained here.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
154. Marx to Paul and Laura Lafargue. 15 February
Dear Paul and beloved Cacadou,
You know Falstaff's opinion of old men. They are all of them cynics." So you will not be astonished at my passing over that stubborn fact — my prolonged silence. I jump at once into médias
res,h turning the back to the sins of the past.
In the first instance, I must frankly tell you that I feel much anxiety as to Laura's health. Her prolonged sequestration I know not how to account for.c Her invisibility to my friends, such as Dupont, stimulates my misgivings. So soon as certain arrangements permit, I shall come over for the single purpose of having a look at my child. After the publication of The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,0 I might not be quite safe at Paris. Do not, in your letters, drop any hint as to my secret plan.
I feel much obliged to little Fouchtrae who tries his best at keeping his Grandfather up in the literature of the day. Vermorel's book' has much amused me. I generally concur in his appreciation of the persons that played in 1848 a part natural selection had not meant them for. Some men he treats too seriously, f.i. Odilon Barrot, la nullité grave? What he lacks, is the knowledge of the finer nuances de classe represented, more or less unconsciously, as in the case of Ledru-Rollin, by those provisional,*1
but not providential men. Il y a quelque chose qui cloche'—his continuous attempt at revindicating, and in a very clever way too, that strange mixture of the chevalier d'industrie) the Utopian, and the critic. I have named E. Girardin. As to his criticism, not of men, but of measures, l'ignorance et l'arrogance Proudhoniennes peep out at every instant.
As to the ouvrier artiste, he is not my man. The only thing I like, is the portrait of Blanqui which I have sent to Beesly, to cure him of the strange prejudices he has imbibed in the book of that vieille cocotte, Daniel Stern.a When we had him at dinner, he naively asked me whether Blanqui was not one of those irrespectable men, like Bradlaugh. I could not but chuckle in my sleeves at this truly John Bullian appreciation of revolutionary characters. I asked him, whether his hero, Catiline,b had been a 'respectable' man?
The thing that amuses me most in Le Peuple is the circumstance — a good sample of historical irony — that these learned Proudhonians are forced to come out as gens de lettre,c a part which they despise so much, and which, nevertheless, is their only true
rôle, the only thing they are fit for.
As to Paul's lively narration of his adventure with Mile Royer,[282]
it has tickled Engels and my humble self. I was not at all astonished at his failure. He will remember that, having read her preface to Darwin,d I told him at once she was a bourgeois. Darwin was led by the struggle for life in English society — the competition of all with all, bellum omnium contra omnese—to discover competi-' tion to [...] as the ruling law of 'bestial' and vegetative life. The Darwinism/ conversely, considers this a conclusive reason for human society never to emancipate itself from its bestiality.
As to La Misere de la Philosophie, I do really not see what I can further do in this affair. The mass has been spoilt from the beginning. The books ought to have been thankfully received at once, but it is now too late to mend. I have written to Meissner[84]
to look after Vogler, but we will hardly gain anything by finding out that vagabond. The worst is that Vieweg not only keeps, but sequestrates the book. If he advertises it anew, at 2 fcs per piece, he might sell it — perhaps. Lafargue ought to speak with him in that sense.[204]
I fear I cannot do much for the new paper contemplated.[283] At all events, I shall try my best. Cowell Stepney will never advance £12,000. He is a well-meaning fool who fritters away his means in a most grotesque way. The Social Economist, a most stupid publication by old Holyoake, who is his own Cromwell — lives upon Stepney's pocket. There is no sham philanthropical pie he has not his hand, or rather his pocket, in. So, if you want him to come out on a larger scale, he has neither the will nor the power to do so.
Our International makes great strides in Germany. Our new plan, proposed by myself, to allow only individual membership, and sell at Id the cards, on whose back our principles are printed in German, French and English — works well. Jung becomes every day more and more a little master. The unction, affectation, and self-importance with which he drops his golden words and spins his long narrative yarn, grow really insupportable. So Dupont told him, adding that he (Jung) was even given, while speaking, to the habitude of putting his hands in his pockets and making jingle his purse. But he is really not so bad as that.
The old acquaintance of mine — the Russian Bakunin — had started a little nice conspiracy against the International. Having fallen out with and seceded from, the Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté, on their last Berne Congress,[284] he entered the Romande Section of our Association at Geneva. He very soon inveigled brave old Becker,(1) always anxious for action, for something stirring, but of no very critical cast of mind, an enthusiast like Garibaldi, easily led away. Well, Bakunin hatched the plan of
L'Alliance Internationale de la Démocratie Socialiste, which was to form at the same time a branch of our International, and a new independent International Association 'with the special mission to elaborate the higher philosophical etc. principles'b of the proletarian movement, and, in point of fact, would, by a clever trick, have placed our society under the guidance and supreme initiative of the Russian Bakunin. The way in which they set to business, was quite characteristic. They sent their new programme,[257] with old Becker's name at the head of the signatures — and they sent emissaries too — behind our back, to Paris, Brussels, etc. Only in the last moment, they communicated the documents to the London General Council. By a formal judgmentc we annulled and stifled the Muscovite nursling. All our branches approved the decision. Of course, old Becker bears me now a grudge (and so does Schily on his account), but with all my personal friendship for Becker I could not allow this first attempt at disorganising our society to succeed.
Has Dupont told you that gallant Vésinier has been expulsed from the illustrious French Branch as a calumniator vile and
155. Engels to Marx. 17 February
base?(1) En revanche? he has become the acknowledged hero of La
Cigale, which has openly turned against 'l'équivoque Conseil General à Londres et ses acolytes à Bruxelles'.b
And now, my dear children, farewell, kiss little Fouchtrac in my name, and remember
Works, Second Russian Edition, Vol. 32, Moscow, 1964
Old Nick
155
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
[Manchester,] 17 February 1869
Dear Moor,
I shall have the report[281] READY for you by next Tuesday,d though I don't know what interests you mainly. Enclosed is a letter from Lugau.[280]
Best thanks for the Westbury story.(2) I return, enclosed, the letter to Borkheim. I shall ask my SHAREBROKER about it.
Enclosed is the extract made by the illustrious Gaudissartf about Bakunin,[285] together with annotations. You see that the main strong passages, which he quoted to us in Russian, only exist in his imagination. Still, the Pan-Slavism is really spread rather too thickly, in particular the threats against the Poles are significant. And the dissolution of the Russian Empire is qualified by the fact that Great Russia should still become the centre of the Slav confederation.
Your
F. E.
156. Marx to Hermann Jung. 17 February
156
MARX TO HERMANN JUNG
IN LONDON
[London,] 17 February 1869
Dear Jung,
Enclosed —the German.(1)
The letter from Lafargue to you, and letter to Stepney. I think it would be better not to deliver the latter, but do send Stepney enclosed Programme.b He will probably contribute something.[283]
Salut.
Your
K. M.
157. Engels to Marx. 21 February
Dear Moor,
Thanks very much for the pipe, which will be tried out right away this evening.
Here is the report.[281] The things themselves I shall return to you tomorrow. Such miners' guilds, taken over from mediaeval times — the humbug of the Middle Ages still clings to them in their 'accoutrements and parade rules, mining festivals and church parades'—still operate in all German mines.
Since Liebknecht's sheetc is, after all, the gazette for these Lugauans, you might send the report on to Wilhelm for
158. Marx to Engels. 24 February
translation, once you have read it, but on the explicit condition that it is not spread over more than 2 nos. Otherwise it is no use. He can send the original back to you if you need it again.
I hear from Wehner that the bad behaviour of the Prussian police in Hanover is becoming steadily worse; letters opened every day, particularly those of Hanoverian officers who have entered the service of Saxony. But, of course, what does one expect Stieber to do with the 400,000 thalers of secret funds that the Prussian Chamber voted him from the ex-princes' income!36
Your
F. E.
158
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 24 February 1869
DEAR FRED,
BEST THANKS for the REPORT.[281] It is transparently clear. I have changed nothing, except to strike out the final sentence (or rather some words of it). Yesterday read out in the Central Council.[73]
Adopted. Will be sent first to The Times (or rather taken there by Eccarius). If they don't take it, then to The Daily News. Then the English press cutting will be sent to Zukunft, Social-Demokrat and
Wilhelm* The POOR DEVILS of Lugau will have the great satisfaction of being mentioned in the English press.
Enclosed RESOLUTIONS* etc., 6 in all. The circumstances are as follows. The resolution of the Congress (Brussels)[138] obliged us to have the Brussels .resolutions printed.[226] Using the excuse that the Geneva resolutions form part of the PLATFORM, we have printed, at the same time, part of what was tabled at the Geneva congress [143]
by the London Central Council and adopted by the Geneva
159. Engels to Marx. 25 February
congress, omitting the amendments, etc., proposed by the French in Geneva and also adopted — rubbishy stuff. Thus, this portion is written by me. On the other hand, I had no part in drafting the 1868 RESOLUTIONS. The only phrase from me verbatim is the FIRST
CONSIDERING 'ON THE EFFECTS OF MACHINERY'.3
That Bakunin should lay claim to the 'Slav' brothers in Courland and Livonia is great. Neither are his CLAIMS ON Silesia bad.b
What about Foster, EXCHANGES? c
Meissner is a fine fellow; I sent him, a few days before your visit to London,[286] a copy of Louis Bonaparte.d Asked for immediate notification.[84] No word yet.
Wilhelm remains unchangeably the same. He wrote to me that he had sent 50 or 60 copiese to Kugelmann, but Kugelmann in fact has received only 6 copies!
Salut.
Your
K. M.
159
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 25 February 1869
Dear Moor,
I have just sent Borkheim a CHEQUE for £162.10, of which £100 is to pay off his advance and £62.10 is for you, which makes, together with the £25 brought to you, the sum of £87.10=1/4 of £350. At the beginning of March, or as soon as I possibly can in March, you will get a further £87.10, then again at the beginning of July, etc.
I hope the English press will take the report,[281] but I am firmly convinced that it will not, and that, in the last resort, only The Bee-Hive will remain. At best the fellows will make huge cuts.
I have not yet read the resolutions.[226] But at first glance one is surprised that the 1867 Lausanne resolutions are not reprinted also.
NB. about the money: I only had the choice of sending it through Borkheim or else in some other way, which would cause gossip here in the office; I preferred the lesser evil. In future this will naturally not happen again.
The final sentence in the report(1) was, of course, aimed only at Liebknecht's sheetb and the public.
Foster ON EXCHANGES is being sent to you today by GLOBE PARCEL EXPRESS, since the BOOKPOST is not certain enough for an irreplaceable book. If you have not received it by Saturdayc morning, you must immediately complain to GLOBE PARCEL EXPRESS, 150 Cheapside or 150 Leadenhall STREET. Best you should return it the same way. Even by MAIL TRAIN, the GLOBE is much the cheapest way to send larger consignments of books.
Regarding the copies, I would immediately haul Wilhelm over the coals, and categorically demand information. The same with Meissner. The fellow has obviously had second thoughts, but since Eichhoff is ready to print, he must decide oui ou non.d
Nothing but rain here. Apropos, I have written to Borkheim about Bakunin[84] that he should raise the question as to whether it is in any way possible for us Westerners to cooperate with this Pan-Slav pack while the fellows preach their Slav supremacy; he will probably read this to you tomorrow[285] when you collect the money — but, in addition, I told him he should discuss the matter with you.
Best greetings to the household.
Your
F. E.
160. Marx to Engels. 1 March
160
MARX T O ENGELS [3 4]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 1 March 1869 Enclosed 2 Lanternes and 1 Réveil
DEAR FRED,
THANKS for the MONEY. Paid out by Borkheim on Saturday." H e read me your letter [8 4] and then his answer. H e is very proud supposedly to have been able to prove that you muddle u p genders (which apparently often happens with you).
Ditto received Foster on Saturday evening. T h e book is indeed important for its time. First, because Ricardo's theory is fully developed in it, and better than in Ricardo — on money, rate of exchange, etc.b Second, because you can see here how those jackasses, BANK OF ENGLAND, COMMITTEE OF INQUIRY,287 the theo-reticians racked their brains over the problem: ENGLAND DEBTOR TO IRELAND. Despite the fact that the rate of exchange is always against Ireland, and money is exported from Ireland to England. Foster solves the puzzle for them: it is the depreciation of Irish paper money. In fact, two years earlier than him (1802), Blake had fully explained this difference between the nominal and the real rate of exchange, about which, incidentally, Petty[288] had said everything necessary — but after him this business was forgotten once again.
T h e Irish amnesty [2 8 9] is the paltriest of its kind ever seen. D'abord,c most of those amnestied had almost served the term after which all PENAL SERVITUDE MEN are released on TICKETS OF LEAVE. And second, the chief ringleaders have been kept inside 'because' Fenianism [8 6] is of 'American' origin, and thus all the more criminal. It is precisely for this reason that YANKEE-IRISHMEN like Costello are released and the ANGLO-IRISH are kept under lock and key.
If ever a mountain gave birth to a mouse, it was this ministry OF ALL TALENTS,[290] indeed in every respect.
I sent you earlier the report of Pollock a n d Knox d (the same lousy London police magistrate, a former Times man, who so
a 27 February - b Marx is referring to Ricardo's book On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation... - <= firstly - d [A. Knox, G. D. Pollock] Report of the Commissioners on the Treatment of the Treason-Felony Convicts in the English Convict Prisons distinguished himself in the Hyde Park affair) on the treatment of Irish 'CONVICTS' in England. One of the 'CONVICTS' has exposed, in The Irishman, John Bull's unprecedented infamies and the lies of that blockhead Knox.
Since Laura's health is not quite as good as we thought, I had intended to go to Paris for a few days next week. I had written to Lafargue about it.a As a result, an unknown man, i.e., a police agent, asked him whether Monsieur Marx had arrived yet. He had for him 'une communication à faire'.b How well the inviolability of the post is preserved in Paris — still! Now I am not going.
Lafargue has been excused 3 of the 5 examinations (French), and received permission, or rather instructions, to take the 2 remaining ones in Strasbourg. Meanwhile, he appears to me to be too absorbed in POLITICS, which can become nasty, since his friends are a lot of Blanquists. I shall warn him. He should pass his examinations first.
The coterie0 he keeps you can see from the enclosed prospectus.[283] What they lack is £250 security. This has a good side to it. It has emancipated Lafargue from Moilin, AS FOLLOWS:
'J'avais parlé à Moilin pour le cautionnement; il avait promis de le donner, mais au dernier moment il a refusé, si on ne voulait le nommer rédacteur en chef. Il n'a pas dit la chose, mais il l'a laissé entrevoir. Tridon m'a dit: Moilin est un diplomate, il a d'ailleurs la tête de Fouché; ainsi il [ne] faut jamais se fâcher avec lui: il faut le sonder, savoir ce qu'il veut, pour se tenir toujours en garde envers lui.'d
With regard to my book against Proudhon,e Lafargue writes:
'Blanqui en a un exemplaire et le prête à tous ses amis. Ainsi Tridon, l'a !u et a été heureux de voir de quelle façon il Moro a roulé Proudhon. Blanqui a la plus grande estime pour vous... Il a trouvé pour Proudhon le mot le plus joli que je connaisse, il l'appelle un hygromètre.''
After John Bull had compromised himself so nicely with the concessions he made in the Alabama Treaty,[291] Uncle Sam has now kicked him in the behind. This is entirely the work of the Irish in America, as I have convinced myself from the Yankee papers.
a See this volume, p. 216. - b 'a communication to make' - c company - d 'I spoke to Moilin about the security; he promised to give it but, at the last moment, refused unless he were named editor. He did not say this, but allowed it to be understood. Tridon told me: Moilin is a diplomat and, incidentally, has the head of Fouché; so one should never quarrel with him: one has to sound him out, know what he wants, in order always to be on guard against him.' - e K. Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy - f 'Blanqui has a copy of it and lends it to all his friends. So Tridon read it, and was happy to see how il Moro had disposed of Proudhon. Blanqui has the greatest respect for you... He has found the best name I know for Proudhon; he calls him a hygrometer.' Perhaps Prof. Beesly will realise that the Irish in the United States are not=0.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
As a comparative philologist, you may find forms of interest to you in the following extract from an early 16th(1)-century Scottish chronicle[292] about the death of the DUKE OF Rothesay (son OF KING Robert III):
'Be quhais deith, succedit gret displeseir to hir son, David Duk of Rothesay: for, during hir life, he wes haldin in virtews and honest occupatioun: eftir hir deith' (namely Queen Annabella) 'he began to rage in all maner of insolence: and fulyeit virginis, matronis, and nunnis, be his unbridillit lust. At last, King Robert, informit of his young and insolent maneris, send letteris to his brothir, the Duk of Albany, to intertene his said son, the Duk of Rothesay, and to leir him honest and civill maneris. The Duk of Albany, glaid of thir writtingis, tuk the Duk of Rothesay betwix Dunde and Sanct Androis, and brocht him to Falkland, and inclusit him in the tour theirof, but ony meit or drink. It is said, ane woman, havand commiseratioun on this Duk, Ieit meill fall daun throw the loftis of the toure: be quhilkis, his life wes certane dayis savit. This woman, fra it wes knawin, wes put to deith. On the same maner, ane othir woman gaif him milk of hir paup, throw ane lang reid; and wes slane with gret cruelte, fra it wes knawin. Than wes the Duk destitute of all mortall supplie; and brocht, finalie, to sa miserable and hungry appetite, that he eit, nocht allanerlie the filth of the toure quhare he wes, bot his awin fingaris: to his gret marterdome. His body wes beryit in Lundonis, and kithit miraklis mony yeris eftir; quhil, at last, King James the First began to punis his slayaris: and fra that time furth, the miraklis ceissit.'
The Times does not seem to be publishing the REPORT.[281] But as dernière instanceb there is The Morning Advertiser, which publishes everything out of stupidity.
161. Marx to Engels. 2 March
161
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 2 March 1869
DEAR FRED,
You must either send me the booklet from Lugau — or, better still, send me in German the paragraphs of the rules that you quote.[281]
I shall translate the stuff myself, since I do not regard Wilhelma
as competent and also because I do not wish to hand over the affair to him alone.b
Your
K. M.
A p r o p o s . A PAMPHLET, WRITTEN BY A PUBLIC ACCOUNTANT, ADDRESSED TO M R G l a d s t o n e 0 states that at least 1/10 of the LIFE ASSURANCE CO'S ( t h e w h o l e BUSINESS IN LIFE ASSURANCE h a s a n o m i n a l c a p i t a l of £ 1 0 0 million) is bankrupt a n d is NOT WORTH THE PAPER UPON WHICH THEY PRINT
THEIR ADVERTISEMENTS.
What will the bourgeois gentlemen say to this, those gentlemen who were so very very delighted about the PROSPECTIVE BANKRUPTCY (in 20 years or so) of the TRADES UNIONS?
They will keep their mouths shut.
a Wilhelm Liebknecht - b See this volume, pp. 220-21. - c An Actuary. Life Assurance Companies: their Financial Condition. Discussed, with Reference to Impending Legislation, in a Letter Addressed to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., First Lord of the Treasury, p. 6.
162. Marx to Engels. 3 March
162
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 3 March 1869
DEAR FRED,
herum Crispinus!* Our valued Wilhelmb has his own PROCEEDINGS. First, he reprints from the Revue der Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung Eccarius' article about 'Tailoring in London',c without asking Eccarius and without quoting the Revue as his source. Then he writes to Eccarius that he would like to print the article as a pamphlet. Therewith Eccarius replies that, in this case, a 2nd CHAPTER is necessary, since the conditions have changed completely over the last 19 years, something that Wilhelm had absolutely overlooked in his copying craze.
Then a second move by Wilhelm: He writes to Eccarius: he should send him the issue of the Revue containing your article on the 'German Peasant War'.
So Wilhelm wanted to reprint your article without your prior knowledge and once again without citing the Revue.
Luckily, Eccarius informed me yesterday evening at the Central Council. I told him I would write to you about the case and, in the meantime, Eccarius should send him nothing.
With regards to the stuff itself, I have a SPARE COPY I could send to Wilhelm. And I believe — even supposing we should later publish our assorted articles together — that publication in Wilhelm's sheet would do us no harm and the immediate effect of the publication would be very good.
But, UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, Wilhelm should not be allowed to publish the article as an original contribution for him, instead of as a reprint from the Revue.
Write me without delay your arbitrium.[6]
Another curiosity. You may have seen in the Augsburg
a Ecce iterum Crispinus—again Crispinus (Juvenal, Satires, IV, 1); fig. 'again the same'. - b Wilhelm Liebknecht - c J. G. Eccarius, 'Die Schneiderei in London oder der Kampf des großen und des kleinen Capitals', Demokratisches Wochenblatt, Nos. 2-5, 7; 9, 16, 23, 30 January and 13 February 1869 (reprinted from Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Politisch-ökonomische Revue, No. 5/6, May-October 1850). - d decision
163. Engels to Marx. 3 March
Allgemeine Zeitung that both of us figure as contributors to a workers' paper to be published by Oberwinder in Vienna.[3]
The facts are as follows: About 4 weeks before New Year's Day, Oberwinder had Wilhelm write to me that he wanted to publish an almanac and needed my biography for it. I should send what was necessary to Oberwinder. I sent simplement[11] the FACTS and a few DOCUMENTS (Cologne Trial,c etc.).[84] Heard nothing further of the matter.
Now, SOME WEEKS SINCE, Oberwinder writes to me that nothing has come of the almanac, but he will place the stuff in a paper he is going to publish. About 6-7,000 subscribers are already assured. Requested me as contributor. J forgot to answer him; shall do it today .d
Incidentally I would regard it as a good thing if we had a footing in Vienna.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
Apropos. What do the German commercial oxen understand by:
1. PRIMAGE? 2. Courtage for the remboursa"
163
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 3 March 1869 Dear Moor,
You see how right I was to dissuade you from taking a trip to Paris under any circumstances. It would be madness to put oneself in the hands of those scoundrels, particularly since nobody
a Die Volksstimme - b simply - c K. Marx, Revelations Concerning the Communist Trial in Cologne - d See this volume, pp. 233-34. - c Ibid., p. 238.
enquires about you and the lois de sûreté[293] are still in force. Let Lafargue go to Strasbourg as soon as possible and take his examinations; once that is over, he will be able to take some liberties. The fact that he has emancipated himself from Moilin is of enormous value; this Jesuit would certainly have got him into trouble. What Lafargue writes about Blanqui is very nice.(1)
Moore tells me that Beesly has written an article on the social question in the new Fortnightly which reaches the maximum confusion.b
The only thing linguistically new for me in the old Scottish passage[292] was the participium praesentis havand, having,—showing that this form still existed in Scotland at the beginning of the 16thc century, when it had long disappeared in England.
I really did make the blunder in Russian. I have pretty well forgotten the Russian declensions.d
The Lugau material[281] will be returned today by BOOK POST. Since I no longer know which passages I quoted, I cannot indicate them for you; however, I made a sort of index to the pamphlets, which is attached, and you may be able to see from this where the passages might be.
What is the pamphlet against the LIFE ASSURANCE Co., called?e We really must get hold of it.
So Wilhelmchen appealed to you against Schweitzer.[294] This will make a fine story, since Schweitzer cannot be caught so easily. The row is going to be fun; don't you get the Social-Demokrat any more? Just now, Eichhoff should keep us properly au courant.[1] In the next few days I shall send you some articles that he (certainly nobody else) wrote in the Zukunftß In the meantime, in Essen the Social-Democrat Hasenclever, also supported by Liebknecht, has been elected with a majority of 960 votes over what the Landratf and the National-Liberal candidateh
received together, and in Hanover (I believe Celle) there are also prospects for getting someone in.[295]
Incidentally, Wilhelm appears to be bestirring himself more and to be having some success in Saxony. If the jackass would only abandon his stupid South-German-federalist and his Guelphic concerns,J he could accomplish something despite his thick-headedness, in view of the mistrust of Schweitzer that rules amongst the leaders of the Lassalleans; for Schweitzer's bad conscience disarms him too, when things come to a climax. But with his People's Party[38] and his mania for restoring thrones, he'll have no success in dangling carrots before north German workers.
The odd thing is that he suddenly wants to go to Berlin, that is to say, admits that he can, without danger.
Incidentally, I cannot see how you, as the GENERAL COUNCIL, could declare yourselves competent on this question — even if both parties agreed — unless they both also declared themselves willing to subject themselves to the arbitration verdict against the organisation and management of the TRADES UNIONS, etc.
Your
F. E.
164. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 3 March[29]
The damned photographer(1) has once again been leading me by the nose for weeks, and has still not supplied additional COPIES. But I shall not delay this reply longer because of this.
With regard to Herr Vogt, I wished to make sure of those copies which could still be saved from Liebknecht's hands (I had sent him 300 from London to Berlin, i.e., all those still left) in case they were needed. I therefore took the liberty of ordering them to be stored at your place. But Orindur, solve for me this mystery of nature! b
Liebknecht sent you just 6 COPIES, but announced to me that he had sent 50 COPIES. Will you please ask him for the answer to this riddle!c Quételet is now too old for one still to make any sort of experiment with him.[296] He rendered great services in the past by demonstrating that even the apparently casual incidents of social life possess an inner necessity through their periodic recurrence and their periodic average incidence. But he was never successful in interpreting this necessity.[297] And he made no progress, but simply extended the material for his observations and calculations. He is today no further on than he was before 1830.
It will probably take until the summer before I am finished with Vol. II.[41] Then — with the manuscript — I shall come to Germany with my daughter" and see you then. Or, to be more precise, shall descend on you.
In France — a very interesting movement in progress. The Parisians are once again really studying their recent revolutionary past, to prepare themselves for the pending new revolutionary business. First, the origin of the Empire—then the coup d'état of December. This had been entirely forgotten, just as the reaction in Germany has been able to wipe out memories of 1848/49 completely.
That is why Ténot's books about the coup d'état in Paris and the provincesb aroused such enormous interest that they rapidly went through 10 editions. They were followed by dozens of other books on the same period. C'était la rage,c and this soon became a speculative business for the publishers.
These writings came from the opposition—Ténot is an homme du Siècle (I mean the liberal bourgeois paper, not our century). All the liberal and illiberal rogues belonging to the official opposition promoted this mouvement Also the republican democrats, people like Delescluze, for example, who was formerly Ledru-Rollin's adjutant and now, as republican patriarch, edits Réveil in Paris.
Until now everybody has been indulging in these posthumous revelations, or rather reminiscences — everybody who was not Bonapartist.
But then came le revers de la médaillée First, the French Government itself got the renegade Hippolyte Castille to publish Les Massacres de Juin 1848. This was a blow in the face for Thiers, Falloux, Marie, Jules Favre, Jules Simon, Pelletan, etc., in short, the chiefs of what is called in France 'l'Union Libérale',[298] who wish to perform a sleight of hand with the next elections, the infamous old rogues.
a Jenny Marx - b E. Ténot, Paris en décembre 1851... and La province en décembre
1859... - c This was all the rage - d the other side of the medal Then came the Socialist Party, which 'unmasked' the opposition and the old-style republican democrats.
Including Vermorel: Les Hommes de 1848 and L'Opposition. Vermorel is a Proudhonist. Last came the Blanquists, for example, G. Tridon: Gironde et Girondins.
So the whole historic witches' brew is simmering. When shall we have got this far? To show you how well the French police are served:
I intended to go to Paris next week to see my daughter. Last Saturdaya a police agent enquired of Lafargue whether Mons. Marx had arrived yet. He had a commission for him.b
FOREWARNED!
My heartiest greetings to your dear wife and Fränzchen. How is Madame Tenge?
Yours
K. M.
165. Marx to Heinrich Oberwinder. 3 March
1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, N.W.C
Dear Sir,
You must forgive my delayed reply to your letter of 14 February, resulting from my indisposition.11
I do not need to assure you that I am greatly interested in the workers' movement in Vienna.e If I could dispose freely of my
166. Engels to Marx. 4 March
time and my strength, I would immediately stand at your disposal as a contributor to your paper. My ability to work is, however, continually interrupted by illness. The little leisure left me after completing the second volume of my work Capital[41] is absorbed by the business of the International Working Men's Association.
Thus, I cannot offer the prospect of contributions from me in the near future.
I remain, with best respects[3]
Karl Marx
166
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 4 March 1869
Dear Moor,
I must leave it quite up to you to do what you think best about the article.(1) For my part, I do not think that the article would have any sort of effect in Liebknecht's paperb in instalments of 1 or 2 columns, since it would thus be spread over two years. On the other hand, if he wanted to print it cheaply for the workers, this would be different and could have an impact. Since he is now involved in a row with Schweitzer,[294] I would suggest to him that he publish the last section of my pamphlet on military questions c in his sheet, or ask Meissner the price at which he would allow him to sell the remainder (he once asked me about this through Moore, but as I have had no occasion to write to him since, this too has remained unanswered). If, however, he should reprint the article, he must
167. Marx to Engels. 5 March
indicate the source. I myself have not got a copy and you cannot part with yours either; we must keep one, after all!
Your
F. E.
167
MARX T O ENGELS[33]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 5 March 1869
DEAR FRED,
The enclosed little document arrived yesterday (though dated 27 February).[299] You must send it back as soon as you have read it, since I have to lay it before the COUNCIL on TUESDAY NEXT.3 The gentlemen of the 'Alliance' have taken a long time to produce this opus.
In fact, we would rather they had kept their 'unnumbered legions' in France, Spain and Italy to themselves.
Bakunin thinks: if we approve his "programme radical' he can trumpet it forth and compromise us tant soit peu.h If we declare ourselves against it, we shall be denounced as counter-revolutionaries. Moreover: If we admit it, he will see to it that, at the Congress in Basle, he is seconded by some RIFF-RAFF. I think the answer should be along the following LINES:300
According to para. 1 of the Rules, every workers' society that is
'AIMING AT THE SAME END; VIZ., THE PROTECTION, ADVANCEMENT AND COMPLETE EMANCIPATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES' , is to be admitted. 0
As the stage of development reached by different sections of the workers in the same country and by the working class in different countries necessarily varies considerably, the actual movement also necessarily expresses itself in very diverse theoretical forms.
The community of action the International Working Men's Association is calling into being, the exchange of ideas by means of the different organs of the sections in all countries and, finally, the direct discussions at the general congresses would also gradually create a common theoretical programme for the general workers' movement.
With regard to the programme of the 'Alliance', therefore, it is not necessary for the General Council to submit it to an examen
critique.11 The Council does not need to examine whether it is an adequate scientific expression of the workers' movement. It has only to ask whether the general tendency of the programme is in opposition to the general tendency of the International Working Men's Association — the COMPLETE EMANCIPATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES!
This reproach might apply to only one phrase in the programme, para. 2: 'elle veut avant tout l'égalisation politique, économi-que et sociale des classes.h 'L'égalisation des classes', interpreted literally, is simply another way of saying the 'Harmonie du capital et du travail'0 preached by bourgeois socialists. The final aim of the International Working Men's Association is not the logically impossible 'égalisation des classes', but the historically necessary 'abolition des classes'. From the context in which this phrase appears in the programme, however, it seems to be merely A SLIP OF THE PEN. The General Council has little doubt, therefore, that this phrase, which might lead to serious misunderstanding, will be deleted from the programme.[301]
On this assumption, it is the principle of the International Working Men's Association to leave each section the responsibility for its own programme. There is, therefore, no obstacle to the transformation of the sections of the Alliance into sections of the International Working Men's Association.
As soon as this has taken place, the General Council must, in accordance with the Rules, be supplied with a dénombrement of the newly adhering sections, according to country, residence and numbers.
This last point — the census of their legions — will, of course, upset the gentlemen. When you return the letter, tell me what you want changed in this draft reply.
Quoade Liebknecht, I have given further thought to the matterf. Publication in the lousy little sheet must not be allowed.
168. Engels to Marx. 7 March
Publication as a pamphlet by Wilhelm is a DELUSION. Should I write to Eichhoff asking whether his brother" would publish it at a reasonable price? Could you, in this case, bestow your fee upon the GENERAL COUNCIL, which is greatly in need of money? I still have a copy of the 6th issue containing the Peasant War (apart from my bound Jî«Du«)
b which is complete). I could send this to Berlin.[302]
Please reply by return.
Moreover, Wilhelm should reprint the last section of the pamphlet on military questions.0 The transaction with Meissner (in which Wilhelm would have to show his cash!—anyway Meissner is very TICKLISH UPON SUCH POINTS) is impossible.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
first time
168 ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 7 March 1869 Dear Moor,
The answer300 for the Russiand and his retinue is exactly as it should be. Even in their own sommation* the fellows do not dare to call upon you to make the programme your own; they simply wish indirectly to induce you to make a theoretical criticism. A stupid Russian trap into which people in this country will surely not fall. Apart from this, the people's retreat is complete, and nothing more could be desired. The about-face by which the fellows are being compelled to allow you to review their forces is very amusing, and will act like a bucket of cold water over their phrase-mongering heads.
As for the Peasant War it must, I believe, be offered first to Meissner* for decency's sake; and if he is not interested in printing it as a popular, cheap pamphlet, there will still be time with Eichhoff. You will have to write to him about The 18th
Brumaire, which you could do at the same time. If Meissner does not get on with The 18th Brumaire, or is scared, then steps must be taken and the thing given to Eichhoff.(1) Otherwise time will be wasted and the opportunity lost.
I discovered a copy of The 18th Brumaire at Charles',b and immediately confiscated it. I read it through again and immediately saw that the book must appear in French without delay.[303] That will have quite a different effect from just German, and will immediately make you a name amongst the French, which will at once ensure the translation of your book.c See who you might get to do this and, in any case, take steps along these LINES. Printed in Brussels, it would get to France en masse.
Before the Peasant War is sent off, send me the copy so that I can correct the misprints, see whether a preface, etc., is necessary, or some notes for the philistines. I am not quite sure whether the Spanish Bergenroth is Frau Jung's Bergenroth. I think I heard the latter had gone to America.
Ad vocem(2) Oberwindere: did you ever write to the Angerstein who approached us previously?[304] The fellow still has some sort of paper in Vienna. It would be good to avoid an unnecessary squabble with Oberwinder; Wilhelm will have to inform us of the relations between these two and what Angerstein, who was also recommended by him, is now doing.
PRIMAGE is unknown to me in exchange rates and exchange practice. In freightage, it is a supplement to the usual freight, i.e., you pay 36s.— per ton freight and 10% PRIMAGE, that means 39s.6d. If you quote me the context, I can probably explain.
Courtage for the rembours is also a very sloppily-worded phrase, so the whole passage would be useful here, too. It probably means courtage, i.e., BROKERAGE for calling in from the drawer the sum of a bill that has gone to protest.l
The Augsburg [Allgemeine Zeitung] is again full of the information on the International in Geneva. Clossmann appears to have approached Becker.h Quite useful.
How are things in Basle? Becker has written 3-4 pamphlets about all these things, but apparently never sends any here.[301]'
169. Marx to Engels. 14 March
For a change, Schorlemmer has once again burned his face; a bottle of bromic-phosphorus he was preparing exploded in front of his nose. He looks good, but has otherwise suffered no damage.
Your
F. E.
169
MARX TO ENGELS[180]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 14 MARCH 1869
DEAR FRED,
From the enclosed letter from Meissner you can see how things look with the Louis Bonaparte.[306] Since Meissner told me directly (personally) that he only publishes pamphlets occasionally, now and then, in order to oblige, something of which you need not be aware, I would prefer you to write to him direct about the Peasant War. If nothing emerges, I shall write to Eichhoffa, with whom I maintain 'international' relations.
Liebknecht has the gift of gathering the stupidest people in Germany around him. Exempli causah the author of 'Die demok-ratischen Ziele und die deutschen Arbeiter"". This stuff can only be read, even to oneself, in south German patois. This dunderhead requests the workers to rid him of Bismarck and then promises to provide them with 'full freedom of movement' and other socialist achievements! Horreurl d
The man from Zukunft" is infinitely more cunning and sharp in the north German way. But with him, too, the UPSHOT is that the workers should pull the chestnuts out of the fire for the democratic gentlemen and should not, for the time being, indulge in such pursuits as TRADES UNIONS. If these gentlemen are such hot-headed friends of direct revolutionary action, why don't they set the example, instead of writing careful and reserved articles for Zukunft I Do they expect such stuff to awaken revolutionary passion? That won't catch anybody!
The reply to the Genevans3 has been sent off. In the French text I kept the tone still icier and passablement ironique}* Luckily, this was not noticed by the English, who naturally only know my English translation.
Apart from the official communication[299] about which I told you, the gentlemen also sent a 4-page private letter to Eccarius, according to which a direct breach had only been avoided thanks to the EFFORTS of Becker, Bakunin, and Perret, author of the document. Their 'revolutionary' programme had had more effect in some weeks in Italy, Spain, etc., than that of the International Working Men's Association had in years. If we should reject their 'revolutionary programme', we would [produce] a separation between the countries with a 'revolutionary' workers' movement (these are listed as France, where they have all of 2 correspondents, Switzerland(!), Italy—where the workers, apart from those who belong to us, are simply a tail to Mazzini — and Spain, where there are more clerics than workers) and those with a more gradual development of the working class (viz., England, Germany, the United States and Belgium). Thus, a separation between the volcanic and plutonic workers' movement on the one hand, and the AQUEOUS movement on the other.
That the Swiss should represent the revolutionary type is really amusing.
Old Becker must have become very stupid if he really believes that Bakunin has invented a 'programme'.
Your
K. M.
170. Engels to Marx. 15 March
171. Engels to Marx. 18 March
170
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
[Manchester,] 15 March 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed, Meissner returned.[306] Today only the following: Even in the past I considered that Bonaparte" really ought to be printed together with your 3 articles in the Revue about the period from February 1848 to 1850[307]; but I thought that it would cause too much loss of time. Since, however, Meissner himself is delaying, I would still do this now. This will make the whole thing more voluminous — ca. 10-12 printed sheets — and more complete.
If you write to Meissner right away, I am sure there will be enough time.
More tomorrow.
Your
F. E.
Lizzie is in bed with bronchitis and a bad cold; somewhat better today.
171
ENGELS TO MARX[180]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 18 March 1869
Dear Moor,
I am writing to Meissner about the Peasant War.h
Even according to Social-Demokrat (which I'll send you back in a couple of days), Wilhelma appears to have kept ahead in Saxony.b On the other hand, you have to grant the Lassalleans that they are developing quite a different sort of activity and know how to make ten times more out of the limited means than the People's Party does.[38] Even when Schweitzer was imprisoned, the Social-Demokrat did not publish such idiocies as Wilhelm does.
I wonder what Wilhelm will say about the fact that, in Celle the Hanoverian particularists, defeated in the first round of polling, voted in the second round for Planck, the National-Liberal Bismarckian, and thus got him into the Reichstag instead OF Yorck, the worker. But that does not matter to Wilhelm.
Huxley's famous article in the Fortnightly[24]* in fact contains almost nothing except the joke about Comtism. The Comtists are said to be very furious about this, and intend to publish a thunderous reply, as a geological friendc in London writes to Moore.
What do you think of my suggestion about printing the articles from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung[307] before Bonaparte? And about the French version?d
Many thanks for the Castille.e Only yesterday was I able to start reading it. Clearly a crypto-Bonapartist factional publication. However, it is enormous progress that the June insurrection is now generally seen for what it was.217
Tony Moilinf is really charming. This homme des 1869, who cheerfully declares that nobody should earn less than 2,400 fr.! I laughed myself half sick over this naïve doctor with extraordinary pretensions. If Lafargue were still to think anything of him, his wife would laugh at him.
I wanted to write to you about quite a long story, but can't recollect it at the moment. I have to go home now to hear what Gumpert has said about Lizzie, who has been in bed since Sunday.11
Your
F. E.
172. Marx to Engels. 20 March
172
MARX TO ENGELS[56]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 20 March 1869
DEAR FRED,
We all hope that, in your next letter, you will be sending us better news about MRS Lizzie's state of health. Tussy especially asks you to extend our deepest sympathy to her. It's damned awful weather. Jennychen can't get rid of her cold, and for the past few days I have been cold-wild and cough-confused.
Next week (Friday or Saturday[3]) the children are going to Paris to the Lafargues. The business with Laura was this: she had a fall 2 or 3 weeks before her accouchement. As a result of this fall, she had to keep to her bed until 1-2 weeks ago and only with difficulty avoided danger.
I intend to have myself naturalised as an Englishman,[308] so I can travel to Paris safely. Without such a journey the French edition of my book[309] will never materialise. My presence there is absolutely necessary. Under Pahnerston's law you can, if you wish, slough off the Englishman again after 6 months. The law provides no protection for the naturalised person with regard to illegalities committed in his country of birth before naturalisation, if he should return to that country. With this exception, a naturalised person is on the same footing as any Englishman vis-à-vis foreign GOVERNMENTS. I really cannot see why I should not visit Paris without the permission of M. Bonaparte, if I have the means to do so.
My best thanks to Schorlemmer for the 2ND EDITION of Chemie.(1)
Tomorrow, as a Sunday recreation, I shall start re-reading the 2nd part, the organic chemistry (and assume that this is where the changes are to be sought).
As regards Louis Bonaparte, I am not inb favour of printing the series from the Revue up to 1850 as an introductionc. On the one hand, I don't wish to give Meissner new excuses for delay. On the other, it would be very easy, by patching in FACTS that emerged later, to revise this section, but there is no hurry. In Brussels, De 20 1869
Paepe has sought in vain for a French publisher for Louis Bonaparte. For such operations, these gentlemen demand money from the author.
Blanqui, who is now in Paris, made very good jokes at Lafargue's about Moilin's[3] real QUACK NOSTRUM. France, he said, is always ungrateful to its great men. Moilin, for instance, has solved the problem of the century in an unprecedentedly simple manner — and Paris goes about its business as though nothing had happened.
Castille was a June insurgent, was transported as such to Cayenne, and returned after the general amnesty. H e wrote the first edition of his book b de bonne foi.c In the meantime, the government bought him, and staged this second edition as the antithesis to Ténot's writings. T h e changes made are: 1. the tone has become more bourgeois, sometimes smart-alecky. 2. Passages against the men of December d have been removed. 3. A few quietly apologetic phrases for Bonaparte have been patched in. Despite all this, the fonds" unchanged, and it remains as you say, a very satisfactory work. It is a very good thing when M. Bonaparte pushes back the writing of history to the period before 2 December. T h e struggle of the various parties, their mutual: Et tu Brute!e will help put a stop to the 'revolutionism' of the old scoundrels of 1848 and earlier.
I sent to Beesly, by city post, WITH A FEW RANDOM NOTES for him to read, Vermorel's pamphlet [8] that I also sent you (with the Castille). H e sent it back to me with the enclosed note, which is as stupid as it is MAGISTERIAL and arrogant. It appears to me that positive philosophy may be equated with ignorance about everything positive. T h e other sheet enclosed was sent me by Borkheim for my 'DUTCH RELATIONS'.11
Yesterday I found the report on the 'miners' guilds',h printed in full in the Social-Demokrat of last Wednesday. Whether the Zukunft has taken it I do not know.[281] Possibly the report does not stand at that lofty stage of wisdom that alone can satisfy social policy. I have not yet received Wilhelm for this weekJ
Apropos. In the very near future there will be a demonstration here for E. Jones. T h e business is sponsored by the Clerkenwell
173. Engels to Marx. 21 March
branch of the quondam REFORM LEAGUE.[228] Their leaders, Weston, Lucraft, etc. are MEMBERS of our GENERAL COUNCIL. The festival committee offered me one of the 5 presidential chairs in Trafalgar Square, from which the masses are to be harangued. I refused the courtesy very politely. What I could not refuse, however, was to promise a small contribution to the demonstration costs ON BEHALF OF MYSELF AND FRIENDS. It must be paid Tuesday NEXT[3] If you and Moore want to take a share, it must be done by then. Addio.
Your
Moor
who every day resembles more a 'white' washed Moor.
173
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 21 March 1869
Dear Moor,
Lizzie's case was pleurisy, which, however, took a remarkably quick course — not till last Tuesday[1]" was the exudation on the right lung evident, and by this morning it had already vanished completely. She is getting up again today for the first time. Through a remarkable piece of DIVINATION, I diagnosed pleurisy for Gumpert on Sunday,c he examined her, found nothing, declared it was bronchitis (which was also present), in addition to catarrh in the lungs, and it was naturally rather annoying for him when the pleurisy declared itself after all. I naturally do not claim that it was present when he could not find it.
POOR Löhrchend MUST HAVE HAD A HARD TIME OF IT. Ten weeks in
a 23 March - b 16 March - c 14 March - d Laura Lafargue childbed is no joke, and it is good that it is over. When they get there, Tussy and Jenny must give her and Lafargue too my hearty greetings.
The explanation about Castille was very useful to me. The wisdom of Solomon Beesly returned herewith.(1) It is the greatest nonsense. In time, this Comtism will confirm an even stronger version of that remark made by that man from Bonn about the Hegelians: they do not need to know about anything in order to write about everything.
In Germany the conversion of the natural forces, for instance, heat into mechanical energy, etc., has given rise to a very absurd theory, which incidentally follows with a certain inevitability from Laplace's old hypothesis, but is now displayed, as it were, with mathematical proofs: that the world is becoming steadily colder, that the temperature in the universe is levelling down and that, in the end, a moment will come when all life will be impossible and the entire world will consist of frozen spheres rotating round one another. I am simply waiting for the moment when the clerics seize upon this theory as the last word in materialism. It is impossible to imagine anything more stupid. Since, according to this theory, in the existing world, more heat must always be converted into other energy than can be obtained by converting other energy into heat, so the original hot state, out of which things have cooled, is obviously inexplicable, even contradictory, and thus presumes a god. Newton's first impulse is thus converted into a first heating. Nevertheless, the theory is regarded as the finest and highest perfection of materialism; these gentlemen prefer to construct a world that begins in nonsense and ends in nonsense, instead of regarding these nonsensical consequences as proof that what they call natural law is, to date, only half-known to them. But this theory is all the dreadful rage in Germany.
I've not yet seen the Zukunft. Tomorrow I shall send you STAMPS for one pound for the E. Jones demonstration.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
174. Engels to Marx. 28 March
174
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 28 March 1869
Dear Moor,
You must really have a foul cold, since even the usual Sunday letter did not arrive today. Enclosed a cheque on the UNION BANK OF LONDON for £87.10 for March-June and a pound in STAMPS for the cost of the meeting, which I forgot to send you on Monday."
This week I read myself fairly well into Dutch-Frisian, and have discovered some quite nice philological things there. Can you discover what snieuntojowns means? It is odd, that, today, the West Frisians in many cases speak as the English write, e.g. GREAT, hearre (hear), etc. However, in most cases this is accidental and of more recent date, and Old Frisian from the same area generally differs from this.
Lizzie is on her feet again. Best greetings — have the girls gone to Paris, and what do they write about Löhrchen b? And are you already a BRITON NEVER SHALL BE
SLAVES0?
Your
F. E.
175. Marx to Engels. 29 March
175
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 29 March 1869
DEAR FRED,
Best thanks for the CHEQUE and the STAMPS. I paid Lucraft last Tuesday.3 Have you seen the short report about the demonstration in The Times OF SATURDAY LAST b? It states that a German group ('of our people!') carried a red flag inscribed Proletarier aller Länder, verunreiniget Euch!, which they said in English, means 'RAGAMUFFINS
OF ALL REGIONS, BEFOUL YOURSELVES!'
As you correctly assume, I am cold-maddened and cold-stupefied.
The children left on Friday' evening (to the horror of the English, on GOOD FRIDAY). We received a letter from them this morning. They arrived safely in Paris, but had a stormy crossing.
I am not yet a FREEBORN BRITON. One resists such a step as long as one can.[308]
Nothing could be more gallant than the way Wilhelm the Honourable is extracting himself from the affair of the Vogt copies/ At my INSTIGATION, Kugelmann wrote to him about it. No reply to the first letter, and to another letter he received the enclosed screed, which may be summed up as follows: If I (Liebknecht) announced [the despatch of] 60 copies, but only 6 arrived, you should be aware that J always lie, so there the matter must rest. If, however, C. Hirsch of Berlin advised you of the number (he naturally does not know that I advised Kugelmann), it is a different matter and must be investigated.
The sort of artful dodges the fellow gets up to is displayed in a letter from Hirsch to Kugelmann. Hirsch writes to Kugelmann[310]:
'Liebknecht probably hopes for nothing more than that you should circulate the books IN QUESTION in Hanover, in order to enlighten the Democratic Party there about the doings of Herr Vogt, etc'
Thus Wilhelm kept it secret from Hirsch that / had demanded information about the state of affairs, and an assured place for storing those copies still available.
Kugelmann writes:
'The coming clash of words between Liebknecht and Schweitzer reminds me less of Luther and Eck than of Pater José and Rabbi Juda....' 'But it seems to me, as well, that the rabbi and the monk, both of them to heaven smell'(1)
With regard to this clash of words, I received (today) the enclosed letter from Bebel.sn Since the 60-copy letter,[84] Wilhelm himself does not dare write to me — until more water has flowed under the bridge.
They are amazing fellows! First they wilfully get themselves into a situation where they are bound to get a drubbing. Then I am supposed to intervene as deus ex machina and elegantly reject Schweitzer's resolution on the acceptance of the programme of the International, should Schweitzer's general meeting pass it![312] And all this after Wilhelm and Co. have not taken one single step about the International since the Nuremberg Congress,[135] have done absolutely nothing so that those poor devils in Lugau found it necessary to turn directly to London.b I believe Bebel to be useful and able. He only had the particular misfortune to find his 'theoretician' in Mr Wilhelm.
Something else demonstrates the fellows' carelessness and sloppiness: to date they have not informed me of a single FACT to prove the charges of high treason, etc., levelled against Schweitzer. Fine businessmen.
Lloyd's Paper, in the Sunday number a week ago,c carried long hymns of praise about our RESOLUTIONS and the INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION in general.
I have received a letter from Dietzgen, who is a prosperous tanner in Siegburg.[313] I shall send it to you as soon as it is answered. Dietzgen's ideas will be published by Meissner, for whom he has guaranteed the printing costs, under the title: Die
Kopfarbeit, dargestellt von einem Handarbeiter usw.
Salut. Greetings to MRS Lizzie and the two accomplicesd.
Your
K. M.
176. Engels to Marx. 2 April
176
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 2 April 1869
Dear Moor,
I cannot write much to you today, since for some time I have had a chronically inflamed eye (mild), and can only do the most essential work.
L'homme propose et la femme dispose.11 Yesterday evening I laid out for you a pile of copies of Zukunft, and also B. Becker on Lassalle,b but this morning the room was being swept out, so I forgot them. Die Zukunft, incidentally, has carried the Lugau story as a feature article.[314]
Wilhelm's stupidities exceed everything. Bebel's cry of alarm was really touching.311 As you will see from Zukunft,c his friends in Hanover, the particularists, voted in the Lüneburg election against Yorck (Lassallean) and for the National-Liberal.d The rabble are all united against the workers but this does not disturb Liebknecht. I look forward to the dread debate with great eagerness.
About Vogte: if I were you I would write directly to the Berlin Hirsch. Then you will finally reach the proper quarter.
Lizzie is better, but does not go out yet and is on a strengthening diet. How is MRS Lafargue?
Best wishes.
Your
F. E.
177. Engels to Marx. 4 April
177
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 4 April 1869
Dear Moor,
What are Applegarth and Odger thinking of, lending themselves to Lloyd Jones as partners and directors of the planned Citizen Newspaper?[315] And how has Lloyd Jones suddenly managed to establish his position as a LEADER? For he is supposed to become the editor of this 'oh-so educated'" worker-petty-bourgeois paper. The sooner I get information about this, the better, as that jackass Kyllmann is hawking the prospectus around here.
Yesterday we finally achieved the long-planned transfer of my official headquarters from Dover STREET to 86 Mornington STREET,[316] to the great pleasure of Lizzie, who also went out again for the first time yesterday.
You have not told me what news you have about Löhrchen'sb
health.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
Since you obviously have not discovered what snieuntojown means, I shall tell you: Saturday evening.0 But how? That is now the question.
178. Engels to Friedrich Lessner. 4 April
IN LONDON
Manchester, 4 April 1869 86 Mornington Street Dear Lessner,
I was very pleased to have word from you, and enclose the photograph requested. The Becker story(1) together with other material I expressly placed ready a week ago, in order to send it to Marx, but the womenfolk put the stuff somewhere else each morning, so I forgot it day after day. Tomorrow I shall take the package into town, and send Becker directly to you.
The compliments you have so undeservedly paid me shame me all the more since, unfortunately, in the last 18 years, I have been able to do as good as nothing directly for our cause, and have had to devote all my time to bourgeois activities. I hope this will soon change, I expect in a few months once again to be master of my time, and I shall then surely do my part to earn your compliments; it will always be a pleasure for me to bash the same enemy on the same battlefield together with an old comrade like you. You are right; the cause goes better than ever before; years ago, at a time when the stupid democratic mob complained about reaction and the people's indifference to them, we, Moor and I, were right in foreseeing in the period of this reaction the enormous industrial development of the last 18 years and declared this would result in a sharpening of the contradictions between labour and capital, and more acute class struggle. It would make a donkey laugh to see how these stupid democrats have now really been duped, so that there is not even a decent little place for them in any other corner of the world. The Party of Progress in Germany,[317] republicans in France, radicals in England, all of them equally rotten. There is nothing funnier than the sweet-sour compliments they have to make to the social movement, though they know full well that, one fine day, this social movement will have its foot on their necks.
In old friendship
Your
F. Engels
Works, First Russian Edition, Vol. XXVI, Moscow, 1935
179. Marx to Engels. 5 April
179
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 5 April 1869
DEAR FRED,
I can't make anything of your snieunt (I can't read the following letters) jown* According to the etymology, I can only explain lucus a non lucendoh that in Danish snoe means turn, and jeon means EVEN.
I congratulate you on the energy with which you have cut the umbilical cord with Dover Street.'
Laura is quite well again. Jenny will be coming home tomorrow or the day after 'for business reasons'. Tussy will stay in Paris for at least 2 months. As you will note from the enclosed letter, she is absolutely delighted with Fouschtra,d the YOUNGSTER of the Lafargue
FAMILY.
The Wilhelm-Bebel-Schweitzer clash of words has not really been so bad; after all, when of 11,000 voters, 4,500 abstained from voting for Schweitzer, this was not exactly a triumph for this gentleman.[318]
With regard to the Citizen ^ the contributors to which include Dr Engel of Berlin and Dr Brentano of the same, this appears to be stillborn or, as OLD Werner says, 'laid out'. Lloyd Jones is an old tailor by trade, who figured in a STRIKE back in 1824. For a long time now he has been an apostle of cooperation, and a lazy-bones. Odger and Applegarth are both possessed by a mania for mediation and a longing for respectability. On the CENTRAL COUNCIL, we ticked off Mr Applegarth properly.[319] With regard to Odger's collaboration in particular, it never went further than the prospectus, and here people simply laugh at such PROMISSORY BILLS on his part.
In 2 issues the Bonapartist Peuple (directly edited with Boustrapa[320]) denounces our International because of the recent exercises of terrorism in Geneva" (on the occasion of the typographers' STRIKE[321]), and, at the same time, makes mocking remarks about our impotence. It would naturally be very good to keep the volcanic explosion on such a small but conspicuous stage, if the means were available. But to drag in the International so directly, as Becker b and Co. are doing, without preparation, without thinking about a war-chest, without taking into consideration the good or bad state of business in Europe — this is simply compromising. I shall send you the relevant numbers of Peuple after I have presented them to the COUNCIL tomorrow.
Oberwinder has sent me the prospectus of his paper0 for subscription. It appears twice a month, and costs 45 kreuzer per quarter. If I send the list back with subscriptions, 1 copy for you, 1 copy for Moore, 1 for Borkheim and 1 for me, we shall have to send the total sum of 3 gulden. You can't send the money individually, I mean for one COPY.
Enclosed Lanterne and Cloche and Werker. Do send me copies of Zukunft, so that I can see something about the Reichstag.
And also, if possible, Manchester papers containing arguments about the price of cotton. The Liberal M.P. from Manchester0 is supposed to be agitating or spreading agitation amongst the workers in Stockport so that they should demand, directly from the GOVERNMENT, cotton production in India, that is, PROTECTION IN ANOTHER FORM.
COMPLIMENTS to MRS Lizzie ON RESTORATION OF HEALTH. Salut.
Your
Moor
I hope your eye inflammation has passed.
180. Engels to Marx. 6 April
180
ENGELS TO MARX[124]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 6 April 1869
Dear Moor,
Liebknecht has again had the good luck of fools. The vote of 6,500 against 4,500 was a tremendous defeat for Schweitzer,[318] even if it was not a direct victory for Wilhelm. The Kölner Zeitung says that Schweitzer was frightfully dismayed, and though he had declared earlier that he would resign if any sort of considerable minority were to vote against him, he has taken a lot of care not to do so.[322]
In any case, Schweitzer's campaign for the kingdom of the tailors has failed, and his position in his own association has been shaken severely. N'est pas dictateur qui veut." The process of the disintegration of specific Lassalleanism has thus begun, and is bound to continue rapidly. The figures 6,500:4,500 mean either a split or abandonment of the 'strict' organisation and Schweitzer's personal leadership. So far Liebknecht's foolhardiness has had a good effect. And under these circumstances I shall not take it amiss that he has let himself in for a new armistice,[323] although this is the third case between the two of them of 'cad's fighting, when ended, is very soon mended'.
The copies of Zukunft follow enclosed. Unfortunately, the Reichstag debate on industrial legislation is very poorly reported in them. There is nothing more comical than Schweitzer's lecture on the socialist demands, culminating in the declaration that he favours trades freedom(1) up to Wagener, Miquel et Co.b
Simply childish babble. Best by far was Bebel.c
I am sending the B. Beckerd to Lessner today. I hear that the latest Fortnightly has an article on it.e
181. Marx to Engels. 7 April
182. Engels to Marx. 7 April
I shall send you the Zukunft on Schweitzer and Liebknecht, and immediately if there is anything more in it; I assume that Liebknecht sent them a report straight away.
Your
F. E.
181
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 7 April 1869
DEAR FRED,
Enclosed letter from Wilhelmchen.[325] Return after reading. What shall I write him about the Peasant War*? Strohn is at the door, so addio.
Your
K. M.
182
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 7 April 1869 Dear Moor,
The letters from Tussy and Wilhelmchen[325] returned enclosed. The latter remains true to his principle of greatly scorning all facts. Anybody who regards facts as important, who 'takes them into consideration', is someone who idolises success, a Bismarckian. So even if Schweitzer's 'dirty deeds' were as cheap as blackberries, he would not give us any facts about them, since, according to the principles of the People's Party,[38] the only important thing about all these facts is that Wilhelm declares them to be 'dirty deeds'. It follows that, as Schweitzer's dirty deeds become enormous, the friction with him disappears. The fellow's logic is as amusing as the anticipation with which he still hopes for a proclamation from you, declaring him to be the angel of light, and naming Schweitzer as Satan.
It is also amusing that he wants to sell an essay[3] of at least 4 or 5 printer's sheets for 1 '/(1) groschen, and emphasises: not at a profit. 'Le représentant a dit: avec du fer et du pain on va jusqu'en Chine. Il n'a pas parlé de chaussures.'b And Wilhelm has not mentioned who will meet the loss when you sell things at '/s to 'A of cost price.
I have not yet written to Meissner, and I really cannot expect him to do the wondrous things that Liebknecht boldly ventures. Once Wilhelm has spoken with an expert about the printing costs, determined a rational price and made sure that he can raise the printing costs, I am not disinclined to let him print the stuff; tell him to write to me as soon as he can fulfil these conditions, then we shall arrange further steps.
Snieuntojown is sun-jovn-to-jovn — sun-eve-to-eve.c
The word has caused me to rack my brains; there really are some very difficult things in West Frisian.
The Bazleyite agitation in favour of state aid for cotton cultivation has not yet become so public here that there has been anything substantial in the newspapers. However, I shall soon send you some cuttings about the STRIKE in Preston,[326] which the MASTERS directly provoked in order to bring about a general shut-down of the factories there. Since they cannot agree amongst themselves on SHORT TIME or complete closure, as some would then go on working and the others would be vexed at this, the sole form to bring about joint action amongst them is a STRIKE, since no manufacturer opposes the proposal to reduce wages. The cream of the thing is that these fellows, who admit that, for 2 years, they have been losing 1 to 2d. per lb of yarn or cloth, and still did not want to close down or work SHORT TIME, now declare that a 10% wage
183. Marx to Engels. 8 April
reduction, i.e., a saving of — to —- penny per £, is a matter of life or death!
Best greetings
Your
F. E.
183
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 8 April 1869
DEAR FRED,
I wrote to Wilhelmchen immediately today, as you suggested.[84] I added that it would be good if the price could be fixed, even at a minimum, above the cost, so that this surplus could be used to pay for INDIVIDUAL CARDS OF MEMBERSHIP (Id. each). According to the Lausanne [1 4 3] and Brussels I 3 8 decisions, representatives cannot be admitted to congress if their commettants[3] have not contributed to the national levy.b
T h e thing I liked best in Zukunft was the decision of the High Court of Justice on the freedom of assembly of the Prussian subjects/ This beats the French courts holo? And this scurvy Kirchmann with his scurvy critics,' is fine and successful. This is the same Kirchniann who, a few years ago, proved the immortality of the soul.' His works, in any case, are not immortal.
a mandataries - b 'Procès-verbaux du congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs réuni à Lausanne du 2 au 8 septembre 1867', p. 37. 'Troisième Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs...' Supplément au journal Le Peuple belge, 24 septembre 1868. - c 'In Bezug auf das Vereins und Versam-mlungs-Gesetz ist vom Obertribunal folgender Rechtsgrundsatz angenommen worden...', Die Zukunft, No. 61, 13 March 1869. - d completely - e 'V. Kirchmann's Aesthetik', Die Zukunft, Nos. 71 and 72; 25 and 26 March 1869. (Anonymous review of J. H. v. Kirchmann's Aesthetik auf realistischer Grundlage, in two vols.) - f J. H. Kirchmann, Ueber die Unsterblichkeit. Ein philosophischer Versuch.
1869
The enclosed letter[327] shows the frame of mind of the workers in the Rhine province about the Barmen-Elberfeld Congress. Schweitzer had forgotten that Robespierre did not answer accusations only when he was sure of his cause, or when he could answer with the guillotine. But the CORRUPTIBLE should not take the INCORRUPTIBLE as their model.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
184. Marx to John Malcolm Ludlow. 10 April[328]
1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, N. W.
Dear Sir,
Being aware of your services to the working class, I should before this have given myself the pleasure of sending you my last work: Das Kapital (2nd and 3d volumes not yet published[41]), if I had known you to be a German reader.
In your article on Lassalle in the Fortnightly" you say first that Lassalle propagated my principles in Germany and say then that I am propagating 'Lassallean principles' in England. This would indeed be what the French call 'un échange de bons procédés'.h
In the volume I send you, you will find (Preface, p. VIII, note 1) the plain facts stated viz. that 'Lassalle has taken from my writings almost literally all his general theoretical developments', but that I 'have nothing whatever to do with his practical applications'.[1]
[3] J. M. Ludlow, 'Ferdinand Lassalle, the German Social-Democrat', The Fortnightly Review, Vol. V. No. XXVIII, 1 April 1869. - b exchange of good manner - c See present edition, Vol. 35.
185. Engels to Marx. 14 April
His practical nostrum, government aid to co-operative societies, I call by courtesy his. It belongs in fact to, and was zealously preached, at the time of Louis Philippe, by Monsieur Bûchez, Ex-St. Simonian, author of the Histoire Parlementaire de la Révolution Française, glorifying Robespierre and the Holy Inquisi-tion.[162] M. Bûchez put forward his views, f.i. in the journal
L'Atelier, in opposition to the radical views of the French communism of that time.
Since you quote my reply to Proudhon: Misère de la Philosophie, you cannot but be aware from its last chapter that in 1847, when all the political economists and all the socialists concurred on one single point — the condemnation of trades' unions, I demonstrated their historical necessity.
Yours truly
Karl Marx J. M. Ludlow, Esq.
185
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 14 April 1869 Dear Moor,
Enclosed the Solingen letter[329] returned, which is also significant because it clarifies Liebknecht's boasts about the 'establishment of associations in Solingen and Bourscheid'. The one in Solingen was already there,[330] and the Solingen people established the one in Bourscheid.
The article on the Cretan insurrection[331] in The Diplomatic Review* is the best thing they have published for a long time; ditto Urquhart's letter to Fuad Pasha.b But, as always, the source is not given for Brunnow's statement in the Greek dispatch,c i.e., whether this dispatch is published in one of the official publications, which is not easy to believe (unless a Greek book), or whether it found its way into Urquhart's hands along private channels. It would be interesting to know this, in case it is quoted later. The statement coincides completely with my constant claim that Russia will not unleash a war before 2 railways are completed to the Black Sea and the Pruth. They are now building like mad, and borrowing money like crazy — in the past 3 years — about £47,000,000! A major part of this represents the future costs of war.
However, in the light of these negotiations, Beust appears to be the Austrian Palmerston, and here too there could be a motive that would favour a speed-up of the action.
Doesn't Eichhoff still send you the Social-Demokrat'? It would be very important to see how Schweitzer is conducting himself at the moment in his own paper.
You will have read the article about Lassalle in the Fortnightly,(1)
and will have seen that you are regarded therein as the real papa of Lassallean and other socialism. Who is this Ludlow? If he could be prevailed upon to write an article in the Fortnightly about your book,b this would be better than nothing after all.— Congreve's reply to Huxley is the DULLEST, most stupid and most confused thing I have ever seenc; if this is the supreme wisdom of the Comtists, they can let themselves to be buried without further ado.
I still must not strain my eye too much, and I feel it a little again today, since I read too much by lamplight yesterday evening; so I am closing. On Saturday[1]* we received a very jolly letter from Tussy.
Best greetings to your wife and Jenny.
Your
F. E.
186. Marx to Engels. 15 April
186
MARX TO ENGELS[174]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 15 April 1869
DEAR FRED,
Jennychen arrived safely on Wednesday.[332] During the return journey they had such fog at sea that the ship had a hair's-breadth escape from running aground.
From Wilhelm[333] the enclosed note. You will see, d'abord(1) his first answer to my query[84] about the 'knavish tricks' of which he accuses Schweitzer. 'Political' amongst this — only two enclosed ELECTIONEERING things. You must send them back to me, for Wilhelm asks for them back, and they appear to constitute his entire political 'evidence for the prosecution'.
Lafargue has sent me his French translation of the Communist Manifesto for us to revise. I am sending you the manuscript by post today. For the moment, the business is not urgent. I certainly do not want Lafargue to burn his fingers prematurely. However, if the stuff is eventually to be published in France, certain parts, such as those on German or 'True' Socialism, should be reduced to a few lines, since they are of no interest there.
To get back to the negotiations with Wilhelm. J write to him[84]
about the conditions on which you are ready to give him the Peasant War.b He writes to you that Eccarius (who knew nothing about the matter) had informed him you would send him the stuff, and that he would not fulfil the conditions you laid down. He further writes to me that he has owed Eccarius 30 thaler for 2 quarters, and that / should advance it, since he would, 'on his word of honour', repay it at an — unspecified — date. I certainly feel no inclination towards this transaction, since I have already loaned somewhat more than this sum to my friend Dupont.
Ludlow is BARRISTER AT LAW, a leading contributor to the Spectator, a co-operator, devout, a determined enemy of the Comtists. He resigned publicly from our Commonwealth because Beesly, Harri-son, etc., were contributors. He had sent me a few of his little pamphlets at an earlier date, and is a friend of Jones Lloyd or Lloyd Jones, or whatever the tailor's name is. A few days ago, after I had seen the relevant issue of the Fortnightly, I sent him MY LAST AVAILABLE COPY OF Capital. (Note of receipt enclosure No. I.) I naturally knew he read German. At the same time, I sent him a letter in which I made a few JOKES about his article, in which he first stated that Lassalle disseminated my principles in Germany and then that I disseminated Lassalle's principles in England." (Reply in No. 2.) I hope by this means still to achieve a review of my book in an English paper.[334] Ludlow is, ditto, a great admirer of Ricardo, something exceptional today, after Mill mucked everything up.
I discovered BY ACCIDENT today that we had two Neveu de Rameaub in our house, and so am sending you one. This unsurpassed masterpiece will once again give you a treat.
Referring to it, OLD Hegel said: 'The mocking laughter at existence, at the confusion of the whole and at itself, is the disintegrated consciousness, aware of itself and expressing itself, and is, at the same time, the last audible echo of all this confusion.... It is the self-disintegrating nature of all relations and their conscious disintegration... In this aspect of the return to self, the vanity of all things is the self's own vanity, or the self is itself vanity ... but as the indignant consciousness it is aware of its own disintegration and, by that knowledge, has immediately transcended it... Every part of this world either gets its mind [sein Geist] expressed here or is spoken of intellectually [mit Geist] and declared for what it is.—The honest consciousness' (the role Diderot allots himself in the dialogue) 'takes each element as a permanent entity and does not realise, in its uneducated thoughtlessness, that it is doing just the opposite. But the disintegrated consciousness is the consciousness of reversal and indeed of absolute reversal; its dominating elements is the concept, which draws together thoughts that, to the honest consciousness, lie so wide apart; hence the brilliance [geistreich] of its language. Thus, the content of the mind's speech of and about itself consists in the reversal of all conceptions and realities; the universal deception of oneself and others and the shamelessness of declaring this deception is, therefore, precisely the greatest truth... To the quiet consciousness, which in its honest way goes on singing the melody of the True and the Good in even tones, i.e., on a monotone, this speech appears as "a farrago of wisdom and madness", etc.'c (a passage from Diderot follows).
More amusing than Hegel's commentary is that by Mr Jules Janin, which you will find in the form of an excerpt in the postscript to the little volume. This 'cardinal de la mer'd deplores the absence in Diderot's Rameau of the moral point, and consequently sets things in order by discovering that Rameau's entire absurdity arises from his resentment at not being a 'born gentilhomme'." The Kotzebue-like muck he has heaped upon this cornerstone is being melodramatically presented in London.[338]
187. Engels to Marx. 16 April
From Diderot to Jules Janin must be what the physiologists call a regressive metamorphosis. French intellect before the French Revolution and under Louis Philippe!
I shall ask Collet about the source of Brunnow's maxim. [3] I would not be at all surprised if it were to be found in the English BLUE BOOK,[173] in an English legation letter from Athens. I found similar things from Brunnow in a 1839 BLUE BOOK about the SYRIAN-EGYPTIAN AFFAIRS.b
Eichhoff always sends me the Schweitzerc in great masses. So he must be coming soon.
Mr Thornton has written a thick book about CAPITAL AND LABOUR. I haven't seen it yet, only extracts in The Daily News, to the effect that capital, as a force separate from labour, will fade away in the distant future.
Take care with your eye.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
187
ENGELS T O MARX [1 8 0]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 16 April 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed returned the 2 Ludlows [3 3 6] and the 2 'knavish tricks'.d
From Wilhelm you sent only the few lines for me, not those to you to which you refer.[333] If Wilhelm can't do more than this, then it is a miracle he did not do even worse in Barmen. [3 1 8] In a few days I shall send you reports in Zukunft about the general assembly/ which appeared very late and show that the ground had already been well prepared in Schweitzer's association, and that the rebellion would have broken out even without Wilhelm.
The Ludlow correspondence very useful. Many thanks for the Rameau* which will give me much pleasure. At the moment I am reading almost nothing, in order finally to get my eye back on the right track; I have also cut down on my work at the office.
Wilhelm is badly mistaken if he thinks I would send him the Peasant Warb on the basis of such vague promises, so he could subsequently pop up and yell that, if I did not send the sum of umpteen pounds, it would be impossible to print the final sheets. His letter is real twaddle, and his calm assumption that you should pay his fees is impudent.
Fowler, the STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATE here, who had the Fenians brought into court shackled to one another, has relinquished his post. Leaving behind his wife and 2 children, he has eloped with the wife of Milne, the CHAIRMAN OF QUARTER SESSIONS (daughter of the late Brooks, the rich BANKER, and WORTH £80,000 IN HER OWN RIGHT), who, for her part, left 5 children with her beloved husband. Great consternation amongst the philistines.
Salut.
Your
F. E.
This final story can only be explained etymologically; FOWLER from FowL=Vogel.c
188. Marx to Engels. 16 April
188
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London, 16 April 1869]
E. = Eichhoff — B.=Borkheim.[337] I had written to Wilhelm[84]
saying he should cease his malicious chatter and scribbling directed against Eichhoff, since Borkheim himself has now recognised his error. Wilhelm, of course, does not know that I know his own insinuations against Eichhoff from Kugelmann and OLD Becker.c
Did you receive the Lafargue manuscript?[11] It is not noted in today's letter from you.
Apropos: Hermann is now Stieber's official organ. Juch was forced to sell it, because of his 'diverse' creditors. In today's issue, Stieber starts right away by printing, on the first page, warrant notices, e.g., against the so-and-so Jaeger for illicit abortion of the foetus. Stieber is naturally represented here by a National-Liberal 'sub-Stieber'. I shall hunt out the carefully 'hushed-up' name.'
With regard to the eye: try washing it with alcohol. This helped me. To begin with it hurts a bit. For the FIRST attempt, dilute the alcohol a bit with water. That will show you how much you can stand it. Anyway, trying can't hurt.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
189. Engels to Marx. 19 April
189
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 19 April 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed Liebknecht returned. I wrote to him in a strictly BUSINESSLIKE[84] way about the Peasant War," and I shall hear how he reconciles the gushing of funds for printing pamphlets with the newspapers'b deficit.
Lafargue's manuscriptc is here; I have not yet been able to take a look at it, and I think he should take his exams avant tout.d
The great Thesmar from Cologne is now here, has introduced himself to Gumpert and also Borchardt under the name Themar, but has already accepted Thesmar. If you can send me the number of Zukunft that mentioned the warrant out against him for embezzlement, then do so; otherwise I shall have to write to Schneider.
Your
F. E.
Another curious subject6 greeted Borchardt as 'editor of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung'; Borchardt himself will write to you about him.
190. Marx to Engels. 24 April
190
MARX TO ENGELS[180]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 24 April 1869
DEAR FRED,
For ABOUT 12 days I have been suffering dreadfully with my old liver complaints. I am swigging the old medicine from Gumpert, but so far without success. As a result, I am completely paralysed mentally. This condition appears every spring. If I do not pass through it SAFELY, the CARBUNCLES come next. So please ask Gumpert if he knows of anything new for me. I have not smoked for a week. Ça suffit* to make clear to you my state.
It will take me a few days to get the information for Borchardt from Dupont. I cannot find the copies of Zukunft. Apropos. The new 'sub-Stieber' who now edits Hermann is named, or calls himself, 'Dr' Heinemann, and claims to come from Manchester. Do you know anything about him?
The worthy 'Hillmann' from Elberfeld has written to me. I'll send you his letter on Monday.b He attacks Liebknecht on account of his renewed armistice with Schweitzer, as a result of which the fruits of victory have been lost. Hillmann the Honorable was, in 1867, the rival worker candidate to Schweitzer.[338] Hinc Mae lacrimae.c
Salut.
Your
K. M.
191. Engels to Marx. 25 April
192. Marx to Engels. 26 April
191
ENGELS T O MARX [2 3 9]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 25 April 1869
Dear Moor,
Most useful for your liver would be a change of air and a change of your set habits. So do the right thing straight away: take a train immediately, and come here for a week or two. I have made myself quite a lot of spare time, and we shall be able to take vigorous walks together. Then you will be able to have Gumpert examine and treat you and, out of deference for your 'condition', you will be able to turn down invitations to 'tea'. You will then be fresh and ready for work in a short time again, to do more work in a few weeks than you can in months in your present condition. So telegraph me tomorrow to the WAREHOUSE which train you are coming on, and be here by the evening. That is the simplest and will certainly cure you.
Your
F. E.
192
MARX T O ENGELS [2 3 9]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 26 April 1869
193. Marx to Eleanor Marx. 26 April
In addition there are some things to put in order in the International this week, which won't get going without me.[339]
And finally, however bad I might feel, I have to complete CERTAIN SLIPS OF PAPER, since it is always difficult to continue, not with A NEW SUBJECT, but in the middle of a certain topic.
WITH ALL THAT, if I don't get better, I shall naturally have to go away.
More tomorrow.
Your
K. M.
193
MARX TO ELEANOR MARX
IN PARIS
[London,] 26 April 1869
My dear little Quoquo,(1)
You must really excuse my long silence. I am just head over heels immersed in work.
Now first as to your animals. Sambo has become almost inseparable from me, to make some way or other up for the absence of his supreme master. Blacky behaves always like a gentleman, but a very dull one, too. Tommy has again done everything in her power to prove the truth of the Malthus theory. Helenb will to-day, I suppose, murder the new offspring of that old hag. Whiskey, that great and good personage, was at first like Calipso not to be consoled, desperate at your departure. He declined the finest bones, never left your bedroom, and altogether exhibited all symptoms of the deep sufferings of a 'schöne Seele.c
Still, when your name is uttered, he gets into a fit.— Dicky has turned out a very fine singer, and we both encourage our respective musical talents by mutual 'exercises'. Sometimes, however, when I commence whistling, Dicky treats me as Luther treated the devil — he turns his ... upon me. Jocko has come out again, but its temper is as bad as possible. Having ascertained that you are absent, it gave vent to every sort of spleen and baffled all Helen's attempts at coaxing. Another source of annoyance for Jocko, was the arrangement of the little garden — a world Jocko considered justly as its own station and domain — by the gardener. Jocko misses its little hills, caves, rents, and all that lively disorder it delighted in.
As to the other 'animals'—as they belong not to the dumb sort, but are rather of a most talkative kind, and perfectly able to account for their own doings — I shall just now not lose one syllable upon them.
On Friday evening,(2) I was at dinner at Beesley's. Besides myself, there was Crompton, a barrister, and Jung and Dupont. Jung related his own doings. He told them what 'happy (literal!) speeches he made here, and what 'cutting hits' he made there. In this world of ' Weltschmerz,b discontent, and restlessness, it gladdens your heart to be acquainted with an individual that is 'happy' and, moreover, possesses not only one shirt, but Sarah and other good things into the bargain.
The Irishman I send you tomorrow. Many thanks to Cacadouc for her letter. Many kisses to Fouschtra.d
And compliments to the African.[340] It will give him great pleasure to hear — if he has not already seen from the French papers, that the first 'black' ambassador of the United States has been appointed by Grant.[341] Adio my little Quoquo.
Your
Old Nick
194. Marx to Engels. 1 May
195. Engels to Marx. 2 May
194
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 1 May 1869
DEAR FRED,
Enclosed letter to our Belgian secretary3342 will become com-prehensible to you from the attached Cigale, the organ of the FRENCH BRANCH,[72] one analogue of which has formed itself in Brussels b
and one (Comité de l'avenirc) in Geneva; ALL TOGETHER a few dozen men under Pyat's leadership.
My wife is still not well at all, but thinks she will be able to leave for Paris on Tuesday.
Once again it is just before Thomas, i.e., close of post. I think that tomorrow I shall at last be able to write more fully to you.
Salut!
Your
K. M.
195
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 2 May 1869
Dear Moor,
I would have written long since if you had not left me waiting for the 'more tomorrow'.
I hope your wife is improving with the fine weather; the
196. Engels to Marx. 7 May
journey will scarcely do her any harm; a change of air generally has a very favourable effect upon such coughs resulting from irritation of the larynx.
You can imagine the jubilation awakened here by the news that you would bring Tussy with you, YOU ARE NOW IN FOR IT and must bring her with you whatever happens. And if she can only come a few days after you, that doesn't matter, we could meet her at the station. You might come rather earlier for health reasons. You do not write how you are doing; if I were in your shoes, I would put everything aside and come here, the sooner the better; why let the business become chronic and torment you for so long when the cure is at hand any day.
Your
F. E.
Best greetings to your wife and Jenny. The Cigale did not arrive.
196
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 7 May 1869
Dear Moor,
Your liver must be raging, since we neither see nor hear anything of you. How are things, and when are you coming? And is your wife well again?
No answer from Wilhelm.(1) I wrote to him in a BUSINESSLIKE manner to stop him indulging in any more dodges. If he does not reply soon, we shall have to see to it that Eichhoff prints the stuff.b
He, i.e., W.,c apparently doesn't give any sign of life either.
A few numbers of Zukunft by post today, and enclosed the Belgian
197. Marx to Engels. 8 May
letter,[3] returned with thanks. It is curious how, everywhere on the Continent, the people, relying on the International, simply launch strikes, and apparently have not the faintest intention of filling the general war-chest.
Tomorrow will, I hope, finally be that more lively 'tomorrow' when you will 'at last' get down to letting us have more news of you.b
In the debate on the trade regulations [3 2 4] Wilhelm played a quite deplorable role. All the motions came either from Schweitzer or from Bebel, and Wilhelm wisely kept his mouth shut, since positive knowledge was called for in this case. Schweitzer was also a treat when he tried to prove that the ban on Sunday work=increased consumption by the worker=wage rise.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
197
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 8 May 1869
Dear FRED,
In the main you had the right explanation for my obstinate silence: it came from the liver. However, there were several other additional INCIDENTS. D'abord,c my wife was very unwell. As soon as the business had got a bit better, last Tuesday, d she went to Paris, but arrived there quite benumbed. Paris has adopted the unmannerly custom of conforming to the London weather. When it rains here, it does there too, etc. Second, Eichhoffe arrived here, and is still here. And he arrived with a trio, a Berlin engineer, ditto
a See this volume, p. 272. - b Ibid., pp. 272-73. - c Above all - d 4 May e Wilhelm Eichhoff merchant, a n d ditto banker. Their task here, a n d it seems to be succeeding, is to find names for the prospectus of a bank in East Prussia, which has already received a concession. Finally, there were the massacres beiges. After addresses had streamed in from all quarters, as you will see from the enclosed papers, it finally became necessary for the CENTRAL COUNCIL[73] to speak on this really important issue. I was appointed to edit the ADDRESS.[3] If I had refused, the business would have fallen into the hands of Eccarius, who would be a square peg in a round hole for a vital document like this. So I accepted. In view of the present state of my liver, it was very awkward to do it in English — since such things call for a certain rhetorical style — but then, in addition, the agony afterwards TO DO THIS IN FRENCH! But necessity knows no law, and I DID IT IN FRENCH. T O start with, I wanted to send the thing to the Belgians in the original English, but our Belgian secretary Bernard (French by birth) declared to the assembled patres conscriptih (last Tuesday 0) that it would be better to abandon the project altogether if the translation was going to be left to the Belgians, who only half knew English and absolutely no French. So I HAD TO GIVE WAY. You will be able to enjoy the thing in both languages. However, I left the German translation, which does not interest me, to Mr Eccarius, who also has a monetary interest.[344]
But writing French, with or without liver, is dead easy if you give the public the sort of French used by Mr Urquhart in the Diplomatic Review which is travelling to you today. Astonishing double Dutch — even the original sample given by the grand and illustre Gaudissart d was nothing compared to this!
After my wife left I would have been able to come to your place right away; a n d I would certainly have gained time by restoring the proper operation of this damnable sack of flesh earlier. But Jennychen was looking forward to my wife's short absence in Paris, to have me entirely at her disposition and be able to let herself go. So I stay here! Apropos Jennychen, she claims that you know everything, a n d therefore wants to know from you: WHY DID
MR 'EXCELSIOR',6 OF THE ALPINE CLUB, NOT MARRY 'LADY CLARA VERE DE VERE'f?
About the FRENCHYg—Borchardt had his daughter II ask m e
a K. Marx, 'The Belgian Massacres'. - b members of the General Council (originally collective title of Roman senators) - c 4 May - d Sigismund Borkheim - e the main character of Henry Longfellow's poem 'Excelsior' - f the main character of Alfred Tennyson's poem by the same name - 8 M. Gromier. See also this volume, p. 267.
about him [345]— I have only learned after a considerable waste of time that he is a lumpacius vagabundus,* who, however, held a SUBORDINATE post on the Glowworm, a very SUBORDINATE lousy sheet. Communicate this to the doctorly priest or the priestly doctor.
Don't forget to report to me on that Dr Heinemann OF Manchester, the sub-Stieber on Hermann.
As TO Wilhelmb: Eichhoff brought Eccarius a gratification of £10 (I believe Eichhoff paid it out of his own private pocket) for 'my Mill', but told me, in confidence, that 'my Mill'[346] had been printed but now lay firmly aground with the Leipzig printer,0 who demanded exactly double the printing costs stated by Mr Wilhelm. Your steps were, therefore, prophetically correct. Meissner wrote to me more than a fortnight ago that he would start,[347] but NOTHING OF THE SORT! This is really too much.
According to Eichhoff's report, credit swindling and the FINANCING game are at present so dominant in Germany that everything else is absorbed by them, as far as the upper classes are concerned. As for the workers in Berlin, he declares they are the most contemptible specimens in the whole of Germany. Even the imported ones are soon totally corrupted by the city's atmosphere, and the 'low-priced' minor amusements. Bismarck, Duncker, Schulze-Delitzsch and Dr Max Hirsch compete for ascendancy in this sphere.
The old Hatzfeldt's Scurvy-Mende used to be an itinerant improviser and declaimer, a brute who belongs through and through to the lumpenproletariat.
Hasenclever has allowed himself to be captured by Schweitzer. Eichhoff praises Bebel greatly.
Harney — today under-secretary or SOMETHING OF THE SORT in the HOME DEPARTMENT of the COMMONWEALTH OF Massachusetts (they still say officially 'COMMONWEALTH' and not 'REPUBLIC') — in Boston, has sent £1 membership fee to the INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL,11 ditto a letter in which he asks after you very affectionately. Ditto, he says I should send him A COPY OF Capital. He hopes to find a translator and publisher in New York.
A Frenchman who has translated various volumes of Hegel and Kant has written to Lafargue stating that he wants to Frenchify the book/ but — and what a visionary idea — for an honorarium of £60, for which sum he will also provide the bookseller.
The International, the Bonapartist organ here, had the impu-
198. Engels to Marx. 10 May
dence to state that the GENERAL COUNCIL of the 'Internationale' no longer presides in London; that the leadership has now passed into the hands 'd'un personage très haut placé™ in Paris.b
For the subscription list for the Belgians it would be very good if you could also send us SOMETHING from Manchester, and quickly.
Apropos. In the report on the EMPLOYMENT of AGRICULTURAL CHILDREN (only 2 volumes out yet, Report I and EVIDENCE), the COMMISSIONERS, in their preliminary resume, present a variety of facts about the expropriation of the workers from common land, quite in my sense.
My best greetings to MRS LIZZY, KING COLE or COAL,C and JoLLYMAYER.d
Your
Moor
198
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
[Manchester, 10 May 1869]
Dear Moor,
Letter and 2 consignments received. Best thanks. Enclosed with speed for tomorrow's meeting £1 in STAMPS from us here for your Belgian subscription. The Irish pamphlet caused a great sensation here. Ask Eichhoff if he can get the Peasant Ware printed by his brother/ Meissner is obviously frightened.
Here we are in a lovely industrial crisis, and despite the SHORT TIME, too much is still being produced. The only means the manufacturers have of agreeing among themselves on SHORT TIME and a shutdown is — a STRIKE by the workers. They have been working towards this in a planned way for 2 months now. The one in Preston(1) was the first attempt, now followed by the 5% wage reduction in East Lancashire.[326] If the workers accept this, it will be followed by a new one, and so on, until they strike, for this is the sole aim. The honest Watts did not even mention this type of strike in his pamphlet,b et pour cause." When will you be coming?
Your
F. E.
199. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 11 May[29]
Dear Kugelmann,
You must excuse my PROTRACTED SILENCE. First, I suffered for many weeks from the liver complaint that always afflicts me in the months of spring, which is all the more vexatious since it lays me almost completely fallow for intellectual work. Second, I was waiting impatiently from day to day for the photogram you want, which Mr Fehrenbach, a German clot, has still not delivered.d
My wife and my youngest daughtere are, at the moment, on a visit to the Lafargues in Paris, so we are very lonely here.
The Palmerston PAMPHLETS (mine)' I could not find for you with the best will in the world. Urquhart's PUBLICATIONS against Russia and Palmerston,[348] though they contain a good deal that is correct, spoil everything again because of the CROTCHETS of the great 'David'.f Your article sent to Engels.(1) As we are completely isolated from the RESPECTABLE PRESS, it will be difficult for us to act for you in this
f i e l d , BUT WE SHALL TRY. I intend to descend on you ABOUT the end of August with my daughter,b" and to lodge with you until the end of September wherever you want in Germany [49]; even at the risk of suspending the completion of my manuscript.c No longer period is, of course, at my disposal.
I have read your letter to Borkheim. You note quite rightly that the St Bartholomew chatter about the BELGIAN MASSACRES WILL NOT DO. Yet you, for your part, overlook the importance and particular meaning of these events. Belgium, you should know, is the sole country where sabres and muskets regularly, year in, year out, have the last word in every STRIKE.[350] The matter is made clear in an address of the GENERAL COUNCIL here, which I have written in French and English.*d It should be printed (in English) by tomorrow. I shall send it to you immediately.
In addition, I have just written an English address for the GENERAL COUNCIL of the International Association here to the NATIONAL LABOR UNION in the UNITED STATES e regarding the war with England,[351] which the bourgeois Republicans over there want to stage JUST now.
Mr Meissner has had the (printed and corrected) manuscript of the 18th Brumaire since the end of January, but to date he has repeatedly delayed publication. This is pleasant too! He is waiting until the time for a possible effect has passed, for stupid bookselling reasons.
With best wishes to your dear wife and Fränzchen.
Yours
K. Marx
200. Engels to Hermann Engels. 13 May
200
ENGELS TO HERMANN ENGELS
IN ENGELSKIRCHEN
Manchester, 13 May 1869
Dear Hermann,
My best congratulations on the increase in the family, which pleases me all the more since this finally breaks the spell that caused you so much concern. You WILL NOW HAVE TO MAKE UP FOR LOST
TIME.
The current account is so far correct, but I cannot calculate how interest at 5% on 27,924.29.4 thalers should come to 1,396.25.5 instead of 1,396.7.6 thalers. But since this does not amount to more than a bottle of moselle wine it is not worth altering much.
Not a step further contractually with Gottfried.(1) The lawyers are protracting the matter excessively; my lawyer advises me not to hurry, since Gottfried has more interest in coming to a conclusion than I have, which I believe too, because as soon as I have my money I can, if the worst came to the worst, always start up a business again and compete with him; to do this I don't need to start by collecting lots of samples and notes; I've got all that in my head. In the meantime, I have already taken the greater part of my money out of the business and invested in shares, and this in such a way that he himself is now short of money, and I have purchased shares from him for about £2,400; at first he encouraged me to draw funds liberally, but he got out of his depth when I drew about £7,500, and so he had to sell me these shares himself, as he held just the sort I needed.
I am very sorry that I was so deceived by the business with the reform of weights[352] at your end. I thought that such a measure would not be introduced if it were not to be carried out absolutely and be made valid for all This, however, would have meant completely excluding yourselves from the market outside Germany, and I concluded that you were not very interested in business outside Germany. Had this not been the case, I would, as I mentioned to Adolfb 2 years ago, and to mother last year, have first asked you whether you would like to go into business outside Germany, and if so, to what extent we could come to an arrangement. But I had to assume the contrary, and therefore arranged my business with G. Ermen, and now, after this was arranged, mother writes to me that you have made this weight reform for Germany only. In this case I, in your place, would not have done it at all, since in Holland, Switzerland, Austria, Italy, etc., they want anything except dutiable weight, and when you expand your business outside Germany you will have just as much trouble and entanglement as before.
Mother writes to me that 4,000 thalers were credited to me there on 1 April. This will have reduced my account to about 17,000 thalers, which will be further reduced by the COPS, which have been bought cheap and will soon be ready. This I shall remit to you in thalers at the beginning of July, since it is high time that I also finally profited from the rate of exchange. If you would prefer STERLING, that's all right too, providing we share equally, you half and I half, the whole rate-of-exchange profit you have made since 1860 on my remittances, and also the 35-38% discount you stuck on me then.
Regarding the cops, there can be no question of obtaining them directly from the spinners, since these people don't know anything, and don't want to know anything, about forwarding and advices. You will have to pay the 1[1]/?% brokerage of some commission house, which will be well worth while, as differences of quality arise at the spinners, of which you know nothing, etc. For instance, for years I purchased the 45 from Samuel Taylor & Son in Oldham, but now suddenly the same yarn from John Wagstaffe & Co. in Stalybridge, which you and we used to utilise, has suddenly become much cheaper, so I am buying it again. The 55s and finer yarns are all from John Knowles in Bolton (formerly J. 8c G. Knowles), and you will have to stick to this yarn, or to that of his brother G. Knowles & Son, Bolton. Will you select a commission agent or shall I suggest one? As soon as you have chosen one, I can explain everything to the man, face to face. Incidentally, I always had the name of the spinners placed on the invoices.
Among my papers I found the original contract with Peter Ermen of 1862, and wanted to send it to you; but I discover that it is the one dealing only with the business here, so it would be of no use to you. So I shall keep it here, but if you should ever need it, you now know where it is. The arrangement about there you have there.
201. Marx to Engels. 14 May
G. Ermen said recently to his nephew Heinrich3: 'There is really nothing to be done with Anton,b his head is completely worn out.' I calculate that the fellow has damaged us here, directly and indirectly, to the tune of between £1,000 and £2,000 per year.
Heartiest greetings to Emma and the little ones; the same to mother.
Your
Friedrich
201
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 14 MAY 1869
DEAR FRED,
My wife will come back only sometime next week, so I cannot be in Manchester AT THE OPPORTUNE TIME.
Eichhoff left yesterday. His proposal — quant àc the Peasant War—is that his brother should publish the stuff and that he pay out the balance ON BEHALF of the 'International' at the next Book Fair, after subtracting his commission and costs.e He says: as far as his brother is concerned, you may regard the proposal as definitive.
With regard to Herr Vogt: When Liebknecht was arrested in Berlin, he left everything in confusion and, ditto, he did not clear up at the time of his EXPULSION. So 'he cannot remember' what happened to Vogt.1 Eichhoff finally discovered that a second-hand bookseller had been advertising the book for 2 years in his sales catalogue. He visited the fellow, named Kampfmeyer. He had sold them all, and 'ditto cannot remember' how the books came into his hands. So everything Liebknecht told us was — fiction, to put it mildly.
202. Engels to Marx. 19 May
The press here is lousy. First, they have suppressed like one man every word of our Belgian MISSIVE a (after deliberately publishing last week some stupid lines in the sense of Cherval, probably written by the 'police member' of the Brussels special committee); and not only that, they have ditto like one man suppressed our Address to the AMERICAN LABOR UNION b (written by me, approved last Tuesday0), although this is against war between the UNITED STATES and England.[351] But there are things in it that these blackguards do not like.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
202
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 19 May 1869
Dear Moor,
I must congratulate you on not having come here last week in this lousy weather. But this time you should really come.
About the Peasant War when we meet. The address about Belgium is very good, and that for the Americans even better.0 I saw them in the Bee-Hive.
Please bring with you the two numbers of the Prussian General Staff Report of 1866;e I must compare them with the Austrian ones,' which show up some pretty Prussian exaggerations.
203. Marx to Engels. 21 May
Let me know as soon as possible when you will be coming. Your liver must have got somewhat better in the meantime. Close of post.
Your
F. E.
203
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 21 MAY 1869
DEAR FRED,
Tussy and my wife returned from Paris on Wednesday," and I intended to come to Manchester with Tussy tomorrow. In the meantime, this has been made impossible by an economic obstacle.
The various Paris journeys by Jenny, Tussy and Madame, and the purchases connected therewith, have naturally entailed extra expenditure for me. Second, there were borrowings to a sum of £14, which I absolutely could not avoid, BY AN UNHAPPY coincidence of circumstances. Dupont, the soundest of the people here, has not only chômage?3 but his wife is hopelessly ill. He is such a discreet man that he borrows from nobody, except in extreme need, and he is so conscientious that he always pays back. So I loaned him £6. Then along came Lessner, put into difficult circumstances by his wife's long and finally fatal illness. I could deny him all the less since I was myself his debtor for a long time. Thus £5. Finally the worthy Liebknecht (after writing to me in vain on the subject) writes to Eccarius himself, asking him to approach me for an advance. I told Eccarius that I had already turned Wilhelm down. But Eccarius wailed — and this is a fact — that he would be turned out of the house if I did not advance him at least £2 for rent owing. I thus did this, but at the same time wrote to Wilhelm that he should return it to me. So £14 OUT OF POCKET. All this left me with £15 lying in petto. But then, yesterday, A CERTAIN Drengler (nomen omen") arrived from the City with a letter from Mr Zitschke in New York, who 13 years ago loaned me £15, and then suddenly disappeared from London because of embezzlement (he dispatched emigrants to New York). TURNS NOW UP AGAIN with the old loan, which I had thought settled by his defection with the cash. I had to deal with the matter all the more because, in the meantime, he has become friendly with Mr Heinzen; in the event of a refusal to pay, he would have been able to 'Pioneer me out' .b Thus cleaned out.
Fox has died in Vienna after a 5-day pulmonary disease. His family left in poverty. Letters on this have reached me from Vienna. Fox's mother (Peter Fox nom de plume,c real name Peter Fox André) is a rich woman, who, however, left him completely in the lurch, partly because he married her abigail (now old), and partly because of his atheism. I have now approached her, threatening that if she does not give something, public collections will be held for her son in London.
Meissner sent me, 1 week ago, the 1st sheet of the 18th Brumaire, and wrote that things should now go 'quickly'. But sheet 2 is not here yet. He appears to be dragging the matter out as long as possible.
Salut
Your
K. M.
204. Engels to Marx. 23 May
204
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 23 May 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed the promised first halves of 3 fivers, the other halves follow in a letter I shall put in the letter-box after close of post, which will thus arrive by the next post. Be so good as to let me know which train you will be coming on on Tuesday,[353] so I can pick you up.
From Euston Square leaves 9 arrives 2 o'clock 10 " 3 12 " 5.35 " King's Cross Great Northern
10 " 3.10 12 " 6 St. Paneras,
Midland " 9 " 2.40 10 " 3
I hope you arrive at the latest by 3 pm, so we can still dine together. The weather has already changed and is nice and warm, and instead of sitting by the fire I am sitting with the window open for the first time today.
Best greetings to your wife and the girls.
Your
F. E.
206. Marx to Paul Lafargue. 2 June
205. Marx to P. Le Neve Foster, Esq. 28 May[354][355]
I have to thank You for your letter offering me to be proposed as a member of the Society of Art[356] and beg to say in reply that I shall feel obliged if You will be kind enough to do so at an early opportunity.
I am, Sir, Your obedient servant
Karl Marx[357]
206
MARX TO PAUL LAFARGUE
IN PARIS
Manchester, 2 June 1869
My dear Paul,
You can, of course, dispose of my name as you like. Still, there are some objections. In the first instance, what you want, is work which, for the present, I am unable to perform, while Engels still suffers from an inflammation of the eyes which for some time is sure to debar him from writing. Of course, if a very urgent question arose, we should address ourselves to the Renaissance,[283]
but this could be done without my name figuring amongst the
rédacteurs. A merely nominal co-editorship would prove of no possible avail. However, my most serious objection is of an exclusively private nature, and I leave it to your discretion to decide the case. The intended paper will probably involve you and your friends in judicial conflicts with the government, and your father,[3] becoming sooner or later aware of my name figuring among
a François Lafargue the rédacteurs of that paper, would be likely to draw the conclusion that I had pushed you to premature political action, and prevented you from taking the steps necessary (and which I am continuously urging you to take(1)) to pass your medical examinations and establish you professionally. He would justly consider such presumed influence on my part as running counter to our express mutual engagement.
As to the misgivings of Le Petit,b they are altogether unfounded. To make ready for an invasion of France, Prussia would, under the most favourable circumstances, want instead of 8 days at least one month. But the circumstances are now anything but favourable to her. There exists, in point of fact, no German unity. It could only be founded by a German Revolution, sweeping away the Prussian dynasty, which was, is, and must always be, the man-servant of the Muscovite. It is only by the overthrow of 'Prussia' that Germany can become really centralised.
Prussia has not merged into Germany. It has, on the contrary, conquered a part of Germany, and treats it — the directly annexed provinces as well as those pressed into the Northern German Confederation — as a conquered land. Hence the greatest disaffec-tion prevails in her new acquisitions. In case of an offensive (not defensive) war against France, Prussia would be forced to employ a large part of its army for the purpose of keeping down these provinces, the more dangerous since her means of communication with France, such as railways, telegraphs etc. run through them, and the Prussian lines of retreat from the Rhine pass through them. As to the military contingents raised from Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein, Saxony, Kurhessen, Nassau etc., they could not be relied upon, and would prove a source of weakness instead of strength.
Apart from these provinces, either directly annexed or pressed into the Northern German Confederation, there is Southern Germany (Baden, Württemberg, Bavaria, Hessen-Darmstadt) numbering 9 millions. Here the popular masses are Anti-Prussian to the core. In case of a war against France, Prussia would, therefore, have to detach another part of her army in order to make sure of that part of Southern Germany which, on a long-stretched line, borders upon France.
And last, not least, Prussia would be bound to concentrate a strong army of observation against Austria. Do not forget that the Hapsburg Dynasty is sorely smarting under the recent humilia-tions and losses3M inflicted upon it by the Prussian upstart.a Admit even the quite absurd hypothesis, that the Hapsburg Dynasty was ready to condone for the past, it would still be unable to support Prussia. The Austrian Emperorb has no longer any control over international affairs. The Hungarian diet has now to decide, and it would decide for France against Prussia. So would the Vienna diet. Thus, however friendly the apparent attitude of the Vienna Cabinet might be, Prussia could and would not rely upon it, but find herself always obliged to detach a strong army of observation against the army which Austria would be sure to concentrate in Bohemia.
Hence you see de prime abora\c that of the seemingly formidable military power of Prussia a very large part would not be available against France, but, on the contrary, would have to be frittered away in different directions.
Prussia would have no ally except Russia who is not able to dispose of her army on a sudden emergency. Before her contingents had been mobilised and had entered Prussia the whole campaign would have been decided.
The very idea that Prussia, under such circumstances, would venture single-handed, as she must do, upon an invasion of France, and revolutionary France too, is incorrect.
I have till now considered only the strictly military and diplomatic aspect of the question but there is not the least doubt that in case of a Revolution in France, Prussia would have to act now as in 1848. Instead of throwing her forces abroad, she would be forced to absorb them in expeditions à l'intérieur.
If, in 1848, the movement in Germany paralysed the Prussian Government, what would the case be now, when the popular masses in Prussia and the other parts of Germany, are much more developed, and, simultaneously, the Prussian government as well as the other German governments have ceased to be absolute and been weakened by the trammels of a mock constitutionalism?
As to the German working classes, they are, in my opinion, better organised than the French ones. Their ideas are more international than in any other country. Their atheism is more pronounced than in any other country. Their predilection for France, is general.
Prussia can do nothing in case of a French Revolution. (One working men's representative in the North German Dietd recently threatened them with the approach of a French Revolution.[359]) Only
207. Marx to His Daughter Jenny. 2 June
in the case of an Imperial Invasion of 'Fatherland', Prussia could become a dangerous antagonist of France. Addio.
Old Nick
207
MARX TO HIS DAUGHTER JENNY[360]
IN LONDON
[Manchester,] 2 June 1869
My dear Emperor,
The thing under the arm was no carbuncle, but another sort of abscess, which bothered me much but, since yesterday, is quickly healing. It was a fortune I was at Manchester. Otherwise, it might have turned out a troublesome affair. I am now quite in good health.
I hope to be with you in the course of next week. Tussy will probably somewhat prolong her stay at Manchester.[353] After the restraint at Paris,[361] she feels here quite at her ease like a new-fledged bird.
I hope Lessner's departure to Brazil is not yet definitively decided upon. I regret very much being not able to do something for him. With your usual kindness you seem to have sacrificed yourself in the interminable tête-à-tête of Sunday last. As to Lafargue's paper,[283]1 feel rather uneasy. On the one hand, I should like to oblige Blanqui. On the other hand, my other occupations will not allow me to do much for them, but, above all things, I fear lest old Lafarguea should suspect me to push his son to premature political action and make him neglect his professional duties.b As it is, he has not much reason to delight in his connexion with the Marx family.
208. Marx to His Daughter Jenny. 10 June
And now, dear By-Bye, good-by and my compliments to all.
Your retainer
Old Nick
208
MARX T O HIS DAUGHTER JENNY
IN LONDON
Manchester, 10 June 1869
My dear child,
I was firmly resolved to leave Manchester yesterday. But on the pretext, that, during the first week of my stay, I had been an invalid, Engels insisted so much upon my remaining here till Monday next, that I had to give way.[353] He is really too kind towards me to seriously oppose such a whim on his part.
On our three days' trip to the Devonshire Arms, near the Bolton Abbey, I made the acquaintance of a most strange fellow, Mr Dakyns, a geologist, who lives transitorily in that part of Yorkshire in order to make a geological survey. En passant, you ought to know that a geological map is taken up of all England, under the orders of government, and under the leadership of Professor Ramsay, of Jermyn street. Moore is himself a geologist. By him Engels and Schorlemmer became acquainted with Dakyns who lives in a farmer house, in midst of a Yorkshire wilderness. That farmer's house was also an old abbey, and the lower part of it still serves as a chapel. It was to see Dakyns that we set out for that part of the world. Dakyns looks much like a German peasant of stunted side, with a face always grinning a broad smile, something monkeyish in the formation of his head, nothing British about him save the protruding upper set of teeth which reminded me of the late Mrs Seiler. His dress is about that of a slovenly and ' wnderdressed' farm servant, of utmost negligence. Cravat and such paraphernalia of civilisation he is a stranger to. The first impression he makes upon you is that of a boorish clown whose good heart leaps through his eyes and grins on his lips, but you would give him no credit for intellect. Still, this is a highly scientific man, even an enthusiast for his science and whose name begins already to pierce through a big valley of rivals. He is naive like a child; without the least pretention always ready to communicate his scientific discoveries to the first comer wanting to pump him out. There is in fact always a couple of other geological surveyors swarming to and from him for the express purpose to beat money out of him, or fame, by appropriating his researches. In fact, we found him in the company of two such fellows, one of whom, named Ward, was a timid youth and the other, named Green, a bold, pushing man. We had a dinner on his farm — on Sunday last — in the room directly lying over the chapel. The room had evidently formerly served as an assembly room of the monks, big walled (ich meine, mit dicken Mauern umgeben3), with a look out to magnificent trees, and to an amphitheatrical group of mountains, the one overtopping the other, and wrapt in that blue veil Currer Bellb is so delighted with. During the very merry, and in spite of its rusticity comfortable dinner, the singsong of the youth in the chapel, coming from the depth, intercepted by the big walls, and sounding as from a far-away place, reminded me somewhat of the Christian Song in Faust.c
Well, our friend Dakyns is a sort of Felix Holt,d less the affectation of that man, and plus the knowledge (by the by, the Tories here say 'Felix Holt, the rascal', instead of the 'radical'). He invites once a week the factory lads, treats them to beer and tobacco, and chats with them on social questions. He is a 'naturwüchsiger"' communist. I could of course not forbear making a little fun of him and warning him to fight shy of any meeting with Mrs Eliot who would at once lay hold of him and make literary property out of him. He had already written to Moore that he wanted to enter the International. So I brought him a card and he made a donation, as his entrance fee, of 10 sh., which is a sum for him. These men get only 150 £ a year, and have very hard work, mentally and bodily. The Government could not afford to get these men at such a price, if it was a mere matter of competition, but most of them are full of 'geological' zeal and improve this opportunity afforded them of making researches. They are provided with cards which bind every landowner, farmer and so forth, to allow them to walk over their estates, and farms and look into the formation of the soil. Dakyns, who has a good deal of farcical humour about himself, often enters into a farm, takes out his instruments, and sets at working, when the farmer comes up, growls at the impudent intruder, and bids him to pack himself off, lest he want to become acquainted with the teeth of his dog or the momentum of his flail. Dakyns affects not to mind him, proceeds in his business, and provokes the boor by some bad jokes. When the comedy has been approaching to a certain climax, he pulls out his card, and the cerberus is softened. During our stay he gave me to read in the nick of time the last number of The Fortnightly Review—an article of Huxley(1) where he merrily thrashes old Congreve. Dakyns is also a declared enemy of the Comtists or Positivists. He is of my opinion that there is nothing positive about them except their arrogance. As to my friend Beesly, he mentioned him amongst the 'doctrinaires' who mistake their fanciful crotchets for science.— In the same number of the Fortnightly is the second article of Millb
on Thornton's Capital and Labour. I saw from the criticism that both are equally small fry.—Dakyns is a neighbour of ours. That is to say, he lives at Kilburn (when in London) with his father, a lawyer.
Yesterday evening I had the unavoidable tea at the Gumperts. Mrs Gumpert has been much affected by the teeth of time. I have never before witnessed a more rapid change. The hypocrisy of a Greek nose has given way to the true Jewish type, everything about her looks rather shrivelled and dried up, and the voice has that guttural sound which the selected people is to some degree cursed with. Speaking of the disagreeableness to be in an omnibus, or at public firework, or in the theatre even near to the pit — all this because of the bad smells of the vile multitude, she said: 'I like the clean million, but not the dirty million'. I affected to have understood, clear million, and said that it was a very common predilection with mankind to prefer a clear million of pounds sterling to any million of men, whether washed or unwashed.
And now my dear child addio. Give my best wishes to all. On
209. Marx to Engels. 16 June
Monday[3] I shall positively leave. As to Tussy, she looks quite blooming, and a little longer stay at Manchester will do her good.
Yours
Old Nick
209
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 16 June 1869
DEAR FRED,
Arrived safely the day before yesterday(1) after 5 hours rail travel. From Manchester (by the railway line on which I travelled) you have to take a ticket to KENTISH TOWN STATION. Then you are near my house. St. Paneras is one station further, more in the town.
Was in the International yesterday evening. Letter from Paris. 3-4 of our people (Murat, Varlin, etc.) arrested. They write that the GAMINERIES, DEVASTATION of the kiosques, etc., were carried out by police agents, who were allowed to do what they liked; then bystanders were attacked. The aim was to produce something 'bloody'.
Your trunk will be sent back today. You will find in it a wallet of yours that travelled with me, while a notebook of mine remained in Manchester.
Best greetings to all.
Your
Moor
210. Engels to Marx. 22 June
210
ENGELS TO MARX[180]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 22 June 1869
Dear Moor,
I don't know whether you have such fine weather there as we have here, but daylight has been so exhausted that, on the longest day, we had to turn the gas on at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. And it is devilish to read or write when you don't know whether it is day or night.
Tussy is very jolly. This morning the whole family went SHOPPING; tomorrow evening they want to go to the theatre. She has read right through Hermann und Dorothea,(1) not without difficulty because of the idyllic philistines' twaddle. Now I have given her the younger Edda, which contains several nice stories; then she can read from the elder one[362] the songs of Sigurd and Gudrun. She also plays the piano sedulously. I have also read Danish Kjämpeviserb with her.
So that is Wilhelm's entire success: that the male-female line and the all-female line of the Lassalleans have united!36S He really has achieved something there. Schweitzer will naturally be re-elected— in view of the precipitacy with which the business has been conducted — and then he will, once again, be the chosen one of general suffrage. Wilhelm is also preserving an obstinate silence about this event.
The Urningc you sent me is a very curious thing. These are extremely unnatural revelations. The paederasts are beginning to count themselves, and discover that they are a power in the state. Only organisation was lacking, but according to this source it apparently already exists in secret. And since they have such important men in all the old parties and even in the new ones, from Rösing to Schweitzer, they cannot fail to triumph. Guerre aux cons, paix aus trous-de culd will now be the slogan. It is a bit of luck that we, personally, are too old to have to fear that, when this party wins, we shall have to pay physical tribute to the victors. But
211. Marx to Engels. 26 June
the younger generation! Incidentally it is only in Germany that a fellow like this can possibly come forward, convert this smut into a theory, and offer the invitation: introite," etc. Unfortunately, he has not yet got up the courage to acknowledge publicly that he is 'that way', and must still operate coram publico 'from the front', if not 'going in from the front' as he once said by mistake. But just wait until the new North German Penal Code recognises the droits du culb; then he will operate quite differently. Then things will go badly enough for poor frontside people like us, with our childish penchant for females. If Schweitzer could be made useful for anything, it would be to wheedle out of this peculiar honourable gentleman the particulars of the paederasts in high and top places, which would certainly not be difficult for him as a brother in spirit.
At the end of the week, Schorlemmer will be going to Germany for 4 weeks via Grimsby and Rotterdam.
The STRIKES here in the cotton factories[326] have been over since this morning, when the Oldhamites went back. So overproduction has no restraints any more.
Close of post. Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
211
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 26 June 1869
DEAR FRED,
With THANKS I notify the £90, first half-notes. Enclosed for Tussy 2 LETTERS. She must reply to tight-fisted Collet.
The enclosed letter from Eichhoff shows, unfortunately, that his brother has become skittish.[364] Write me what should happen now.
The last proof-sheets finally arrived and have been returned, ditto preface sent.(1) It now turns out that the procrastination was for two reasons: 1. Mr Wigand in Leipzig is the printer, and 2. Mr Meissner, for his part, does not keep a watch on the Leipziger. He really believed that I had received the last sheets direct from Leipzig several weeks ago. German sloppiness!
The honourable Wilhelmb is maintaining a deep silence. Today the weather finally TURNS to the better.
I have received an invitation from the SOCIETY OF ARTS 35fi for a conversazione in Kensington Museum on 1 July. This takes place only once a year, and is attended by the entire London aristocracy, from the court down to, etc. So Jennychen will have a chance to see this rabble.[365]
Addio.
Your
K. M.
While re-arranging my bookshelves a small old edition of Rochefoucauld's Réflexions etc. fell into my hands again. Leafing through it, I found:
'La gravité est un mystère du corps, inventé pour cacher les défauts de l'esprit'(2) [56].
Thus, pinched by Sterne from Rochefoucauld[366] ! And these are nice too:
'Nous avons tous assez de force pour supporter les maux d'autrui' [5]. 'Les vieillards aiment à donner de bons préceptes, pour se consoler de n'être plus en état de donner de mauvais exemples' [20].
'Les rois font des hommes comme des pièces de monnaye; ils les font valoir ce qu'ils veulent; et l'on est forcé de les recevoir selon leur cours, et non pas selon leur véritable prix' [126].
'Quand les vices nous quittent, nous nous flattons de la créance que c'est nous qui les quittons' [39].
'La modération est la langueur et la paresse de l'âme, comme l'ambition en est l'activité et l'ardeur' [63].
'Nous pardonnons souvent à ceux qui nous ennuyent, mais nous ne pouvons pardonner à ceux que nous ennuyons' [65].
'Ce qui fait que les amants et les maîtresses ne s'ennuyent point d'êtres ensemble, c'est qu'ils parlent toujours d'eux-mêmes'd [67].
212. Engels to Marx. 27 June
I attended the TRADES UNIONS MEETING LAST WEDNESDAY,[3] in Exeter Hall.[367] Beesly delivered a really fine, very impudent SPEECH, recalling the June days (it was 24 JUNE).[3] [8] The newspapers naturally KILLED, i.e., SUPPRESSED, him. In addition, he committed the crime of speaking very contemptuously of English journalists.
212
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 27 June 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed the other halves of the notes in all haste. Thank Jenny in my name and Tussy's for her two letters. I shall write you more tomorrow or Tuesday, and also return Eichhoff.b But it is a crying shame that when the German workers have found a publisher, he cannot even hold on.
Best greetings from all of us to all of you. Sam Moore has been sentenced to be fed by Tussy at tea this evening, and she plans to
examples.'—'Kings stamp men like money; they determine their worth as they will; and one is forced to accept them at their exchange-rate and not at their real price.'—'When vices abandon us, we flatter ourselves with the belief that we have abandoned them.'—'Moderation is the indifference and indolence of the soul, as ambition is its activity and ardour.'—'We often pardon those who bore us, but we cannot pardon those whom we bore.'—'Lovers and mistresses never bore one another when together, because they always speak of themselves.' - a 23 June - b See the previous letter.
213. Engels to Marx. 1 July
give him bread and butter and TREACLE, and to smear the syrup in his beard. This is the latest.
Your
F. E.
213
ENGELS TO MARX[180]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 1 July 1869
Dear Moor,
Hurrah! Today doux commerce* is at an end, and I am a free man.[369] All the main points I settled with dear Gottfriedb
yesterday; he gave way on everything. Tussy and I celebrated my first free day this morning with a long walk in the fields. In addition, my eye is considerably better, and with a bit of gentle treatment should soon be completely back to normal.
The accounts and the lawyers will keep me on the run for another few weeks, but this will not be anything like the time lost so far.
Beesly really seems to be improving.0 Just think what respect he still had for the English press that evening when he visited you.
Eichhoff returned enclosed.[364] Wilhelmd now appears to be pushing him forward in order to beg forgiveness. In the meantime, war has been declared again between Schweitzer and Wilhelm, and there is rebellion in the General Association of German Workers. But always the bold expectation that we should take the side of Wilhelm and the People's Party.[38] Wilhelm would do well to read the Manifesto" on the attitude of the workers' party, if reading or anything else would do any good! I am very anxious to see how this brawl develops; in any case, it will produce
214. Engels to Elisabeth Engels. 1 July
some amusing scandal. Schweitzer really showed colossal presumption towards his gang in expecting them to allow themselves to be bartered off like a herd of sheep.[363]
I assume you received the 2nd halves of the notes on Monday. The Irish MEMBERS behaved wretchedly again in connection with Moore's motion, and Mr Bruce made a happy laughing-stock of himself once again.[370]
From Eichhoff's information, it appears very questionable to me whether one should write to Meissner at all about popularising your book.[3] What do you think? In any case, if books for 5 silver groschen don't sell, then one for 8 to 10 silver groschen will circulate even less. The only thing that would help here would be a small pamphlet of 1-2 sheets at 2[1]/[2] silver groschen, but this needs work and is nothing for Meissner. What do you think of this? Or will you reserve it for personal discussion, since you will certainly visit Meissner in Germany?
I suppose Jenny has gone to the seaside with her honourable Monroes.[371]
Best greetings from all to all.
Your
F. E.
214
ENGELS TO ELISABETH ENGELS
IN ENGELSKIRCHEN
Manchester, 1 July 1869 86 Mornington Street, Stockport Road
Dear Mother,
Today is the first day of my freedom, and I cannot use it better than by immediately writing to you. Yesterday I finally reached a settlement with Gottfried Ermen on all the main questions. The draft contract, drawn up by his lawyer, was such that I would never have signed it in that form. I obliged myself not to compete with him in the next five years, i.e., neither to make nor sell bleached, coloured or dressed cotton cloth. That was all right. But his lawyer had set this out in such a way that, if I breached any stipulation, I was obliged, in advance, to pay a penalty rising from £100 to £1,000 for each single instance, so that, in these monetary penalties, I would have had to pay back to G. Ermen more than the £1,750 paid to me, not counting the legal costs. My lawyer advised me strongly not to agree, so we struck out the whole business, nearly half the whole draft. Then there was another point, about the continuation of the firm Ermen & Engels by Gottfried. My lawyer told me that if I explicitly allowed him to do this, then, in the case of insolvency, I could still be regarded as
associe' and be held liable. I therefore demanded that my explicit agreement to this should also be limited to 5 years, and this only so long as he himself was an active associé in the firm.
My Gottfried, who was originally very pressing with the negotiations, soon started dragging things out, and once even left the draft at home for 3 weeks without saying anything about it, so only about 3 weeks ago did I receive the 2nd draft contract (which is between G. Ermen, Anton Ermen and me, and governs the arrangement when I leave), and because of the usual lawyers' formalities could only begin to negotiate 8 days ago. In the past few days G. Ermen appeared frequently to avoid me, as though he wished to delay the matter until I was out of the business, when he might hope to deal with me more easily. Only yesterday morning did we get down to negotiations, and then Gottfried gave way on all points, while, for my part, I conceded him that, for 5 years, I would not spin and twine any cotton yarn under No. 40; I would remain free to trade in such yarn as long as it was in the raw condition. This concession has no sort of practical importance for me, and I thus obliged him.
Thus the matter has now been concluded, with the exception of a few legal matters of form, and I think everything could be finished in three weeks; but I am resigned that it might last in to August, since the accounts must be completed, and the lawyers always drag things out so.
Yesterday afternoon I went to the mill with Gottfried and inspected the stores and the reception; afterwards we went to his
a partner house, where he served me a bottle of very good Scharzhofberger. He is as glad as I am that the matter is finished, that he is now the sole master of the firm, and that he is not going to have a row with me, since 1. as my lawyer tells me, if I had gone into partnership with my brothers, we would have been able to conduct the firm of Ermen & Engels here too, and we could prohibit him from doing so; 2. he is anyway very much afraid of competition; and 3. it now emerges that he still needs me very much for a time if bad blunders are to be avoided in the business; for this reason, he has invited me to come to the office as often as I like, and has requested me to give the people information from time to time, to which I naturally agreed. He has engaged a young Stuttgarter as correspondent, but he has only been there for 3 weeks and is naturally still very green. He'll have a heavy enough load.
Gottfried is not finished with Charles(1) either; his notice runs out in 8 days. I am curious whether they will reach an agreement. Five years ago Charles obtained from him a promise to make him managing clerk, but has never received the post; now he is demanding £1,000 compensation for this, but Gottfried will never give it to him.
Neither does he seem to want to keep on Anton as an associé. At least the 2nd draft contract dissolves the partnership with him in just the same manner as with me, and Gottfried would not go to this trouble if he did not intend it that way. On the one hand, Gottfried has realised that Anton is worth absolutely nothing in practical business, i.e., in earning money and, on the other, Anton continually draws so much money behind Gottfried's back, and sends it to his Julieb that Gottfried is apprehensive that he might some day start drawing money directly from the bank as long as he — Anton — has the right to sign. When Anton joined, Gottfried advanced him £500, which represented Anton's capital, but Monsieur Anton, who should leave £250 yearly standing from his emoluments, has not only not done this, but has also squandered the £500 long ago.
My new freedom is just the thing for me. Since yesterday I have been quite a new man, and ten years younger. This morning, instead of going into the gloomy city, I walked in this wonderful weather for a few hours in the fields; and at my desk, in a comfortably furnished room in which you can open the windows without the smoke making black stains everywhere, with flowers on the windowsills and trees in front of the house, one can work
215. Marx to Engels. 3 July
quite differently than in my gloomy room in the WAREHOUSE, looking out on to the courtyard of an ale-house. I live ten minutes walk from my club, just far enough away from the German and lodging-house quarters to be sure that I am not overrun. At 5 or 6 in the evening I dine at home, the cooking is really quite good, and then generally go for a few hours to the club to read newspapers, etc. But I shall only be able to organise this properly when I no longer have to go to the city because of the accounts, etc.
But now adieu, dear Mother; give my heartiest greetings to all, and if you have plans to travel let me know, so that I can, if possible, adjust to them; as I am situated at the moment, you should not take me into consideration.
From my heart, your son
Friedrich
215
MARX TO ENGELS[124]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 3 July 1869
DEAR FRED,
Best congratulations upon your escape from Egyptian bondage[3]! In honour of this event, I drank 'one glass too many', but late in the evening, not before sunrise like the Prussian gendarmes.
Enclosed a momentous letter from Wilhelm,872 from which you will see that he has suddenly appointed himself my curator, and lays down this and that which I 'must' do.
I must come to their August congress,[573] must show myself to the German workers; must send the International cards immediately (after they had not replied to two queries on the subject in 3 months), must muck the Communist Manifesto about; must come to Leipzig!
It is really very naive that, in the same letter in which he complains that he cannot pay back the £2 (which I gave to Eccarius for him), he offers me my fare to Germany. Toujours le même!"
He appears to be morally indignant about you. I have already replied to him that he has misinterpreted your letter. The fellow simply cannot grasp that convictions and business management are not poles apart, as he assumes in his newspaper administration, and as others have to assume if they do not wish to become
SUSPECTS.
Our Wilhelm has a sanguine nature and is a liar. So there are probably, once again, exaggerations in his description of the victory over Schweitzer. Still, there must be something in it. Schweitzer would not have returned to the Church of Hatzfeldt had he not been shaky in his own association. On the other hand, he speeded up the general dissolution by the doltish management of his latest coup d'état.[31]'(1) I hope that, as a result of this business, the German workers' movement will finally leave the stage of Lassallean infantile disorders behind, and that the Lassallean residue will decay in sectarian isolation.
As for Wilhelm's various 'absolute commandments', I have answered him TO THIS EFFECT: I feel absolutely no need to show myself to the German workers, and will not go to their congress. Once they have really joined the International and given themselves a proper party organisation — and the Nuremberg Congress 13a showed how little trust can be put in just promises, tendencies, etc.— then there will be an opportunity BY AND BY In addition, it must be CLEARLY understood that the new organisation must be, for us, neither People's Party[38] nor Lassallean church — as little the one as the other. If we went now we would have to speak against the People's Party, and that would not please Wilhelm and Bebel! And if they—mirabile dictub— would themselves admit this, we would have to throw our weight directly onto the scales against Schweitzer and Co., instead of having the change-over appear as a free action by the workers.
As far as polishing up the Manifestoc is concerned, we would consider this as soon as we have seen the decisions of their congress, etc.
He should hang on to his £2 and not worry about my fare. I praise their action against Becker.d 3 1869
That's all on that. About Meissner it is probably best if I speak to him. Incidentally, if you have time (that is, if it doesn't bother your eye) to finish something, it is easier to negotiate with a manuscript rather than without one. I know enough to know that Meissner prefers 5 sheets to 2. The shorter the pamphlet, the harder to sell, as he told me himself.
What do you say about the way that the virtuous Gladstone and puritanical Bright acted with regard to Overend, Gurney, et Co.?[227]
Remarkable, also, was Bruce's declaration on the Mold shoot-ing,[374] which was not so INNOCENT as the Manchester papers reported. So the RIOT ACT[375] need not be read. It is enough for some fox-hunting UNPAID MAGISTRATE to whisper in the ear of an officer, and the peppering starts. Yet even this is not necessary. The soldiers may use their RIFLES IN SELF-DEFENCE (and they themselves judge whether this is necessary). But then, shouldn't the ARMS ACTS 37f> be repealed, so everybody would be able to use his own RIFLE in SELF-DEFENCE against the soldiers?
The Gurney business, or rather the attitude of the Ministry towards it, ditto the Mold affair, finally the ministerial trickery with Lamuda and other scoundrels against the TRADES-UNIONS-BILL[3]'[7]— have made a mighty big dent in the fascination held by the names Gladstone and Bright amongst the workers here in London.
Laura was ill and bed-riddèn for 14 days, but is said to be better now. They have given notice on their rooms, and in October will move to a more airy locality (Montmartre or some such).
BEST COMPLIMENTS TO ALL.
El Moro
216. Marx to P. St. King. 3 July
216
MARX T O P. ST. KING
IN LONDON
3 July 1869 1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park Dear Sir,
Will you send me
1) Report of Commission on Bombay Bank, issued this session; 2) Agricultural Statistics. Ireland f. 1867, issued this session (not the General Abstract for 1867 which I have already); 3) Statistical Abstract for the U. Kingdom, f. 1868. <#*#***> Sixteenth Number. 4) Report of Committee ofH. o. Commons of July, 1843, on results of the allotment system etc? [8]
Yours truly
K. Marx
217. Engels to Marx. 6 July[3 3]
Dear Moor,
Enclosed returned Wilhelm.[372] In fact, it is amazing, what he says you must, must, must do. But always the same old story. When he gets involved in a squabble with Schweitzer, you must always be called in to help. This will happen again, too.
With regard to the Basle congress,[379] I hope you have not minced words with him over the fact that only representatives of those who have really joined can be accepted. It would be vexing if he and Bebel had to be excluded on a technicality.
As far as my letter is concerned, his moans about 'reproaches instead of money' are the exact counterpart of Bismarck's complaint: 'Gentlemen, we ask for bread, and you give us stones',(1)
when his taxes were rejected. The point that so 'upset' Mr Wilhelm was the question as to how he could tell me, in one and the same letter, that he did have the money to print the Peasant War, but at the same time had none for the sheet.b Further, how is it that the sheet was already 'guaranteed' 1 V2 years ago, yet today it still doesn't pay? On this point, Monsieur Wilhelm is completely silent and is morally indignant that I should remind him of the shares he promised at that time to send voluntarily and by return; naturally I shall not get them now either, since Wilhelm says I shall 'naturally receive' them. The shares were only mentioned in order to prompt Wilhelm to remark upon the status of the sheet; it is fairly clear to me that Wilhelm and his consorts have managed things so sloppily that the printer or some other creditor can take over the sheet, and turn them out as soon as it does pay. In this case, it might be very agreeable for Mr Wilhelm if he had a few shareholders sitting here, who could exercise their legal claims in his favour. If the idiot had given me a satisfactory answer (which, however, would scarcely have been possible), he would have got the money; but simply to send a demand, and this self-contradictory, and without excuse either for his earlier dawdling or a word on the condition of the sheet — I wouldn't think of it. We don't want Wilhelm to get into the habit of things like that.
The extent to which his shouts of victory are premature is shown by the 4 numbers of Social-Demokrat that you sent me today. Certainly Schweitzer is also a big liar, but, for the moment, he appears to have saved the mass of the RANK AND FILE. However, things with him are going quickly downhill and, if he had any other opponent than Wilhelm, the process would be speeded up greatly. But, of course, the sultry waffle Wilhelm is now having printed as his 'speech'c will not help much. But Bebel is pressing Schweitzer hard, and cites some points that are very vexing to him, which would suggest the possibility that Schweitzer received his share of the Guelph funds surrendered to Stieber.[380]
In any case, nothing can be done with Wilhelm until he has quite definitely separated his organisation from the People's Party[38] and placed himself, at most, in a loose cartel relationship with it. Charming, too, is his intention of putting the International on the title of his sheet, which would then, at one and the same time, be the organ of the People's Party and of the International Working Men's Association! The organ both of the German petty bourgeoisie and of the European Workers!
Another fine idea of Wilhelm's is that concessions to the workers should neither be accepted nor extorted from the 'present state'. He'll get a long way with the workers like this.
I can't possibly prepare anything for you for Meissner in time. Until the accounts have been balanced, I have to go into town at least 2-3 times weekly, and probably even more often over the next few weeks, since I have to check the stuff carefully. My eye is much better, but still needs to be spared, since I don't want to make it worse again. In addition, I must put a mass of other money matter's, my private accounts, etc., once and for all in order, and this is occupying me a lot too. Also, and particularly in this special case, I would like to hear Meissner's views first, since you say he is rather sensitive on such matters.
Tell Jenny I shall reply to her as soon as the beer in question puts in an appearance here, which so far is not the case.
Tussy says she will write tomorrow. She is now reading the Serbian folk songs in the German translation, and she appears to like them a lot; she has replaced me in giving piano lessons to Mary Ellen,'(2) to the latter's great advantage. When the weather is good and I don't have to go to town, we go for a walk for a few hours every morning, otherwise in the evening, WEATHER PERMITTING.
The pamphlet by Tridon b was mainly of interest to me because of the second part, since I am not familiar with the newer material about the first revolution. The first part is, however, very confused, particularly about centralisation and decentralisation; it's a good thing that the Renaissance has been adjourned for the time being[283]; the people would have soon fallen foul of one another. It's a comic idea that the dictatorship of Paris over France, which led to the downfall of the first revolution, could be accomplished without more ado today once again, and with a quite different result.
Bruce's statement about Mold[374] has indeed proved that previous ideas about the English laws in this connection were quite
218. Marx to François Lafargue. 7 July
wrong, and that people take an entirely Prussian point of view. Useful, too, for the workers to know this.
I hope you will soon be able to give me better news about Laura's health. In any case, to move lodgings is sensible.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
218
MARX TO FRANÇOIS LAFARGUE
IN BORDEAUX
London, 7 July 1869
My dear friend,
Your letter decided me to leave immediately for Paris.[381] There I shall be able to judge the state of affairs and to act in the sense indicated by you. I quite share your views. I shall write to you from Paris, where I shall stay for two or three days.[3] The news of the state of your health has deeply pained me and all my family, who love you sincerely.
Please, pass my compliments to your wife.
Yours
Karl Marx
219. Engels to Jenny Marx ( daughter). 9 July
219
ENGELS TO JENNY MARX (DAUGHTER)[382]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 9 July 1869
*Dear Jenny, * My best thanks for your two kind letters[383] and for the beer which arrived safely on Wednesday and was tried on Thursday after a day's settling. I have just been into the cellar to fetch another bottle up, it is very nice, and Lizzie(1) especially likes it because it reminds her more of her beloved 'Bavarian' than the regular Vienna beer. There is no doubt, it will soon be emptied, and the more so as I am afraid it will not keep very long in hot weather, being lighter than the common Vienna beer, so that there will be plenty of pretexts for taking frequent 'headers' into the cellar and fetching up a bottle or two of 'that same'.
*I, and indeed all of us, were very much amused with your description of that highly aristocratic soirée. That little bit of a printed caution about mobbing, and the fact of its being sent round with the invitations,[384] is more than characteristic of 'that lot', as we say here in Lancashire. Very good, too, on the part of these Britishers, to describe this, their own darling 'vulgar habit' as one 'common throughout Europe'—common, indeed, wherever the British snob — and the snob and the flunkey is at the bottom of all of them — puts his foot! * I'd like to see any place on the Continent where such a circular would be issued on such an occasion. To be sure, it clearly follows from the entire story that the admixture of rich UPSTARTS has also begun winning the upper hand in aristocratic areas, AND IN FACT, IS NOW SWAMPING 'SOCIETY'. So much the better. Your description, like the circular, fits our Manchester MOCK-'SOCIETY' completely, and the more the smart mob in London Manchesterises, the more gratifying for us.
* I am just now in the honey-moon of my newly-recovered liberty, and you will not require to be told that I enjoy it amazingly.[369] As my eye, although very much better, still requires a little * careful treatment, * I have not yet settled down to regular work and indeed shall not be able to do so until all my business affairs are regularly settled, which will take about a month. In the meantime I walk about a good deal with Tussy and as many of the family, humane and canine, as I can induce to go with us. We have just come back from a long walk through the fields to Heaton Chapel, about 5 or 6 miles the way we went, Tussy, Lizzie, Mary Ellen," myself and two dogs, and I am specially instructed to inform you that these two amiable ladies had two glasses of beer a-piece (this is the vernacular Lancashire in which I got my orders). No wonder I had to bring them home by the train (we have a station about seven minutes' walk from our house), but no sooner arrived, than they walked, in common with me, into your Lager-Beer. Now they are getting their tea ready, or getting themselves ready for it, I don't know which, and after that there will be a reading of Irish novels which is likely to last till bedtime or nearly so, unless relieved by a bit of talk about the 'convicted nation'.b Anyhow, they seem to like it, and so it's all right to me.*
Meanwhile they all send you the heartiest greetings, and I'll do the same.
Your with all my heart
F. Engels
If you and Moor don't go to Germany before the end of this month or if you don't return before the end of September, I may possibly meet you there somewhere.c
220. Engels to Ludwig Kugelmann. 10 July[385]
IN HANOVER
Manchester, 10 July 1869 86(1) Mornington Street, Stockport Road
Dear Kugelmann,
As the enclosures show, I do keep my word, and I would have done so a long time ago, had it not been for the following: 1. I still had the enclosed photograph of Lupus,b but none of me, and only after frequent sittings last winter did I get a bearable one; 2. then I found that the Lupus photo had been mislaid and, despite all the searching, could not be found. So, 3. I got the photographer who had the negative to make 24 more copies of Lupus, but they turned out miserably, since it was very faded, and I wouldn't like to send any of them. Finally, 4. I found the original one and les voicic both.
I regretted to hear through Marx that you had to undergo an operation and that, now, for the summer, you want to live healthily, which is certainly very useful, and here and there also probably pleasant. I hope this will put you properly on your feet again, but will probably have the result that our friend Schorlemmer, who has been in Germany for 14 days, and who wanted to go via Hanover and visit you in about 10-12 days, will not find you there. Marx will probably be coming to Germany with his daughter Jenny at the end of this month or the beginning of next,[349] how things will be with me I don't know yet, for the following reasons:
On 30 June this year my agreement with my present associéd
expired.[36] According to my original calculations, at the beginning of the agreement I had expected that, on its expiry, I would have made enough money out of noble COMMERCE to live on, though very modestly by standards here, and be able to bid adieu to trade. This did not ensue completely, but after various negotiations with my associé we finally agreed that I would allow him to use my name in the firm for 5 years, and I would promise during these 5 years not to go into competition with him, for which he paid me quite a nice round sum, so that I have, in fact, reached the point at which I aimed. Since the 1st inst. I have been out of the business, and my time is finally my own again — that is, for the time being, purely theoretically since I cannot leave here until the balance has been drawn and the necessary documents have been arranged by the lawyers; and I shall still have to waste a lot of time to put these matters in order. I expect, however, to be finished during next month, and if you would let me know where you will be about that time, it might be possible for all of us to meet somewhere in Germany. I don't need to tell you how happy I am to be rid of that damned commerce, and to be able to work for myself again. Particularly, too, since this was possible just now, when events in Europe are taking an increasingly critical turn and when, one fine day, the thunder may clap quite unexpectedly.
The Lassallean sect appears, not without dialectical irony, to seek its effective dissolution precisely in its nominal reunifica-tion.[386] Schweitzer may, for the moment, still hold the majority of the people together, but no party or sect can endure the repeated expulsion of its leaders. And this time the dirty washing of this extremely unclean clique will produce all sorts of curiosa, which can only harm Schweitzer. The dissolution of the Lassallean sect and, on the other hand, the severence of the Saxon and South German workers from the leading-strings of the 'People's Party'[38]
are the two fundamental conditions for the new formation of a genuine German workers' party. The Lassalleans will now play their part themselves and devour one another, but it will be far more difficult to get rid of the South-German-republican philistine narrow-mindedness systematically drummed into the workers by Liebknecht. Just take the stupidity of inscribing on his sheet(2)
'Organ of the People's Party', i.e., of the South German philistines! If Bebel only had some theoretical knowledge, something like this could not happen; he seems to me to be quite a capable fellow, who simply has this one shortcoming. Then along comes Liebknecht and demands that we should come out on his side and that of his People's Party against Schweitzer! Whereby it is obvious that 1. we have far less in common with the People's Party, as a bourgeois party, than we have with Schweitzer's Lassalleans, who are after all a workers' sect; and 2. that Marx, in his capacity as Secretary of the International Working Men's Association for Germany, is obliged to treat decorously every leader whom a sufficient number of workers place at their head and elect to parliament.
221. Marx to François Lafargue. 10 July
I would ask you from now on always to send your letters to my home address, given above.
Recently Marx sent me your study on the treatment of exanthematous disorders by means of ventilation. In my opinion you still apply the ventilation much too moderately. Here the window of the bedroom is kept open between 3 and 12 inches without further ado, without a screen, etc., and care is only taken that the patient is not lying in a direct draught—and this summer or winter. In addition extractum carnis* and port in big doses, otherwise practically no medicine. My servant-girl was treated thus last November for typhoid fever, and Marx's two unmarried daughters last summer for scarlet fever. I thought that this method of treatment had long been generally adopted in Germany too but, according to your account, the old keeping-warm and stink-hole method still seems to predominate.
Hoping to hear from you soon. With best wishes
Yours
F. Engels
221
MARX TO FRANÇOIS LAFARGUE[80]
IN BORDEAUX
Paris, 10 July 1869
My dear friend,
I arrived here on Thursdayb evening and I shall return to London on Monday.[381]
In your letter, which I have reread, you seem to believe that Madame Marx is also here. That is a mistake.0
The first thing that struck me is that Laura is still suffering greatly, and her health is very delicate.
[1] meat extract - b Marx wrote Thursday instead of Tuesday. See this volume, p. 315.
222. Marx to Engels. 14 July
I begin with this remark because it explains the apparent apathy of our Paul. He has not interrupted his studies, but he has neglected to take the necessary measures to pass his examinations.
To my reproaches on this subject he replied — and I must say had every right to reply — the following: 'Before I think of the future, I must occupy myself with the present. The state of Laura's health demanded a great deal of care on my part. It did not even permit me to be absent for any length of time. In order not to cause anxiety to you or to my family, I wanted to conceal all this. Laura and myself, we even did our best not to rouse the suspicions of Madame Marx.'
I have talked to a very good doctor whom Paul invited to the house. He told me that it was absolutely necessary for Laura to go to the seaside, and he suggested Dieppe because a prolonged voyage would do her harm.
Besides, Paul has promised me that on his return from Dieppe he will do his best to cut short the time necessary to pass his doctorate.
I must tell you frankly that the state of my daughter's health is a matter of serious concern to me.
Our grandson" is a charming boy. I have never seen a better shaped child's head.
My compliments to Madame Lafargue. Accept, my dear friend, the most sincere compliments of your
Karl Marx
222
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 14 JULY 1869
DEAR FRED,
Arrived in Paris last Tuesday evening, left again Monday (12 July).[381] I managed to remain completely incognito; on landing at Dieppe I passed first the douaniers(1) and police without them intervening, though, curiously enough, several innocent people (including a YANKEE with very black hair, who was taken for an Italian) were asked for their passports and, in accordance with the latest regulations, the Frenchmen had to give their names. I lodged as A. Williams in Paris, Rue St Placide, maison meubléeb
(next street to Lafargue).
Laurachen has been suffering from a really serious illness. She is now convalescing, and is going tomorrow with Paul, etc., to Dieppe, where they will spend a month at the seaside, and will perhaps come over to England later. My BUSINESS in Paris was to have a look at the status rerum,c following a letter from Lafargue senior, and then write to the senior (from Paris), after consulta-tions with the junior/ Because of Laura's state of health, Lafargue has naturally been completely absorbed by domestic worries, but has promised most solemnly to take the necessary steps as soon as Laura is completely restored. The senior also put his foot in it in his letters to Paris. I shall see what he writes to me in his reply.
Le petit" has left Paris (where he was present incognito at all the crowd-gatherings, etc.) for Brussels and, under the circumstances, his absence was by no means unpleasant for me. Because of this, the paper has been 'postponed'.
I saw neither Schily nor ANYBODY ELSE, but confined myself entirely to the FAMILY, with whom I sauntered through more or less the whole of Paris. The bank where they live (Faubourg St Germain, etc.), has not changed much and is not Haussmannised.[387] Then, as now, narrow stinking streets. However, things look much changed on the other bank of the Seine, where the CHANGE already starts with the front of the Louvre.
The females appear to have become much uglier. The heat was unbearable, particularly in the train. The biggest sensation, to the great annoyance of the democratic opposition (including the irréconciliables), was caused by Raspail's short SPEECH,e in which he demanded the release of his election committee. He spoke of the injustice de la justice. Thereupon INTERRUPTIONS. He continued: Niez-vous les injustices commises contre moi par la Restauration? Par ce ridicule Louis-Philippe?[1] etc. He wanted no peines,f was ready à brûler le code civil and le code pénal"; in the meantime, the punishments of officials should be converted into fines (i.e., deductions from salary) and should begin with M. le préfet de la police, namely because of the 'orgies infernales de casse-tête'}" The language of the old man was in violent contrast to the ROUNDABOUT prattle of the faux jeunes hommes.0
And the next day, the government released his Comité. The sessions of the Corps législatif were relatively very stormy. For this reason, Bonaparte has adjourned.
Tussychen must also write to me about her plans for staying in Manchester. Schnaps, d a charming little lad, sends heartiest greetings.
Addio, OLD BOY.
II Moro
MY COMPLIMENTS TO MRS e BURNS.
Kirst published abridged in Der Briefwechsel zwischen F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, Stuttgart, 1913 and in full in MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
223. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 15 July[2 9]
Dear Kugelmann,
Your letter of 2 June arrived here while I was in Manchester.[353]
They forgot to send it on to me, and later completely forgot about its existence. I have only just put my hands on it, after my attention was drawn to it by your letter of 6 July. The latter letter I also received yesterday since, owing to the indisposition of my Laura, I had been for a week incognito in Paris f where, BY THE BY, a growing movement is manifest. Otherwise, I should have hastened to write to you in your time of suffering.
224. Engels to Hermann Engels. 15 July
As for the 18th Brumaire, Meissner's assurances are sheer prevarications.[389] He has had the stuff since the end of January. Naturally, he did not get the preface because he didn't send the last 2 proof sheets. I finally received the latter on 23 June, and sent them back, corrected, the same day, together with the preface. Thus, once again, more than three weeks lost, so we shall be launched right into the off season in the book trade!
I shan't be coming to Germany before September.[349] I am making the journey mainly because of my daughter.(1) But, in any case, I would come to see you in Helgoland (I am travelling via Hanover).
Regarding Engels' biography,b be so kind as to return it to me.c
He must revise it, since it is now intended for a different audience.
With hearty greetings to your dear wife and Fränzchen,d
Yours
K. M.
224
ENGELS TO HERMANN ENGELS
IN ENGELSKIRCHEN
Manchester, 15 July 1869 Dear Hermann,
You really are a fine chum. It stands to reason that I wrote about the exchange-rate matter to you simply as our mother's business manager? But just because you are her business manager, you can't get out of it like that and tell me that I should approach mother directly about the matter. It would be a fine state of affairs if you always resigned as business manager as soon as the other party's opinion differed from yours, or when your arguments were exhausted. No, my lad, you've got to stick to it now.
To get to the point: what do you mean, we agreed to calculate everything at 6 thalers 20 silbergroschen? Nothing more nor less than that both parties, our mother and I, should waive making an exchange profit on these £10,000. Since, however, a considerable exchange profit has been made by mother on the £7,000 paid back by me, I felt it to be absolutely in order that I should also make my profit on the small remainder. You solve the pattern much more simply, by claiming offhandedly that mother alone has a right to the exchange profit.
In addition, you have not considered that, in presenting mother quite correctly as the only interested party, you are sawing off the bough on which you sit with regard to the discount business. I repay mother £1,000 and, on enquiry, receive the reply that this should be sent to R. Funke & Co. in bills at any sight. I did this, and was thus entitled to have these bills credited to me at full value per date of maturity. What Funke later did with the bills as a result of some agreement — of which I know nothing, and which is no business of mine — between R. Funke & Co. and Ermen & Engels, Barmen (2 firms which, as you say, do not concern me in the slightest), is no longer my concern, any more than what the bank did at which Funke discounted them. This should now at last be clear to you.
There can be absolutely no question of 'trickery'. But those who are merchants by profession, just like lawyers by profession, easily accustom themselves to regard the matter in hand solely from the most advantageous angle from their own point of view; when one is dealing with scientific questions this habit is the one which must be broken first. The discount business gave me the impression that your viewpoint on this matter was not entirely unprejudiced, so I have felt since then that I should myself pay rather more attention to my own interests.
I have no recollection at all that J expressed the desire to keep the accounts in thalers for your convenience. But you overlook the fact that your entire chain of evidence, which is based simply upon the fact the £10,000 stayed here in Manchester to my advantage, also demonstrates that, if the exchange rate had remained at 6 thalers
12 silbergroschen, I would have been obliged to remit in thalers, since nobody would wish mother to lose money on it. And you must admit yourself what sort of value an argument has that demands that, when the rate is high, I must cover in sterling, and when low, in thalers.
I should also like to ask you, with regard to the COPS AND SEWINGS I purchased for you, whether you have charged them to mother at the current exchange or at 6 thalers 20 silbergroschen, although I do not doubt at the former, in view of your zeal for mother's profit on the exchange rate.
But that's enough. As your patience appears to be coming to an end, and the matter is not worth the trouble, I'll oblige you and cover in sterling. Under my agreement with Gottfried,[3] the sum of £1,000 is payable on 1 August, and then every 2 months, and I shall devote the first instalments, as far as possible, to cover mother. It is, however, probable that Gottfried will hold back the first instalment until the accounts are completed and the contracts signed, which could take 14 days longer, so I would ask you not to depend on it as a certainty and to the day. Be so good, therefore, as to send me my current account, made up as of 30 June; my account here is so lengthy, as a result of many money withdrawals, that I would prefer not to depend upon it, since I have not yet received my statement, and can only check it superficially in the office. The whole approximate balance you will receive: 1. in August circa £800-900, 2. in October £1,000, and in December— the remainder; I would request you to let me know in good time where and how you would like the remittances.
Your letter of the 13th just arrived; I shall sign the thing as soon as I go to town and meet the vice-consul, probably tomorrow. But be so kind as to enquire what I should do in order to be spared any further communications from the Royal District Court in Bochum with regard to the Vereinigte[13] Engelsburg. From time to time a fat epistle arrives here, written on heavy, poor-quality scribbling paper, with a seal as big as a two-thaler piece, addressed to me as 'Official Business, Post Free'; whereupon the English Post Office, which doesn't give a damn for the District Court of Bochum, charges me between 3 and 5s. postage. A week ago I received a packet like this, with the names of all the shareholders in the Vereinigte Engelsburg and the draft of the amalgamation, and the request that I should make my declaration on it. I learned from this that I may some day have the pleasure of possessing
3 mining shares divided by 8, but feel that it is a little too 672 ö [7] dear to pay 4s. 8d. postage for this information. If I could only read the name of the worthy district judge appended to this, I would write him a very polite epistle, praying him to leave me in peace with the Vereinigte Engelsburg; but the Prussian officials purposely write their signatures so illegibly, in order to avoid the danger of receiving replies. Be so good as to inform this illegible
Gottfried Ermen - h United gentleman that the unstamped post of the Dortmund and Bochum District Court is not recognised here and that I'll be grateful to him, if he, in accordance with the power of attorney, sends all communications to mother.
The situation with the firm is this: Gottfried attaches importance to keeping it as long as you keep it, since otherwise you would have been able to take over part of the legacy of Ermen & Engels, Manchester. I regarded it as not only superfluous, but also harmful, for me to interfere on your behalf, since you had 1. P.a
Ermen's promise, which covers you here, and 2. the expert opinion of the lawyers, which I took for gospel truth. For as long as P. Ermen lives you are safe from G. Ermen; had I known that your rights were not quite bomb-proof, I would certainly have avoided drawing Gottfried's attention to this by making proposals; and G. Ermen would not have entered into an engagement not to challenge your rights after P. Ermen's death. Meanwhile we have him in our hands, because I have given him the rights of the firm for only 5 years, and although I promised him that after that period I would make no difficulties for him, this depends, together for instance with my discretion about business secrets, completely upon his conduct, particularly vis-à-vis yourselves, and I have made this plain to him.
On the £10,000 that I have already invested in shares, I had earned at least £170 net in market appreciation by 30 June. They
bring me in an average of 5[7]/s% of my investment capital. They
are mostly gas, WATERWORKS and railway shares, all English companies.
My freedom pleases me more and more from day to day. Unfortunately, I have still too much running about to do to be able to start any particularly thorough studies, but this will soon be settled.
I have spoken about the COPS with Schuncks' buyer, and have sent him a memorandum, a copy of which I enclose for your use. With regard to the SEWINGS, the qualities have changed so much since my last purchases that it would be best for you to order them from samples if you still need some. Likewise with the COPS, it would be best for you to bind Schuncks to the yarns named in the memorandum; they are those we have been using here for 20 years, and they are indispensable for you as long as they don't change the quality.
Peter
225. Marx to Engels. 17 July
Best regards to Emma, the little ones, and all brothers and sisters. Enclosed 2 lines for E. Blank.
Your
Friedrich
225
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 17 JULY 1869
DEAR FRED,
The heat here is killing. With you too? Enclosed a mass of stuff from Eichhoff, Wilhelm,[3] Fritzsche.(1)
Dear old Wilhelm — as always happily disposing of what is not his — naturally refers Fritzsche to me, in order to touch the TRADES UNIONS here for £300, and he guarantees repayment! And quite pointlessly puts me in the embarrassing position of having to turn down Fritzsche!
In addition, he doesn't even seem to read properly the letters sent him. I sent him 900 cards and told him the annual subscription was Id. per card. Of these 900, I placed 500 gratis at his DISPOSITION, so the fellows would at least be eligible for representation at the congress.[379] And now he asks me whether fixed annual dues must be paid.
The tough conditions under which Schweitzer returned to the bosom of Hatzfeldt are shown very vividly by the fact that he has been forced to allow Mende to start a row with the International S92 in the Social-Demokrat. He himself knows best how dangerous this operation is for him!
226. Engels to Marx. 18 July
Incidentally, that old jackass Becker [3] had no need to involve the International officially in this dissolution process of the Lassallean church, instead of maintaining objective reserve. The old brute does a lot of damage with his longing for action.
Freiligrath, the family poet, gave me much amusement with his 'robber' and 'corsair' b—Viennese mannikin.
Best greetings to all.
Your
Moor
full in MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin,
1931
time
226
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 18 July 1869
Dear Moor,
Glad the journey went off so well.
Many thanks for what you sent. The letters will be returned tomorrow. 0
If Schweitzer attacks the International, we should consider whether to oblige him.
Frightful muck is developing as the Lassallean swindle putrefies. Fritzsche wanted 1,800 thalers from Schweitzer and, when he turned him down, then you should get him 3,000 thalers. The fellow is obviously just as big a blackguard as Schweitzer. From the beginning, Lassalle introduced venality, and this has grown. But where did Schweitzer get the money from, if not the Prussians?
The calm assumption that the English workers should provide £450 for Fritzsche, even before he and his consorts have joined the IWA, is really good. I truly believe that Wilhelm absolutely incited Fritzsche to saddle you with himself.
a Johann Philipp Becker - h Apparently the reference is to Freiligrath's poems Banditenbegräbnis and Piratenromanze. - c See the previous letter.
227. Engels to Marx. 21 July
You long ago read the renowned letter sent me 2 years ago. Naked assertion was the only argument to the effect that he could not and should not have acted otherwise. H e also said he and his consorts had nothing in common with the People's Party [3 8] except the name! That's a good one! He is past all remedy.
Heat? Terrible. Yesterday I lay on the floor half the night because it was simply too hot to go to bed. It is so hot that even these few lines have bathed me in sweat.
Enclosed Kugelmann. [3 9 4] What do you think of his plans? Karlsbad a would be quite excellent for you, but Jenny meanwhile in Hanover? What do you say?
Fragment of this letter first published in Der Briefwechsel zwischen F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, Stuttgart, 1913 and in full in MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin,
1931
227
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 21 July 1869
Dear Moor,
The whole family including Tussy, has gone to see the PRINCE OF WALES b drive past. Congratulations to them in such heat.
How dare Wilhelm assure Schweitzer publicly that'the General Council of the IWA' takes exactly the same attitude to the said Schweitzer as he, Wilhelm does? [3 9 5] This is rather much, particularly if, as I assume, he did so without your permission.
That Schweitzer has lost a lot of support among the masses is shown by the fact that he has not dared to proclaim the voting figures.[0 96] Incidentally, he remains — as a DEBATER — superior to all his opponents. The joke about the 'red' republic was very good, and his exploitation of Wilhelm's 'People's Party', ditto that
a Karlovy Vary - b Albert Edward - c F. Mende, 'An die Mitglieder des Allgeni. deutschen Arbeiter-Vereins', 5 July 1869, Der Social-Demokrat, No. 79, 9 July 1869.
Your
F. E.
Wilhelm is betraying the workers to the bourgeois democrats; Wilhelm is taking care not to answer both points, and altogether he appears even more incapable than usual in this polemic. How absurd, for instance, just at the moment, to reprint from Schwabenmayer's" Demokratische Correspondenz the glorification of the bourgeois American Republic because of the Pacific Railway .(1)
And how can Wilhelm announce to Schweitzer that he will be shown the door at the Basle Congress[379]?
Monsieur Bonaparte appears to have gone right out of his mind. One cropper after another. First his message with its apparent concessions, then the sudden adjournment, now this droll ministry.[388] If he had set out to show even the stupidest Frenchman that he wants to expose France to worldwide derision, he couldn't have done it better. This is just the way to shake the confidence his majority, his ministers and prefects, his judges and officers have in him. And since all the loyalty has been purchased and was conditional on his future success, they will desert him much earlier than the Senate and Corps législatif deserted the old Napoleon in 1814 and 1815.[397] Really not much is needed to lose respect for Mr Louis.
What has happened to the 18th Brumaire} I see and hear nothing of it.c Apropos! You must send me a copy for Charles,d
whom I relieved of his copy (old edition) on this pledge.
What state are your travel plans in? Jenny writes that she will be returning on Saturday, and then a decision will, I suppose, soon be taken as to when you will go. Here the balancing of accounts is dragging on. Yesterday they said at least 14 days, which I translate as: at least 3 weeks. I'm afraid I'll be stuck here until about 20 August.
I shall cut to length and send to Kugelmann for the Zukunft, for its feuilleton, the biography e he returned to me. If you want to see it first, let me know.
I close because of the heat; with best greetings.
Your
F. E.
228. Marx to Engels. 22 July
228
MARX TO ENGELS[398]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 22 July 1869
DEAR FRED,
Wilhelm really has colossal impudence, issuing bulls of excommunication on behalf of the General Council of the International.[3]
I had written to him that I, personally, was keeping myself out of this scandal[399] (Hatzfeldt, the old trollop, would like nothing better than to drag me in), particularly since I am just as decidedly against the Lassalle clique as against the People's Party. I added that Wilhelm could give notice (to Schweitzer) that (in accordance with the resolutions of the Brussels Congress) only real members will be admitted at Basle. And this he did in a paragraph in the issue before last.[400]
After soliciting me in vain to take official steps against Schweitzer, he has had the impudence to involve me in this scandal! I wrote him an extremely rude letter immediately upon receipt of the last Wochenblatt ,b in which I reminded him how often he had already compromised me, and declared frankly that I would publicly disavow him as soon as he showed such impudence again.[401] (Impudence which, in addition, is a lie, since the General Council has never discussed the Schweitzer affair, etc., let alone passed a resolution.)
It depends on how Schweitzer, who has been badly provoked, now acts. I shall 'cast off Mr Wilhelm if he should get me caught up in dirty work for the third time. The fellow does not even have the excuse that he marches with us through thick and thin. He commits his stupidities on his own behalf, betrays us when he sees fit, and identifies us with him as soon as he sees no other way out.
For about 6 days now I have had a large carbuncle on my left arm which, in 'this heat', is not pleasant.
I have another 'family' unpleasantness. I have noticed for some time that my wife was not able to manage on the money I give her every week, although there has been no increase in expenditure. Since I am anxious not to run into debt again, and since the money I gave her last Monday had already 'run out', I asked for an explanation. And the daftness of females then emerged. In the list of debts she had made me for you(1) she had suppressed ABOUT £~75, which she was now trying to pay back BY AND BY out of the housekeeping money. Why, I asked? Reply: she would have been afraid to admit to the full sum! Females obviously need to be under constant tutelage!
Jennychen returned yesterday. Although half a year has passed now, Mrs Monroe has not yet paid her. The Scots hold tight to their CASH! [371]
I don't know what to do about the journey. You know that my only aim in this business is to provide Jennychen with the recreation that is practically indispensable for her. But Kugelmann's illness has changed everything. I would not go to Karlsbad[13] to be his comrade-in-sickness, even if I had needed the trip for myself. And now to leave the child as companion with
Frau Kugelmann.[394] Nothing at all can come of this. I expect you will write to tell me your opinion.
Mr Schweitzer's discovery that the Geneva committee consists mainly of workers is good![392] Bakunin and Schweitzer state councillors!
Bonaparte's rickety ways will soon lead to defections amongst his generals.
Between Prussia and Russia there is a row that does not seem completely 'play-acting'.
On Monday I wrote to Meissner, tersely and rudely.[402]
Laura and Lafargue and son are now in lodgings in Dieppe. My letter from Parisb to Lafargue senior had the desired effect.
Salut.
Your
Moor
Both Liebknecht's and Fritzsche's[391] letters indicate clearly that the delightful Wilhelm had directed the latter to me on the money issue.
The ideas the Germans in general hold about our financial means you will see from the enclosed letter from Kugelmann, vocec Bracke.[403] The fellows never sent a pfennig here. The General Council owes 5 weeks rent, and is in debt to its secretary. Peculiar conceptions!
229. Marx to Engels. 24 July
I do not need to see the biography business.3390 This appears to be a sort of mania with Kugelmann.
229
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 24 JULY 1869
DEAR FRED,
I can only write you a few lines today. The thing is in full suppuration, so very painful, but will also soon be over. The swilling of arsenic will have to begin again.
This morning I received the enclosed screed from Liebknecht.[404]
Which is the more extraordinary, the stupid impudence or the impudent stupidity? This honest fellow regards official lies, such as that about non-existent resolutions of the General Council, as permissible in his own mouth, but as highly reprehensible in Schweitzer's. And why did he achieve a reconciliation with Schweitzer the Monster in Lausanne? And his theory of action! This consists of giving Mr Wilhelm the right to make 'arbitrary' use of my name and that of the General Council wherever he considers appropriate. And the courage of this honest fellow! He claims to be against Lassalle, and so takes the part of the 'true' Lassalleans against the 'false' Lassalleans! Bracke, his man, after all accuses Schweitzer of declaring Lassalle's theory of state credit to be simply an agitational tool, and of not believing in panacea. He had involved me in 'battles'! In 'scandals', I wrote to him.[405]
Salut.
Your
K. M.
I regret that I did not know the book Die Werkzeuge und Waffen, ihre Entstehung und Ausbildung, von Dr Gustav Klemm, 1858, before
a F. Engels, Karl Marx. See this volume, p. 325.
230. Engels to Marx. 25 July
the publication of my first volume.a What I indicated in the section 'Labour Process' and later 'Division of Labour'[406] is here proved with abundant material.
full in MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
230
ENGELS TO MARX[398]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 25 July 1869
Dear Moor,
Don't go grey-haired over the £75 b; as soon as Gottfriedc pays me my next INSTALMENT, i.e., as soon as the accounts are balanced and the contracts signed, I shall send you the sum. Just make sure that nothing like this happens again; you know our calculations are very tight, and allow absolutely no MARGIN for extravagances. Thus, since 1 July, I have been noting all expenditures in order to see what all the stuff costs, and in order to find out where something can be cut if necessary.
The new carbuncle proves you must immediately swill arsenic again. Do not delay for a day longer. You should have taken the case under your arm here as warning, and started. Drinking arsenic doesn't hinder you in your ordinary way of life in any manner, so just go on taking it for 3-4 months in order to get rid of the business finally.
As regards your journey, if I were you I would pack my things as soon as Jenny is ready and your carbuncle has healed. You can then adjust your plans for the journey as you like, and also visit worthy Kugelmann. If this way — by ensuring that the period of your journey and his cure do not coincide, or only partly — you will best avoid the Karlsbadd business. Amicus'' Kugelmann is, with regard to his health, certainly a considerable hypochondriac, and
of Capital - b See this volume, p. 327. - ' Gottfried Ermen - d Karlovy Vary Friend would certainly be a rather doleful cure-companion in Karlsbad. Since I shall not be free before 15-20 August in any case, it would be madness for us to consider anything combined. If I should be free earlier, we can still see what can be done.
I should certainly come to serious grips with Mrs Monroe. Jenny should go to her and tell her frankly that she needs the CASH. Perhaps Mrs Monroe is waiting to receive a formal bill: MRS MONROE TO MISS MARX. TO ONE HALFYEARS TUITION, etc. And if Jenny's visit does not help, I would, in your place, write a polite but firm letter. You have to show these Scots that you know what BUSINESS is, and they then respect you all the more.
The impudence of old Wilhelm exceeds the possible.[3] Trying to convince you that, with his lying, he had remained 'within the bounds of your letter'! Just how lazy his conscience is in this connection is shown by the fact that he uses the phrase 'take into consideration' which he otherwise abhors, and by his closing, touching appeal to your good heart. The simpleton demands that we and the whole International should undergo all his metamorphoses in re Schweitzer, concluding peace when he concludes peace, thrashing Schweitzer when he thrashes him, and allowing him to lie to his heart's content in the name of the International whenever he thinks it 'necessary'. And he wants to prescribe to the Congress(1) who should be admitted and who not.
Also rather strong that, in the Vogt business[407] he has left the defence 'up to you!' and this 'for the sake of the Party'. He really takes himself what might be called seriously.
And how lame is the business with the factory inspectors! The government has flatly decided to introduce them, but Liebknecht has prevented this, naturally in the interests of the workers, so that they shall not be bribed by them. Bismarck prevented by Liebknecht! Quite something! Not to mention the craftiness of such a policy.
The 18th Brumaire received yesterday with thanks. The book reads much better in a decent binding and without the misprints. The introduction is very good. This, and the book itself, will bring Wilhelm no pleasure. The manner in which democracy, and even more Social-Democracy, is treated is by no means grist to his mill, but rather on his head. Incidentally, he can no longer say he has no agitational material: we shall see what he does with it.
I am now on the Journals, Conversations and Essays on Ireland by Mr Senior (1843-58). Some FACTS and a few nice admissions, but generally only of special interest because they are stated by such a 'respectable' man. Therefore valuable for me, 2 volumes, 1868. I don't think there will be anything new in it for you.408
If Schweitzer had not got such a bad conscience, and if he had not committed the stupidity recently of threatening the International, then he would certainly have responded to Liebknecht's bull of excommunication[395]; he would have challenged the General Council on the question and then you would have had to disavow Monsieur Wilhelm. Instead of excommunicating Schweitzer in the name of the IWA, why does Wilhelm not grab Schweitzer because of this threat, and with this help put the General Council in a position in which it must say something in response to Schweitzer's threat? The fellow really is too clumsy.
The business with Bracke is also good.403 These Lassallean menials are always shouting for money, just money. In my opinion, it would be very ill-advised of the IWA to send the Germans even one pfennig before they have paid regular dues for a period. The demoralisation that has prevailed since Lassalle and through him must be firmly removed.
Enclosed Kugelmann and Wilhelm returned. You will certainly be writing to Kugelmann yourself about your journey. Send me back Kugelmann's letter so that I can reply to him; without a bit of medical chat he won't release me.
Tussy is reading Götz von Berlichingen, and afterwards I'll give her Egmont? Walks have almost ceased in this heat; today it will be somewhat cooler.
Best greetings from all to all.
Your
F. E.
231. Marx to Engels. 27 July
231
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 27 July 1869
DEAR FRED,
Amongst the enclosed PAPERS, look at the Vorbote and especially what I marked on pp. 105, 106.
You will see that OLD Becker [3] cannot give u p making himself important. [4 0 9] With his language group system he casts aside our whole Rules and the spirit of the statute, and alters our organic system into an artificial construction of arbitrary language relations instead of real state and national relations. Extremely reactionary business, fitting for the pan-Slavists! And all this because we allowed him provisionally to remain the centre for his former correspondents, until the 'International' in Germany gets stronger. I immediately put a spoke in his wheel when he attempted at the Eisenach Congress [3 7]' to promote himself as centre for Germany.
Bebel has sent me 25 thalers for the Belgians from his Workers' Educational Association.[410] Today I ACKNOWLEDGED this gift, and took the opportunity to write to him about Becker's fantasy plans.
I drew his attention to Article 6 of the Rules,h which only recognises national central committees in direct contact with the General Council and, where this is impossible because of the police, obliges the local groups in each country to correspond directly with the General Council. I explained to him the absurdity of Becker's pretensions and finally stated that if the Eisenach Congress—quoad c THE INTERNATIONAL—accepted Becker's suggestion, we would immediately and publicly quash it as contrary to the Rules.
Incidentally Bebel and Liebknecht had written to me earlier, SPONTANEOUSLY, that they had written to Becker telling him they did not recognise him but corresponded directly with London.
Becker himself is not dangerous. But, as we have been informed from Switzerland, his secretary Remy was pressed upon him by Mr Bakunin and is Bakunin's TOOL. This Russian obviously wishes to become the dictator of the European workers' movement. He should be careful. Otherwise he will be officially excommunicated.
Your
Moor
As soon as I receive copies[3] from Meissner I shall send them to my friends in Manchester and Charles Roesgen.
232. Engels to Ludwig Kugelmann. 28 July
Dear Kugelmann,
Enclosed the biography suitably adapted for Zukunft,[390] and drawing attention to the 18th Brumaire. I would be grateful if you had it copied there, since it would be better for Weiss not to know it is by me.
Marx will be writing to you, or will have already written, about the journey. You certainly will not get him to go to Karlsbad,[13] and as far as I am concerned, the business with the final accounts, etc. is dragging on so much that I have no idea when I shall be able to get away; it's as good as certain that this will not be before 15-20 August. It's very unpleasant, but since this is the last time that COMMERCE will burden me so, I should not grumble too much. This means that I shall scarcely get to see you this year, as I shall hardly get as far afield as Karlsbad.
In order to get the biography off today I must close now — so until next time, and let Karlsbad do some good to your gall-stones.
a K. Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, 2nd edition. - b Karlovy Vary
233. Marx to Engels. 29 July
One of my sisters-in-law in Barmen also had some once, but she is happily rid of them, and once again round, fat and jolly.
Yours
F. E.
233
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 29 JULY 1869
DEAR FRED,
Enclosed the letter from Kugelmann.[394]
Things are better with the arm. Started with the arsenic. The Bee-Hive is now under the control of Samuel Morley, since when everything too anti-bourgeois in the REPORTS on our sessions is crossed out. For instance my entire exposition about Roman and German testate and intestate inheritance law at the last session of the GENERAL COUNCIL.[411] During my stay in Paris" the fellows committed some stupidities, i.e. admitting 5 MEMBERS of the Bronterre O'Brien Society,[412] fellows who are just as dumb and ignorant as they are quarrelsome and conceited about their sectarian secret wisdom.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
Jennychen has received her 'little fortune'.b The dear child feels very happy about her 'own income'.
time
234. Engels to Marx. 30 July
234
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 30 July 1869
Dear Moor,
Old Becker must have gone completely off his head. How can he decree that the TRADES UNION must be the real workers' association and the basis of all organisation, that the other associations must only exist provisionally alongside, etc.[409] And all in a country where real TRADES UNIONS still do not yet even exist. And what a complicated 'organisation'. On the one hand each TRADE centralises itself in a national leadership, on the other hand the various TRADES in each locality centralise themselves again in a local leadership. If one wanted to make the eternal squabbling permanent, this would be the arrangement to adopt. But it is au fond(1) nothing but the old German journeyman's desire to preserve his 'inn' in every town, and takes this to be the unity of the workers' organisation. If many more such proposals come to light, the time at the Eisenach Congress[373]
will be nicely debated away.
The international plans have naturally no other purpose than to ensure the leadership for Becker as far as the German tongue is heard (he has already annexed Mulhause in Alsace, see Vorbote, p. 109 under 'Basle'). In practice this fine organisation, with its leadership in Geneva, must come to grief on the German laws, since Becker has, as usual, made out the bill without the waiter. Generalising the idea of central committees based upon language, in other words putting the Genevan workers under Paris and the Antwerpers under Amsterdam (if Geneva is not intended to rule the whole of France and Walloon-Belgium, which those in free Geneva have very probably assumed), is presumably only designed to strengthen his claim to regency over the German language.b But it is very good that the Eisenach Congress and not the international Basle Congress[379] should settle these matters.
Incidentally, I would never claim to have understood Becker's plan properly; given the German and the logic which rule there, sense and understanding come to a complete stop.
It's quite clear that fat Bakunin is behind it. If this damned Russian really thinks of intriguing his way to the top of the workers' movement, then the time has come to give him once and for all what he deserves and ask the question whether a pan-Slavist can be a member of an international workers' association. The fellow can very easily be tackled. He should not imagine that he can play a cosmopolitan communist for the workers, and a burning national pan-Slavist for the Russians. A few hints to Borkheim, who is just dealing with him now, would be quite in order; Borkheim will undoubtedly understand a broad hint.
You will have seen that the worthy Swiss want to have 'direct legislation by the people'[413] discussed at the congress. That will be nice.
It really is a disgrace that after nearly 40 years of political workers' movement in England, the only workers' paperb in existence can be bought up by a bourgeois like S. Morley.r But unfortunately it appears to be a law of the proletarian movement that everywhere a part of the workers' leaders necessarily become corrupted, though it has happened nowhere else in the general fashion to which Lassalle developed it in Germany.
Tussy is now reading Firdusi' in the very good version by Schack; so far she likes it very much, but whether she will work right through the enormous volume is something different.
At the end of next week I think I shall finally be through with honest Gottfried,d and then I shall have about 14 days of freedom ahead of me. So if you want to make a plan for a journey, then make it and let me know; we could meet somewhere in Germany or in Holland too if you like, or we could leave London together. At the end of August I must meet my mother in Ostend, about the 20th or 25th. Can Tussy stay here in the meantime and keep Lizzie company? What do you think?
Your
F. E.
You will get money as soon as I am in order with Gottfried Ermen, possibly earlier, id est IF HE FORKS OUT BEFORE. Send the enclosed to Tussy in a disguised hand; she will wonder where -from.
° time Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
235. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 30 July[29]
Dear Friend,
I had (not yet quite healed) for ABOUT 12 days an abscess (carbuncular) on my left arm, which I had DITTO during my stay with Engels in Manchester,[353] under the armpit of my left arm. This is not, however, the reason that so far I have delayed my reply to your letter of 17 inst.
Since I would certainly not like to clash with your plans, and since I am personally interested in enjoying your company, I have taken various steps in order to arrange things in your sense. But this is positively impossible. I must be in Holland at the end of August with my relatives," where all sorts of matters of interest and importance to me have to be settled. My proposal to transfer this rendezvous to another date has been turned down flatly, as the people whom I am meeting are all tied up by their business, and only have a certain time free for the meeting in Bommel.b
I shall, therefore, be leaving London at the end of August.[349]
You should write and tell me when you will be back in Hanover. I shall then see to what extent I can adjust my further PROGRESS accordingly.
With best greetings to your dear wife and Fränzchen,c
Yours
K. M.
236. Marx to Engels. 2 August
P.S. In addition, during August Lafargue, wife and little son are coming to London.
236
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 2 August 1869
DEAR FRED,
Because of Kugelmann my whole travel plan has been thrown to the winds.
If I visited him before he went to Karlsbad,[3] he would move heaven and earth to take me with him to this boring and expensive place—or I would hinder him in carrying out his own plan, which he must carry out for the sake of his health.
I have therefore written to him b that I must go to Holland on family business at the end of August, and from there I would perhaps have the opportunity to see him in Hanover after his return. I really knew no other way of arranging things. Other reasons for delaying the journey:
Firstly: the Lafargue FAMILY may be coming to London soon. Secondly: If I left here now, the General Council would be completely at a loss with the necessary work with regard to the Basle Congress.[379]
Tussy appears to want to stay on in Manchester. During the 14 days of your absence the excuse for this is plausible. Your drawing will be sent to her from a local (English) seaside resort.c
Enclosed letters from Bebel and Wilhelm.[414]
You will I hope also be coming to London on your journey.
Your
Moor
a Karlovy Vary - b See the previous letter. - c See this volume, p. 336.
237. Engels to Marx. 3 August
So far I have not seen that Meissner has announced the 18th Brumaire. His motto: Chi va piano va sano?
237
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 3 August 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed, returned, Wilhelm and Bebel[414] and, in addition, a draft on the UNION BANK OF London for £100, with which I hope the debts are done with for ever.
Since, as Tussy tells me, Jenny has September free too, you can of course postpone your journey until that month. I always thought that, because of Jenny, you were limited to only four weeks during which you had to travel.
The row between Schweitzer and the Leipzig people is getting jolly. The accusations that Bebel has been bribed by the Guelphs, and the threat of the Schweitzerians that they will impose their victory upon the congress by muscle power, point to a fine show.
How stupid it was of Wilhelm to allow Goegg to be co-signatory of his congress manifesto, and thus expose himself to the attacks of the Social-Demokrat.[415] But Wilhelm simply can't get along without his philistine republicans.
My documents should now be signed today week, if the lawyers are ready. I shall certainly not get away before Wednesday, 11th inst. In any case I shall see you in London on the way there or back.
Best greetings to all.
Your
F. E.
238. Marx to Engels. 4 August
So far I have watched in vain for the announcement of the 18th Brumaire.
238
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 4 Augusta 1869
DEAR FRED,
£ 1 0 0 received with BEST THANKS. I SHALL NOW WATCH THE PROCEEDINGS so
CLOSELY THAT SIMILAR MISTAKES, e t C .
I am by no means in top form. The arm business is in the last stage of healing. I attribute my further indisposition to the weather, and I gulp Gumpert's liver medicine against it.
Yesterday there was a tragicomical meeting of the General Council. Dunning letters for cards, rent, arrears of secretary's salary, etc. In short, INTERNATIONAL BANKRUPTCY, so we can't yet see how we can send a delegate.b On the other hand, a letter from Geneva, FRENCH SIDE, in which the General Council was politely requested to issue a circular in the 3 languages advising all the members to collect money (and this immediately) for the purchase of a building in Geneva (for MEETINGS), which would cost only £5,000 and should become the property of the 'International'. Is this not a modest presumption on the part of these fellows, who have not yet paid their Id. per man!
Becker, the chief of the German tongue,c sends 280d for his 'myriads'.
The gist of the story is this: the local committees (including central committees) spend too much money and tax their people too highly for their national or local needs, and leave nothing over for the General Council. Money is always there to print idiotic addresses to the Spaniards[416] etc., and for other FOLLIES. We shall be forced to declare to the next congress, either in written or
a 3 August in the original - •> to the Basle Congress - c See this volume, p. 335.
239. Engels to Jenny Marx ( daughter). 8 August
spoken form, that we cannot continue to run the General Council in this way; but that they should be so kind, before they give us successors, to pay our debts, which would reach a much higher figure if most of our secretaries did not personally cover correspondence costs.
If only I could somewhere see people who would not involve us in stupidities, I would greet with the greatest pleasure the exit of the Central Council[73] from here. The business is becoming
ennuyant?
Salut.
El
Moro
Beesly married on 24 July.
time
239
ENGELS TO JENNY MARX (DAUGHTER)[4]'(1)
IN LONDON
Manchester, 8 August 1869 Dear Jenny,
I have received Lizzie's orders to thank you, in her name, for the very handsome and very considerate present you made her in the volume of Moore's Irish Melodies}b You could not have made her a greater pleasure. She knows, from her childhood, most of the tunes, but scarcely one of them completely, and so now she can refresh her rather broken-down memory from the book.
Next Sundayc there is to be a grand Irish concert in which the whole Fenian and non-Fenian company, convicted and uncon-victed, will have to join. I only regret that the whole musical talent of our house will be unable to take full advantage of the book when Tussy will have left us; but then, Mary Ellen will have to learn as much as is required for that.
When are you and Moor going to Holland and Germanyd? I
240. Marx to Engels. 10 August
have now, at last, made my arrangements. I shall have to be in Ostend on the evening of the 17th or morning of the 18th August and intend to stay there for about a week.[418] Probably I shall come over to London on Monday the 16th and spend a day with you, and to see whether I cannot make arrangements to meet you and Moor somewhere in Germany. If not, I shall very likely come straight home again from Ostend. I hope, however, that you will, in the meantime, bring your plans to some state of maturity so as to enable us to have a bottle of hock together in its native country. With kind regards to Moor and your Mama, I remain
Yours faithfully
F. Engels
240
MARX TO ENGELS[33]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 10 August 1869
DEAR FREDDY,
I am in a great dilemma with Tussy. The Lafargues have written that they will be arriving here next Tuesday or Wednesday.(1) If I do not inform Tussy that Fouchtra,b whom she loves fanatically, is coming, she will reproach me later. If I do inform her, there will be a tragic collision between her wish to stay with MRS Lizzie as promised, and the wish to see Fouchtra. I shall leave it to you to deal with the matter as you judge best.
In L'International, the French police sheet, an article 'La Dictature Universelle' against the INTERNATIONAL WORKING MENS ASSOCIATION, evoked by the STRIKES in France, which follow blow upon blow. This article by Jerusalemc concludes as follows:
'Quoi qu'il en soit, on sait maintenant qu'il dépend de la Ligue de faire cesser la vie sociale là où il entrera dans ses vues de tout arrêter d'un seul mot. S'il se trouvait un ministre ambitieux qui sût gagner ses bonnes grâces, on comprend ce qu'il pourrait contre des rivaux qui le gêneraient. Nous sommes parfaitement convaincu que ce même ministre, une fois arrivé à son but, n'aurait rien de plus pressé que de détruire la Ligue par des procédés radicaux; nous ne savons pas s'il y réussirait; mais, pour l'instant, nous déclarons que la Ligue internationale est véritablement la Dictature universelle. Attendons le moment où ses [caisses[3]] seront pl[eines].(2)'b
If the fellow wants to wait until then he will have a long wait. The part of Wilhelm's speech (delivered in Berlinc) printed in the supplement demonstrates, beneath the stupidity, an undeni-able cunning in arranging the affair suitably. By the way, this is very nice. Since the Reichstag may only be utilised as a means of agitation, one may never agitate there for something sensible and directly affecting the workers' interests! The worthy Wilhelm's illusion that, since Bismarck 'is fond of turns of speech friendly to the workers, he would not oppose real workers' measures is REALLY CHARMING! 'AS though'—as Bruno Bauer would say — Mr Wagener would not declare himself theoretically in the Reichstag in favour of the Factory Acts, but in practice against them 'since they would be useless under Prussian conditions'! 'As though' Mr Bismarck, if he really would and could do something for the workers, would not force the implementation of the existing legislation in Prussia itself] Merely because this occurred in Prussia, liberal'Saxony'etc. would have to follow. What Wilhelm does not grasp is that the present governments flirt with the workers, but know full well that their only support lies with the bourgeoisie, and that they therefore scare the latter with phrases friendly to the workers, but are never really able to take steps against the bourgeoisie.
The brute believes in the future 'state of democracy'! Secretly that means sometimes constitutional England, sometimes the bourgeois United States, sometimes wretched Switzerland. 'It' has no conception of revolutionary politics. Copying Schwabenmayer,d
he quotes as proof of democratic activity: the railway to California was built by the bourgeoisie awarding itself through Congress an enormous mass of 'public land', that is to say, expropriating it from the workers; by importing Chinese rabble to depress wages; and finally by instituting a new off-shoot, the'financial aristocracy'.
Incidentally, I find it a cheek on Wilhelm's part to introduce our names ad vocem* Brass.[419] I declared myself outspokenly against his tippling with Brass and, at the same time,— viva voce —declared: if this led to a scandal we would publicly disavow him.
The following passages from Daniel Defoe's 'Memoirs of a Cavalier'c
may interest you.
1. Speaking of Cardinal Richelieu's army parade in Lyons, he states:
* 'The French foot, compared to the infantry I have since seen in the German and Swedish armies, were not fit to be called soldiers. On the other hand, considering the Savoyards and Italian troops, they were good troops.'*
2. Speaking of the beginning of Gustav Adolf's intervention in the German muck:
* 'First, they' (the German Protestant princes) 'were willing to join him, at least they could not find in their hearts to join with the emperor, of whose powers they had such just apprehensions; they wished the Swedes success and would have been very glad to have had the work done at another man's charge; but like true Germans they were more willing to be saved, than to save themselves, and therefore hung back and stood on terms.'*
I hope to see you next Monday.d
Salut. Il
Moro Do not forget the small note-book I left with you. There are a few notes in it. Ditto regarding the worthy Dühring.
241. Engels to Marx. 12 August
241
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 12 August 1869
Dear Moor,
I have cut the Gordian knot regarding Schnaps[3] by simply informing Tussy of the FACT; whether this has plunged her into a natural conflict I do not know. Unfortunately, however, she now has something else to do, for, since last Friday, she has continuously had horrible toothache in the same tooth that gave her a lot of trouble earlier. So far she has borne the thing with astonishing heroism, but shortened sleep and the long nervous tension have had an effect, and today she looks somewhat exhausted. She said you didn't want the tooth to be pulled out; but I sent her today, since things could not continue thus, together with Lizzie to one of the leading dentists here, and told her she should submit to his judgement. After a long examination he said he hoped to save the tooth, but if the pain did not cease by Saturday morning, the tooth would have to come out. At all events, the child cannot stand this constant and nerve-racking pain every 6 months; her general health suffers far more from this than the whole tooth is worth. But I think I shall soon be able to give better news.
I must just call in at the Schiller Society,[76] and see what has happened in Eisenach.[373] On Saturday the two parties seem to have parted in peace, so they have at least avoided general fisticuffs.
The stupidity and meanness of the Urquhartites is demonstrated by the fact that they never mention:
A RESIDENCE Z.V BULGARIA BY St. Clair, LATE CAPTN. 28. REGT, AND Ch, Brophy, 1869.
The book is written by two fellows, of whom St. Clair, a former Crimean officer who knows Turkish, Polish, Russian and Bul-garian, lived 3 years in the country, and the other l'/[2] years, and they are still there. The thing is written in a very lively and graphic style, and is worth more than any other book I know on the subject. For Englishmen the fellows are remarkably free of prejudices, though they have their blind-spots IN ECONOMICS and also IN POLITICS. But they can see. They arrived — at least Brophy did — as friends of the Christians, and changed their views completely in favour of the Turks. But since they also find their blind-spots in the Turkish governmental system (though here, too, they have something in common with Urquhart), the Urquhartites are not allowed to mention a book that is worth more than their entire Free Press, even from their own point of view. The FACTS in it are worth more to me than all the chatter by the Urquhartites, and SHORT-ARMED Collet can envy the two their description of Russian and French policy in Constantinople. The business is so described that you can read it, moreover with interest, and will be more useful here than 10 years of the Free Press with its oracular announcements.
Finished with Gottfried Ermen the day before yesterday.[3]
Everything signed.(1) Finally completely free from the honorable gentleman.
Best greetings to all.
Your
F. E.
sei zwischen F Engels und K. Marx, B<1 4, P u bi i shed in English for the first Stuttgart, 1913 and in full in MEGA, • [6]
242. Marx to Hermann Jung. 13 August
Dear Jung,
Your letter just received (2 o'clock). Go at all events.[420] The sending of Applegarth by his own Union will show to the continentals that the English workmen are not so indifferent in regard to the International as their ill-wishers say. It is only a pity that Applegarth does not even take part at our present discussions, so as to be able to represent our views.
243. Engels to Marx. 16 August
If care be not taken, the asses of Denmark street may work mischief. A letter ought also to be written to our Pole[3]—I have not his address.
Yours truly
K. M.
243
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 16 August 1869 Dear Moor,
Yesterday I received a telegram informing me that my mother will not be getting to Ostend until Wednesday evening. Since I must now wait for a letter from home providing me with more detailed information and since yet another reason requires that I still be here tomorrow, I telegraphed you today that I will not be coming until Wednesday.b Also, I am worried that if in the meantime the Laf argues should come I may not find night quarters in your doubtless full house and, this being the case, would like to know whether I might find lodging somewhere near you.
Tussy's tooth is out; the dentist found that since one of the three roots was inflamed the only solution was to extract. The pain is now gone.
I am planning to take the 3:30 Midlands train that arrives in London at 8:50.
Best greetings.
244. Engels to Marx. 16 August
244
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 16 August 1869
Dear Moor,
CONFUSION WORSE CONFOUNDED[3]! A fresh telegram from home that my mother, because of a slight indisposition, will not be in Ostend tomorrow either, and that I shall only get more information on Thursday.b Since this means that the Ostend business has become uncertain, I have decided to go to Ireland with Tussy and Lizzie on Thursday evening, if nothing intervenes, and spend 10-14 days there.[421] The business could only be altered by a letter arriving from my mother on Thursday at the latest, but I cannot see, as things now stand, that this is in any way probable.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
More on Thursday. Nearly forgot the main thing. Enclosed—£10 BANKNOTE, of which 5 from Moore and 5 from me as a contribution to the International. Send Moore his RECEIPT direct, S. MOORE, 25 DOVER STREET, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER.
Y/D69 237, Manchester, 30 January 1868.
245. Marx to Engels. 17 August
246. Marx to Engels. 18 August
245
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 17 August 1869
DEAR FRED,
Everything is READY here for your arrival. Don't forget, either, to take a TICKET only to KENTISH TOWN STATION (just near us), or, if you take it to ST. PANCRAS STATION, at least to get out at KENTISH TOWN STATION. Mr Lafargue, in principle, never announces the day of his arrival, on the basis that anxiety will thus be avoided should chance delays occur. That's a PRINCIPLE too!
I hope POOR Tussychen is ALL RIGHT again now. I send, enclosed, Schweitzeriana," for you to enjoy on the journey.
Your
K. M.
Enclosed — COPIES (Bonaparte) b for 1. Charles,c 2. Schorlemmer, 3. Moore, 4. Gumpert.
246
MARX T O ENGELS [1 7 4]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 18 August 1869 and Tussy will be able to admire the 'CONVICTED' in natura) if nothing new intervenes. This evening the Lafargue FAMILY arrives, leaving Dieppe today at 10 o'clock.
The £10 received, but can't send RECEIPT before Saturday,(1) on which day there is a meeting of the sub-committee. The money is very welcome just before closing time.b
Yesterday Dupont announced that the French (or Paris) TRADES UNIONISTS (BRONZE WORKERS) had paid back £45, i.e., sent it to him to pay back.[422] This money was partly loaned and partly given to them years ago by the UNIONS here through our mediation. (Even earlier, £20 was sent on our instructions from Paris to Rouen.) I have arranged that deputes shall wait upon the UNIONS here to appeal to their consciences when they pay in the money.— Incidentally, the Paris UNIONISTS have behaved very decently. Ditto, a letter arrived yesterday from Ludwig Neumayr, de dato Eisenach, with the following purport[423]:
'At the congress in Eisenach, it was resolved that the workers of Germany should be called upon to join the International Working Men's Association by taking out cards as central members. Since I have now been appointed by Joh. Ph. Becker in Geneva as the agent of the German-language sectional groups of the International Working Men's Association for Wiener-Neustadt and surroundings, I would request exact instructions as to how I should now act. With social-republican fraternal greetings, etc. Address: Ludwig Neumayr, editor of the Wiener-Neustädter Wochenblatt in Wiener-Neustadt, Austria.'
This is a blow to OLD Becker and also, in particular, to the 'language-group cash-box'. But the matter itself may not be mucked about because of private friendship.
You will recall Werner (bookbinder) of Leipzig, to whom I wrote from Manchester. Since then he has worked for us diligently.
Yesterday the adherence of an (Italian) group from Trieste arrived. Ditto from Barcelona; I enclose a COPY of the organc of this new group.
In Posen — as Zabicki reported — the Polish workers (joiners, etc.) have victoriously ended a STRIKE with the assistance of their colleagues in Berlin.[424] This struggle against Monsieur le Capital— even in the minor form of a STRIKE — will deal with national prejudice differently from the peace declamations made by bourgeois gentlemen.
247. Engels to Marx. 5 September
I HOPE TO RECEIVE SOME LINES FROM TuSSY AS TO HER STATE OF HEALTH. M Y BEST
COMPLIMENTS TO MRS LlZZIE.
El Moro
Much to be regretted is the sudden death of Sylvis (aged 41), President of the American Labor Union,[146] just before the meeting of the LABOR UNION CONGRESS, for which purpose he travelled across the United States agitating for nearly a whole year. Part of his work will thus be lost.
MEGA, Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
247
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 5 September 1869
Dear Moor,
Got back here again midday yesterday[3] from Ostend. I arrived in London at 6.15 in the morning, found a train going here at 7.30, and journeyed on through, since I had scarcely slept all night, and was good for nothing else. I also thought you were away with Jenny, and only here heard the contrary. This delay in your departure looks a little queer to me; I can't think that the Basle Congress[379] is alone to blame, and I am forced to ask myself whether it is not a money matter. When you asked for the £75 I sent you 100, imagining you could use the rest for the journey; since, however, I did not state this in so many words, you perhaps found another use for it; if this is so, telegraph me tomorrow morning (before 10 o'clock if possible), saying how much you need. We shall, you see, be leaving for Dublin tomorrow evening,[421] and I shall be going into town around 11-12 to look after money matters, so I could deal with this at the same time.
I was in Engelskirchen [418] for a few days. People in Germany are becoming increasingly stupid. It is true that the workers' movement is closing in upon them threateningly, and they all flirt with it and have NOSTRUMS of all sorts, but their intelligence has not become any sharper; the opposite is true. My brother," for instance, wanted to solve the social problem by 'redeeming labour', just as he redeems factory installations, buildings, machinery etc., by, for instance, putting a groschen on the price of each pound of yarn, and thus paying off the workers who have become old, sick and disabled! The bonhomme(2) was very surprised when I explained to him how hopelessly naive and absurd this idea was, and he finally promised to read your book/ Concerning the Prussian journeymen's provident funds, he gave me an article in Engel's statistical journal; the most blatant infamies of the statutes of Saxony are not present there, but otherwise everything similar.[425]
The greatest man in Germany is undoubtedly Strousberg. The fellow will soon become German Kaiser. Everywhere you go people talk of nothing but Strousberg. Incidentally, the fellow is not as bad as all that. My brother, who had negotiations with him, has described him very vividly to me. He has a lot of humour and some brilliant qualities, and, in any case, is immeasurably superior to Hudson the RAILWAY KING. He is now buying up all sorts of industrial establishments, and immediately cuts the working time to 10 hours everywhere, without reducing wages. He also has the clear knowledge that he will end up a really poor wretch. His main principle is: only swindle share-holders, but deal fairly with contractors and other industrialists. In Cologne I saw his portrait on exhibition; not bad at all, jovial. His background is completely dark; some say he is a qualified lawyer; according to others he kept a brothel in London.
Wilhelmchenc has now fallen so low that he may no longer say that Lassalle cribbed from you, and wrongly at that. This has emasculated the whole biography, and only he can know why he
49fi continues to print it.
And he has declared the miserable Felleisen, not even the Vorbote, the journal of the bumpkins in Switzerland.[427] They are a fine bunch. Cf. the debate about social-democratic, democratic-social, or social-democratic + democratic-social workers' party at the Eisenach Congress. And Rittinghausen their prophet![428]
Wilhelm still makes no mention of the 18th Brumaire. Here, too,
248. Marx to Engels. 25 September
he would have to 'omit' various things that 'might upset' him and others!
With best wishes from all of us to all of you.
Your
F. E.
Enclosed — a picture for transmission to the zoologist Vogt. Liebknecht can arrange this through his friend Goegg. It is democratic in front and socialist behind, thus completely orthodox and democratic-socialist.
sei zwischen F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, „ • r * J • r ,• u t u c-c ,r.io J • r H • wr-^. Published in English tor the first Stuttgart, 1913 and in ful in MEGA, • [6]
248
MARX TO ENGELS[33]
IN MANCHESTER
Hanover, 25 September 1869
Dear FRED,
I had two unpleasant pieces of news from home today. Little Schnappy'[1] is in a very bad way, and during our short absence has lost 1 l/[2] pounds. Kugelmann insists — and is writing in this sense to London today — that Dr West in London, a famous children's doctor and, he believes, professor at Lafargue's hospital (St Bartholomew's) should be consulted. Second, Laura is again IN INTERESTING CIRCUMSTANCES, which is equally bad luck for herself and for Lafargue.
We have been here for 8 days. We stayed for several days in Belgium (Bruges and Liège), then on to Cologne. From there a visit to Dietzgen the thinker in Siegburg. From there to Bonn, and from there by steamer to Mainz. This journey delighted Jennychen. Unfortunately, afflicted by an importunate guest. In Bonn I had paid a call on Hagen in the evening. Not at home. Appeared next morning at the moment of our departure. Announcing that he would accompany us to Rolandseck, we were saddled with him until Mainz. In Mainz we spent one day with Stumpf, who has a most delightful family (daughter and sister). Used the opportunity for a side trip to Wiesbaden. Omitted Ems. One day in Aachen with Karl Philips.
During this tour through Belgium, stay in Aachen, and journey up the Rhine, I convinced myself that energetic action must be taken against the clerics, particularly in the Catholic areas. I shall work in this vein in the International. Where it appears suitable, the rogues are flirting with workers' problems (e.g., Bishop Ketteler in Mainz, the clerics at the Düsseldorf Congress, etc.). In fact we worked for them in 1848, but they enjoyed the fruits of the revolution during the period of reaction.
Everywhere I went people knew nothing about my Louis Bonaparte. On this point I sent Meissner a note that was by no means courteous. He has not so far replied.[430]
Liebknecht has written to me again about your Peasant War* which is to be printed as a propaganda piece. As, this time, the thing is appearing under the auspices of the Eisenach Central Authority, I would advise you to make the necessary corrections, and to send the thing in without delay.(1) Since I shall probably have a rendezvous with Wilhelm in a few days,b write to me by return about your INTENTIONS.
Feuerbach has written to Kapp in New York in a sense similar— mutatis mutandis—to that in which Rugec wrote about my book,d and Kapp for his part has informed our Meyere in St Louis about the matter.
Jennychen has still not received an ordre de retourf from her EMPLOYERS.[8] The business is unpleasant. On the one hand, it is difficult to get away from here quickly. On the other, the CHANGE does the child a lot of good. She is looking really splendid.
Heartiest greetings to MRS Burns and Tussychen.
Salut
Your
K. M.
249. Marx to Laura Lafargue. 25 September
249
MARX TO LAURA LAFARGUE[80]
IN LONDON
Hanover, 25 September 1869
My dear Cacadou,(1)
I regret that I cannot celebrate at home the birthday of my dear clear bird's eye, but Old Nick'sb thoughts are with you.[432]
Du bist beslôzen In minem Herzen.
I was happy to see from Möhmchen'sd letter (written in her usual amusing way, she is a real virtuoso in letter-writing) that your health is improving. Our dear little Schnappy,e I hope, will soon get better. At the same time, I fully share Kugelmann's opinion that Dr West ought to be consulted at once (or another medical man if he be absent). I trust you and Lafargue will in this case yield to my paternal authority, a thing, you know full well, I am not in the habit of appealing to. Nobody is more difficult to treat than a baby. In no case more immediate action is wanted, and any delay more hurtful. You must under no circumstances accelerate your departure from London. It would be really dangerous to the child and do no good to yourself. On this point, every medical man will give you the same advice.
I am glad the Basle Congress[379] is over, and has, comparatively speaking, passed off so well. I am always fretting on such occasions of public exhibition of the party 'mit allen ihren Geschwüren'.[1] None of the actors was à la hauteur des principes,f but the higher class idiocy effaces the working class blunders. We have passed through no little German town the Winkelblatt(2) of which was not full of the doings of 'that formidable Congress'.
We are here in a sort of fix. The Kugelmanns will not hear of an early leave-taking. At the same time, Jenny is much improving in health consequent upon the change of air and circumstances.
With Liebknecht I am likely to meet, within a few days, at Brunswick. I decline going to Leipzig, and he cannot come to
250. Engels to Marx. 27 September
Hanover, since the Prussians would probably give him the advantages of free lodging during the present prorogation of the Reichstag.[434]
My best thanks to Paul for his elaborate letter.[435] Meine herzlichsten Grüsse an das ganze Haus und [3] hundred kisses to yourself and my dear little Schnappy. Adio, my dear child!
Ever yours
Old Nick.(1)
250
ENGELS TO MARX
IN HANOVER
Manchester, 27 September 1869
Dear Moor,
Since there is nothing doing with Eichhoffb it would be better if Wilhelm were to print the Peasant War than for it not to be printed at all. So I shall go through the piece right away. Incidentally, Wilhelm can write to me himself about it; he still has not replied to my last letter, and I don't see why I should make advances to him.[431]
Lafargue is madder with his doctoring than I expected. You must really take energetic steps, otherwise there might really be a misfortune.d
We returned safely from Irelande last Thursday'; were in Dublin, the Wicklow mountains, Killarney and Cork. Greatly enjoyed ourselves, but both females returned even hibernioresf
than when they departed.[421] Weather fine on the whole. According to the papers the weather with you is now even worse than here.
Learned from Trench's Realities of Irish Life the whole secret of why Ireland is so 'overpopulated'. The worthy gentleman proves with examples that, on average, the land is worked by the Irish peasants to such degree that an outlay of £10-15 per ACRE, which is completely paid off in 1-4 years, raises the rental value from Is. to 20s., and from 4s. to 25-30s. per ACRE. This profit has to be brought into the pockets of the LANDLORDS.
Mr Trench, in return, is nicely checked by his own statements to Senior, which the latter has had published.[11] Trench tells the liberal Senior that, were he an Irish peasant, he too would be a
RlBBONMAN436!
I would have visited Dietzgen from Engelskirchen,[418] but the highway to Siegburg had just been washed away and communications almost broken off.
Can't Jenny write to the Monroes, I should have thought the matter could be arranged.b
Ireland's trade has grown enormously over the last 14 years. Dublin port was unrecognisable. On Queenstown Quay I heard a great deal of Italian, then Serbian, French and Danish or Norwegian. THERE ARE INDEED A GOOD MANY 'ITALIANS' IN CORK, as the comedy has it. The country itself really looks depopulated, however, and you immediately get the idea that there are far too few people. Everywhere you are faced by the state of war. The ROYAL IRISH rush about everywhere in squads, with sheath-knives and sometimes revolvers at their belts, and unsheathed police batons in their hands; in Dublin a horse-drawn battery drove right through the centre of town, something I have never seen in England, and there are soldiers literally everywhere.
The worst thing about the Irish is that they become CORRUPTIBLE as soon as they cease to be peasants and fall into bourgeois ways. Of course this is true of most peasant nations. But in Ireland it's particularly bad, so the press is also particularly scurvy.
Moore is in the Tyrol; will probably return next week. I expect you'll be going to Hamburg and seeing Meissner.[437] IF so, you may mention to him that I am working on something about Ireland, and will offer it to him in due time.[438]
Hearty greetings to Jenny and Kugelmann. Tussy and Lizzie also send greetings.
Your
F. E.c
251. Marx to Engels. 30 September
251
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
Hanover, 30 September 1869
DEAR FRED,
Your letter arrived yesterday evening. Better news today from London on Schnappy's health.(1) Laura and Lafargue intend to leave London as soon as the little one's condition makes it possible. Under these circumstances, Tussy's IMMEDIATE RETURN to London appears necessary. Laura will hold it against her very much if she should leave for Paris without Tussy attempting to see the Lafargue family first.
I have just gossiped away an hour with a deputation of 4 Lassalleans sent to me by the local branch of the German General Workers' Association.(2) I naturally conducted myself with great reserve and diplomacy, but sub rosa(3) I informed the people of the necessary.[439] We parted good friends. I naturally rejected their invitation — extended in the name of the Association — to lecture to them.
On Sunday another delegation arrives from Brunswick: Bracke, Bonhorst, Spier.[440] This is less agreeable to me.
Liebknecht writes that he can't come because of the Prussians.[434]
But: 1. In this way, to Hamburg 2 days instead of 4 hours. 2. Simply for travelling expenses — extra expenditure of ABOUT 40 thaler. I NEITHER LIKE NOR AM ABLE TO AFFORD.C
I must close, since the mail is only open until 1.15 (the first) and now it is 10 MINUTES PAST ONE. Shall speak to Meissner about your book.[438]
Your
K. M.
252. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 12 October[29]
Dear Kugelmann,
In all haste, as Tussychen and Engels have just arrived. You will see from these lines that we arrived safely in England during yesterday.[349] We had several marine and other adventures, about which Jennychen will write you more.
In the meantime, our heartiest greetings to the whole family.
Your
K. M.
Special greetings to Madame la comtesse(1) and Käuzchenb! Ditto greetings from Engels, Lafargue, MRS Marx, etc. The little onec is well again.
253. Marx to Paul and Laura Lafargue. 18 October
My dear Paul and Laura,
I send you to-day the manuscript of Mr Keller.[441] I cannot find his address. So you must through the aid of Schily get it out from M. Hess.
Tell Mr Keller that he shall go on. On the whole, I am satisfied with his translation, although it lacks elegance and is done in too negligent a way.
He will do best to send me every chapter through you. As to chapter IV I shall subdivide it.[442]
The changes I have made in this chapter II need not be maintained, but they show the direction in which I want the corrections to be made.
As to the word 'Verwertung'* see my note p. 12 of his manuscript. He must make a note on it for the French reader.
I doubt whether the frequent large printing of words will do for French printers.
In German we use the word 'Process' (procès) for economical movements, as you say chemical procès, si je ne me trompe pas.(1) He translates by 'phenomena' which is nonsense. If he can find no other word, he must always translate by 'mouvement' or something analogous.
Kiss dear Schnappy on my behalf.
Yours
Old Nick
I have received a letter from St Petersbourg. A Russian sends me his work (in Germanb) on the situation of the peasantry and the working class generally in that benighted country.[443]
[In Lafargue's handwriting]
Faire remarquer à Keller que les mots pointillés sont maintenus dans le texte.d
254. Engels to Marx. 22 October
255. Marx to Engels. 23 October
254
ENGELS T O MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, Friday, 22 October 1869
Dear Moor,
In all haste have enclosed the photographs, of which Jenny should select one. I have a bad grippe because of the great change in temperature, but it is starting to get better.
The book by Wakefield" is cited by Buttb as A View of Ireland and also An Account of Ireland, 2 volumes, 1812 or 1813.
Young's book is called: A Tour in Ireland, 2 volumes, date not given.
Ranc's novelc is very nice.
Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
255
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 23 October 1869
DEAR FRED,
Best thanks for the photograms. I am also suffering from a bad grippe. I have already ordered the A. Young, and will write to the same man (Adams) about the Wakefield.d
256. Engels to Marx. 24 October
According to Lafargue's letter, great excitement rules in Paris. I have been sent from St Petersburg a thick 500-page Flerovsky volume on the condition of the Russian peasants and workers.[443]
Unfortunately in Russian. The fellow worked on the book for 15 years.
The great Bakunin is now off to Naples, as DELEGATE to an atheists' congress being held there in opposition to the oecumeni-cal consilium.[444]
Salut.
Your
K. M.
256
ENGELS TO MARX[33]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 24 October 1869
Dear Moor,
My grippe has happily — in the main — been conquered by limiting beer consumption, staying at home in the evening and consuming linseed tea with lemon and honey.
I was happy to discover the Wakefield(1) here in my SUBSCRIPTION LIBRARY — that is to say, in the catalogue, for in reality it was not to be found. They are trying to track it down; I shall write to you about it again. It consists of 2 fat quarto volumes. In fact, I find that quite a number of the things I have here are very useful, particularly for the 1500-1800 period, and some very important, so if Wakefield comes to light and Youngb can be flushed out, I would need virtually only quite modern things. Sadlerc is here too.
About the Flerovsky(2)—the name is non-Slav and, in particular,
257. Marx to Engels. 30 October
un-Russian, not a single Russian word starts with //, apart from flangovy, flot, flankirovat,[3] etc.—you will probably need Gaudissartb; for although one can learn enough Russian in 3 months to read such a book, you have no time for this at the moment. Let Gaudissart look at it, and if it is worth something, I may be able to read myself to some extent into Russian again with it, as soon as I am finished with Ireland. From Ireland to Russia il n'y a qu'un pas.c
Enclosed envelope of your 2nd letter from Hanover,d which shows signs of Prussian attention, though I fail to grasp how the people found the time, since you only posted the letter 10 minutes before the close of post. Between then and the time when the train left, however, they may have found the time for a tête-à-tête.
Irish history shows what a misfortune it is for one nation to subjugate another. All English abominations have their origin in the Irish PALE.[445] I still have to bone up on the Cromwellian period, but it appears clear to me that things in England would have taken another turn but for the necessity of military rule in Ireland and creating a new aristocracy.
Your
F. E.
Abt. III, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
257
MARX TO ENGELS[446]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 30 October 1869
DEAR FRED,
Please return to me after reading the enclosed letters from Bonhorst and the Goeggiana.[447]
That Serno should have expedited himself from life into death is only natural, but that Bakunin, with whom he stood on bad terms right to the end, should immediately have seized his papers, is an unnatural discovery.[448]
Apropos. The secretary[3] of our French Genevan committee(1) is utterly fed up with being saddled with Bakunin, and complains that he disorganises everything with his 'tyranny'. In the Égalité, Monsieur Bakunin indicates that the German and English workers have no desire for individuality, so accept our communisme autoritaire. In opposition to this, Bakunin represents le collectivis-me anarchique." The anarchism is, however, in his head, which contains only one clear idea — that Bakunin should play first fiddle.
For a complete understanding of Goegg's and Bonhorst's letters, you should know that the bumpkins' (or rather their representatives') party in Switzerland, Austria and Germany, are screaming blue murder about the resolution of the Basle Congress on propriété foncière.b
The foolishness and weakness (exploited by the cleverer Schweitzer) with which Wilhelm and his consorts reply to the howls by Schwabenmayerc and the rest of their anti-People's Party supporters,[449] make one's hair stand on end. It has not even occurred to one of these jackasses to ask the liberal howlers if there does not, perhaps, exist in Germany, side by side with small peasant property, also large landed property, which forms the basis of the surviving feudal economy; whether it will not be necessary to put an end to this in the course of a revolution, if only to put an end to the present economy of the state; and whether this can be done in the antiquated manner of 1789[450]? Quod non} The jackasses believe Schwabenmayer's statement that the land question is only of direct practical interest for England!
The creation of the LAND AND LABOUR League*[51] (incidentally, directly inspired by the General Council) should be regarded as an outcome of the Basle Congress[379]; here, the workers' party makes a clean break with the bourgeoisie, NATIONALISATION OF LAND [being] the STARTING POINT.f Eccarius has been appointed active secretary (in addition to Boon as HONORARY ONE), and is being paid for it.
I have been instructed by the GENERAL COUNCIL to write a few words to the ENGLISH WORKING CLASS about the IRISH PRISONERS' DEMONSTRATION LAST SUNDAY. Being so busy, I have no inclination to do it, BUT
258. Engels to Marx. / November
MUST BE DONE. The demonstration was quite incorrecdy reported in the London papers. It was capital.[452]
Best greetings to MRS Lizzie and the Sunday guests.
Your
K. M.
The Prussians closed my letter to you from Hanover[3] so badly partly out of shortage of time, and partly out of anger at finding nothing in it.
258
ENGELS TO MARX[446]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 1 November 1869
Dear Moor,
The resolution on landed property[11] has worked real wonders. It forces the fellows in Germany to think, for the first time since Lassalle started his agitation, something hitherto regarded as completely superfluous. This can be seen plainly in the letter from Bonhorst.[453] In other respects, too, I find the letter not bad; despite the affectation and semi-education, it contains a certain healthy popular humour and, with the mortgage, he has hit the nail on the head. Incidentally, the people forget that, apart from the main business with big landed property, there are also various sorts of peasant: (1) the tenant farmer to whom it is immaterial whether the land belongs to the state or to the big landowner; (2) the owner, first the big peasant, against whose reactionary existence the day-labourers and farm-hands should be incited; second the middle peasant, also reactionary and not very numerous; and third, the debt-laden small peasant, who can be got at through his mortgage. In addition it may be said that, for the time being, the proletariat has no interest in raising the question of small land-holding.
It is delightful that that simple soul Goegg has now been sacked by his own people for being too communist! The worthy Ladendorff is behind this. Beust'[1] may be a communist on paper, but can easily be caught if he is told that the money was not given for that reason, but only to revolutionise Germany in general. Now we are supposed even to keep alive the unhappy Felleisen, though all that can be said is that, the sooner it goes to the devil, the better.
You could send me some characteristic specimens of the German stuff so that I might remain a little au couranù
The Prussians have once again produced a wonderful Prussian trick by destroying the Langensalza memorial in Celle. Never has anything been more grovelling than Mr Miquel's interpellation on this point. Roon took the opportunity to conclude that, in Prussia, an official order from above is sufficient for the military to trample on any court decision.[454]
I am sorry about Serno'; he seems, for a change, to have been a decent Russian.[448] But I am still sorrier for Goegg with his opinion about Serno's classical French,b of which we have also seen samples.
It is a real stroke of luck that the Bee-Hive is now flaunting the bourgeois colours both insolently and stupidly. I have never seen such a filthy issue as that of yesterday.[455] This cringing to Gladstone and the whole bourgeois-patronising-philanthropic tone must break the back of the sheet, and make the need felt for a real workers' paper. It is a very good thing that, just at the moment when the workers sober up from their liberal intoxica-tion, their only paper should become more and more bourgeois. But Sam Morley should not be so stupid as to put such stupid chaps there, and to allow them to spread the bourgeois varnish so thickly and so obviously.
The Fenian demonstration in Londond simply proves once again the value the press attaches to public opinion. About 100,000 assembled in the most imposing demonstration seen in London for years and, since it is in the interests of RESPECTABILITY, the entire London press, with no exception, manages to depict this as a shabby FAILURE.
In connection with the present STRIKE by the spinners in
259. Marx to Engels. 6 November
B o l t o n , a MASTER SPINNER t o l d S a m M o o r e q u i t e f r a n k l y : W E DONT CARE
AT ALL ABOUT THE 5 % REDUCTION OF WAGES, WHAT WE WANT AND INTEND TO
HAVE IS A REDUCED PRODUCTION ( t h a t i s t O Say 3. STRIKE). The Wakefield[3] has still not been found here. But before I need it, I must check the basis more thoroughly, that's to say, the history of 1600-1700.
So that my Irish sources should not lack a comic side, I have found here in the FOREIGN LIBRARY Irland by Jacobus Venedey!
Best greetings. Lousy weather here.
Your
F. E.
259
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 6 November 1869
DEAR FRED,
I send you 1 Pionier, 1 Volksstaat, and various copies of Social-Demokrat.
You will see from the Pionier that Heinzen believes I only wrote Capital so that he should not understand it.[457]
Schweitzer — utilising Liebknecht's anxiety with regard to his democratic friendsb—is behaving as though polemics against landed property were the first word in the Lassallean creed! Quelle impudence! Incidentally, Bonhorst did him good service in an issue of the Volksstaat that I cannot find.[458] I don't know whether you receive the Volksstaat.
Bonhorst's arrest is good.[4]°[9]
There could be nothing more ridiculous than the respectable people's fear concerning the Queen's procession today.[460] Every-
a E. Wakefield, An Account of Ireland, Statistical and Political. - b See this volume, p. 364.
1869
where overrun by police as in France. The whole alarm was produced by a HOAX. A few agitators have had their fun in the past few weeks, circulating HANDBILLS calling on the starving workers of the East End to present themselves en masse to the Queen, and de ne pas laisser passer la reine*
My family has just returned from the spectacle. Icy coldness amongst the public. Madame is said to have stared fuming-mad and ultra-crabby.
I shall send you, in the next few days, a volume I happened to pick up, which contains all sorts of pamphlets on Ireland. Those by Ensor (whom I also quoted in Capital) contain many piquant points.b Ensor was a political economist of English origin (his father still lived in England when Ensor was born), Protestant and, despite all this, one of the most resolute REPEALERS[461] before 1830. Being himself indifferent to religious things, he can defend Catholicism with wit against the Protestants. The first pamphlet in the book is by Arthur O'Connor. I had expected rather more of it, since this O'Connor played an important role in 1798,[462] and I have found good articles by him about Castlereagh's administration in Cobbett's Political Register. Tussy should sometime look through Cobbett, for something there about Ireland.
This week Tussy and I lost 3 days putting my workroom in order. It had become jumbled to the frontiers of possibility.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
TUSSY SENDS HER BEST COMPLIMENTS TO THE FAMILY.
a not let the Queen pass - b G. Ensor, An Inquiry Concerning the Population of Nations: Containing a Refutation of Mr. Malthus's Essay on Population and Anti-Union. Ireland as She Ought to Be.
260. Engels to Marx. 9 November
260
ENGELS TO MARX[33]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 9 November 1869
Dear Moor,
That is quite a bit of impudence with the vaudeville about the Régence.(1) I would scarcely have expected the EMPIRE to put up with something like this. But we see what can be done with pluck, though of course, our Guidos and Wilhelmsb will not take this as their example.
The Réforme, just like Réveil and Rappel, is rather weak, though a certain amount of declamation can be excused at the moment. The fellows are confused, however. Among them, particularly Raspail. The idea of selecting a provisional government at this very date is as good as a joke against Bonaparte, but otherwise, naturally, nonsense. Bonaparte is supposed to be ill again; things appear to be drawing to an end for him physically, too.
Schweitzer's turnabout immediately to adopt the Basle decision on landed property and to behave as though he and Lassalle had always preached this, is extraordinarily bare-faced,[458] but very ingenious vis-à-vis the simple souls à la Wilhelm. But what should they do when confronted by this blackguard, who has enough brains always to behave correctly as far as theory is concerned, and who knows that they are completely at a loss as soon as a theoretical point comes up. Incidentally, I did not see the
Volksstaat here.
I did not expect Monsieur Careyc to be such an amusing bit of reading. I find his cock-and-bull stories of natural sciences read very well and provide plenty of occasions for laughter. I would not have dared consider the man so stupid and uninformed. For instance, he has disintegrated carbon, and it consists of carbonic acid and CINDERS! Ditto, water disintegrates into vapour. Geology proves that plants and even ferns were in existence long before any animal! The disintegration of metals is a mere trifle for him — in voltaic batteries the tin and copper of which they consist are disintegrated! And a hundred other things. Ditto, his historical
261. Marx to Engels. 12 November
fables. The fellow imagines that, in South Lancashire, among other places the Forest of Rossendale (a dense industrial district), the rental is so high only because the ground here is extremely productive of corn! I am making you a whole pile of marginal notes, etc., and as soon as I have read the rent theory I shall write my opinion of it and return the book to you. H e naturally explains the origin of rent with just such a nonsensical cut-throat theory as Ricardo, and also his idea of how it took place is as absurd as the way all economists imagine such things. Yet this does not affect the theory of rent itself. What Carey means by the'best landman be seen from the fact that, according to him, even today in the Northern States it is only profitable in exceptional cases to cultivate the so-called best land!
Post closing. Best greetings to all.
Your
F. E.
Vaudeville to be returned tomorrow.
Abt. Ill, Bd. 4, Berlin, 1931
261
MARX T O ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 12 November 1869
DEAR FRED,
This week something suspicious has displayed itself in my left arm-pit (as in Manchester [3 5 3]), and on my leg. Arsenic again immediately. Additionally, Tussy forces me to take long walks with her after 1 or 2 o'clock every day. Finally, today introduced surreptitiously for the first time a flannel vest, since a cold in this state is not pleasant.
You are surprised by the pluck of the French,[3] and speak SOMEWHAT SNEERINGLY of us upright Germans. What risks we take you will see from the enclosed extravaganza.
In Stuttgart, in accordance with his habit, Freiligrath once again had himself photographed in several dozen poses, decked out as a statue, etc. The most successful holy picture of this Classen-Kappelmann-hero[463] is—verbotenusb—a scene in which he as a lion rides on a camel. This is probably a back-hander for Heine's camel who defeats the lion.c
Liebknecht will be taking off next week for 3 months in prison, and has sent Borkheim a desperate plea for money.
What scares me about the French is the terrible confusion in their heads. Ledru-Rollin's circular letter is quite that of a pretender.[464] He really appears to take au sérieux'(1) the dictatorship over France offered him by Heinzen. On the other hand, Zukunft has been good enough to offer Mr Acollas, whom nobody in Paris knows, a post in the provisional government, because he had called the French to accept Dr J. Jacoby's programme instead of the antiquated human and citoyen" rights of 1793. One good turn deserves another. I find that OLD Jacoby himself is not playing properly the role he dictated for himself. Grasping the opportunity of the Hanoverian event,[404] should he not call on the Prussian sergeant-major-government — since Prussia is, after all, a 'military state'—also to lay aside those useless and, at the same time, expensive decorations, such as chambers, civil courts and the like? Wrapping oneself up silently in the depths of one's own moral indignation does not lure a soul from his hearth.
A while ago, the Russian gentlemen bombarded an island near Korea just for amusement, as Borkheim discovered in a Moscow newspaper/ Not a word about it in the English papers. If things go on like this, these fine fellows will soon be in possession of Japan.
The latest MEETINGS in Ireland were very nice; the clerics were seized by their collars and removed from the speaker's stand. Instead of the programme on Ireland,f for which there is no proper motive, I have had (in order to adopt resolutions) the following placed on the agenda for next Tuesday.(2)
1. Proceedings of the English ministry on the Irish amnesty question!
263. Engels to Marx. 17 November
2. The attitude of the English working class to the Irish question.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
sei zwischen F. Engels und K. Marx, Bd. 4, „ ,,. , , . „ .. , t ., t- , c m m J • i , i • \,rs-Ä Published in English for the first Stuttgart, 1913 and in full in MEGA, • °
262. Marx to Samuel Davenport. 12 November[465]
1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, N. W.
Sir,
I have the honour to enclose a post office order for 2 guineas as my yearly subscription for the Society of Arts.[356]
Yours obediently
Karl Marx
263
ENGELS TO MARX[180] these constant relapses will finally lead you to the conclusion that you must commence a more rational way of life. You poison your blood yourself by making regular digestion impossible. And you certainly don't then produce the same quantum (and quale*) of work as you would under normal circumstances.
The idyllic drama Familienglück coram Philistaco is really enchanting.[13] One does not know what to admire more, the fadaise(1)
of the speeches and the poets (only interrupted by the nasty-sounding nonsense of boozy Karl Beck), or the importunity of the family, which has something like this printed as 'manuscript for friends' (that is PUBLIC for non-friends). But it is not quite clear to me how the noble Freiligrath can have printed the intrepid words of the tender-hearted Walesrode: that the poet Freiligrath has also achieved something in the way of worldly possessions (by beggingb). I would like to have seen the faces in his family when these words were uttered.
Monsieur Ledru-Rollin is certainly reckoning on nothing other than a dictatorship. The litde fellow Louis Blanc also re-emerged as though nothing had happened — why not the others? At a moment like this, the bourgeois press does not tell us anything about what is really happening, and even the revolutionary press does not suffice to enlighten one. The confusion is certainly great, but it is equally certain that the crisis is not yet really close. But a general in Paris has said: Nous avons encore un Empereur, mais l'empire n'existe plus.c
The Russians are having a rare old time of it in Asia. They are now happily waging war with the Khan of Kashgar,d formerly subject to the Chinese, but who has now made himself independent. If they subdue him, they will run directly up against countries already under English dominion (Ladekh, Kashmir), about 200 miles from the English frontier. You will have seen Vâmbéry's news (taken over by English papers from the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitunge) about the trickery in Bukhara (where, under treaty, Russian goods pay 3% customs, English 40%!), Afghanis-tan, etc. John Bull's stupidity is becoming ever greater, as a result of his bumptiousness.
Isn't it the best joke of the Irish to propose O'Donovan Rossa as candidate for Tipperary? If this succeeds, Gladstone will find himself in a fine fix. And now, again, an amnesty in Italy.f I hope to read at length about the debates, etc., in the International(2) next Sunday in the Bee-Hive. Be sure to send me any documents there may be. Last Sunday the Bee-Hive had nothing about the International but, instead, something about the wedding of the Duke of Abercorn's daughters.
Prendergast's Cromwellian Settlement is OUT OF PRINT. YOU would, therefore, oblige me greatly if you order it second-hand immediately. Butt's Irish People: NONE in London. Other Irish pamphlets, e.g., those of Lords Rosse and Lifford: CANNOT FIND. These are the answers my bookseller received from his London agent, and he told me the English book trade could not, in any case, occupy itself with obtaining publications appearing in Ireland, since it is not usual to have a correspondent in Dublin, but only in London. Now I shall write direct to Duffy in Dublin.
I have found here a number of very useful things about Ireland. Wolfe Tone's Memoirs etc., that is, in the catalogue. As soon as I ask for these things in the library, they cannot be found, like, for instance, Wakefield.b Some old fellow must have had all the stuff out together and returned it en masse, so the whole pile is lying hidden somewhere. In any case, these things must be found.
Goldwin Smith in Irish History and Irish Character is quite the wise bourgeois thinker. Ireland was intended by providence to be GRAZING LAND, the prophet Léonce de Lavergnec foretold it, ergo pereatd the Irish people!
I wanted to write about Careye today, but was interrupted. Soonest.
Best greetings to all the LADIES.
Your
F. E.
264. Marx to Engels. 18 November
264
MARX T O ENGELS [4 6 7]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 18 November 1869
DEAR FRED,
I am sending you today a parcel by BOOKPOST, containing 1. the volume of Irish pamphlets" (especially Ensor OF SOME VALUE,c) 2. Social-Demokrat and Volksstaat, 3. 3 COPIES for you, Moore and Schorlemmer of the Report on the Basle Congress. I don't know if I have already sent it. In this case, the COPIES can be given to other people.
I'll look after your commissions/ T h e Bee-Hive completely suppressed the report (by Eccarius) on the latest session,*[1] on the pretext that it had received it too late. T h e real reason was that:
1. it did not wish to announce that the GENERAL COUNCIL would open a discussion on the Irish question at its next meeting;
2. in the report, unfavourable references were made to it (i.e., to Mr Potter), about the LAND AND LABOUR LEAGUE.4''1 The fact is that Mr Potter failed glaringly as a candidate for the COMMITTEE of the LEAGUE.
Last Tuesday d I opened the discussion on point 1 : the attitude of the British Ministry to the IRISH AMNESTY QUESTION . I spoke for ABOUT an h o u r and a quarter, MUCH CHEERED,468 and then proposed the following resolutions ON point No. 1 :
* Resolved, that in his reply to the Irish demands for the release of the imprisoned Irish patriots — a reply contained in his letter to Mr O'Shea etc. etc.— Mr Gladstone deliberately insults the Irish Nation;
that he clogs political amnesty with conditions alike degrading to the victims of misgovernment and the people they belong to;
that having, in the teeth of his responsible position, publicly and enthusiastically cheered on the American slaveholders' Rebellion,[469] he now steps in to preach to the Irish people the doctrine of passive obedience;
18 1869
that his whole proceedings with reference to the Irish Amnesty question are the true and genuine offspring of that 'policy of conquest', by the fiery denunciation of which Mr Gladstone ousted his Tory rivals from office;
that the General Council of the 'International Working Men's Association' express their admiration of the spirited, firm and highsouled manner in which the Irish people carry on their Amnesty movement;
that these resolutions be communicated to all branches of, and working men's bodies connected with, the 'International Working Men's Association' in Europe and America.*[3]
Harris (an O'Brien-MAN) declared TO SECOND. But the President (Lucraft) pointed to the clock (we may only stay until 11); HENCE, adjourned until next Tuesday. However, Lucraft, Weston, Hales etc., IN FACT the whole COUNCIL, tentatively declared their agreement
IN INFORMAL WAY.
Milner, another O'Brienite, declared that the language of the RESOLUTIONS was too weak (i.e., not declamatory enough); furthermore he demands that everything I said in support of the case should be included in the RESOLUTIONS. (A fine kettle of fish!)
Since the debate will continue on Tuesday, NOW THE TIME FOR YOU to tell, rather to write, me anything you might wish to amend or add to the RESOLUTIONS. In the latter case, if you, for example, wish to add a paragraph about the amnesties all over Europe, ITALY for example, write it at once in resolution form.
INCIDENT OF LAST COUNCILS SITTING. Mr Holyoake — BE EVERY MAN HIS OWN CROMWELL — appears and, after leaving, has himself proposed by Weston. Tentatively declared that he should first take out a card as a member of the INTERNATIONAL WORKING MENS ASSOCIATION, otherwise he cannot even be proposed. His aim is SIMPLY to make himself important — and to figure as a DELEGATE at the next GENERAL CONGRESS. The debate on his ADMISSION will be stormy, since he has many friends among us and, as an offended intriguant, could play some nasty tricks on us. What are your ideas about the tactics to be followed?
Enclosed — screed from Liebknecht,[470] who has also complained bitterly in his letter to Borkheim that we do not support him, either morally or materially. RETURN the 2nd enclosed letter from Wilhelm, which is addressed to Borkheim.
a K. Marx, Draft Resolution of the General Council on the Policy of the British Government Towards the Irish Prisoners
265. Engels to Marx. 19 November
A BRANCH ESTABLISHMENT of the International founded in Dundee, ditto — new branch in Boston. (New England.) Carbunculosa not yet quite vanquished. Salut.
Your
K. M.
Apropos L. Blanc: When Reclus[471] was here h e also visited L. Blanc and told me after the visit: the little fellow is filling his trousers at the mere thought of having to return to France. H e feels devilish well here as the 'petit grand homme'[1]' removed from danger, and he has — as he frankly told Reclus, lost absolutely all confidence in the French.
Published first time mlngelS UTUi K' Man' B d ' [4] ' S t U t t g a n ' Published in English in full for the
265
ENGELS T O MARX [4 7 2]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 19 November 1869
Dear Moor,
I hope Eccarius will force Potter to publish the report belatedly,b
particularly because of the LAND AND LABOUR LEAGUE.431
I think an addition on the amnesties in the rest of Europe would only weaken the resolution c since, apart from Russia (which would be very good on its own[473]), Russia would have to be excluded because of those sentenced in the Guelphic conspiracy.[474]
I would, however, polish u p the language somewhat in: Alinéa 2 I would insert IMPRISONED or something of the sort before VICTIMS, to make it EVIDENT at first sight who is meant.
Alinéa 3, it is questionable whether one can speak of THE TEETH OF A POSITION, and instead of STEPS IN I would say TURNS ROUND.
Alinéa 4. WITH REGARD TO appears to me more direct than WITH
REFERENCE TO.
•> little grand man - b See this volume, p. 375. - c Ibid., pp. 375-76. - d paragraph
15-983 Lizzie immediately passed a VOTE OF THANKS to you for the resolution, and is vexed that she will not be able to be there on Tuesday.
The business with Holyoake is vexatious.3 The fellow is simply a GO-BETWEEN for the radical bourgeoisie with the workers. The question is this: is the composition of the GENERAL COUNCIL such that a SWAMPING by such rabble is to be feared or not? If you accept Holyoake, then others might follow, and they will do so as soon as the affair becomes more important. Moreover, if the times become more tempestuous, these gentlemen will certainly also visit the sessions, and try to grasp the leadership. And as far as I know, Mr Holyoake has never done the slightest thing for the working class as such. A priori, everything against his acceptance, but if his rejection would lead to splits in the COUNCIL, while his acceptance would, in practice, make little difference to the constitution of the GENERAL COUNCIL, eh bienh! Despite this I cannot well envisage a workers' COUNCIL with this fellow on it.
Before the receipt of yours of yesterday, I had sent Wilhelm0
£5 with a few frosty lines. The fellow really is too brazen-faced. First he insults me in every way, then I should give moral and material support, and send him articles for his sheet/ which he has ceased sending me without saying a word. If you should write to him, you would be doing me a favour if you let him understand that, if he wants articles from me, he should pray write directly to me. To act as bootblack to Mr Wilhelm — that crowns it all! Enclosed, the letter returned.
Best thanks for the Irish PAMPHLETS and REPORTS/ I shall deliver the two for Moore and Schorlemmer.
When was Reclus in London[471]? And how is the French translation of your book going[441]? Since I have been back here I haven't heard a word about it.
And now for Carey.1
The entire point at issue does not seem to me to be directly connected with political economy as such. Ricardo says that rent is the surplus yield of the more productive plots of land over that of the least productive. Carey says exactly the same.
Continuation by 2nd post.
Your
F. E. They are agreed upon what RENT is. But, how and by what agency 19 1869
rent materialises, is a matter of dispute. Now, Ricardo's description of the process by which RENT originates (Carey, p. 104), is just as unhistorical as all such historical travesties by the economists, and Carey's own great Robinson-Crusoe-story about Adam and Eve (p. 96 et seq.). With regard to the older economists, including Ricardo, this is still excusable to some extent; they do not wish for historical knowledge; they are just as unhistorical in their whole conception as the other apostles of the 18th-century Enlightenment, for whom such alleged historical digressions are always only a façon de parler*, enabling them to represent the origin of this or that in a rational manner, and in which primitive men always think and behave as if they were 18th-century French philosophers. But when Carey, who wants to propound an historical theory of his own, proceeds to present Adam and Eve to us as Yankee backwoodsmen, then he cannot demand that we believe him, for he lacks the same excuse.
The entire point at issue would be nil, had not Ricardo, in his naivety, simply called the more productive land 'FERTILE'. According to Ricardo, THE MOST FERTILE AND MOST FAVOURABLY SITUATED LAND is cultivated first. Just the way a thoughtful bourgeois, on land cultivated for centuries, must picture things. Now Carey clings to the 'FERTILE' and foists upon Ricardo the assertion that the lands that are in themselves the most productive are those first cultivated, and states: No, on the contrary, the lands in themselves the most capable of production (the Amazon valley, the Ganges delta, tropical Africa, Borneo and New Guinea, etc.) are not cultivated even today; the first settlers, because they cannot do otherwise, always commence cultivation on self-draining land, that is to say, strips situated on hills and slopes, and these are by nature poorer. And when Ricardo says: FERTILE AND THE MOST FAVOURABLY SITUATED, he is saying the same thing, without noticing that he is expressing himself LOOSELY and that a contradiction can be seen between these two qualifications connected by AND. But when Carey gives a sketch on p. 138 and claims that Ricardo places his first settlers in the valley, while Carey puts them on the heights (in the sketch on bare crags and impracticable slopes of 45 degrees) he is simply falsely imputing this to Ricardo.b
Carey's historical examples, as far as they apply to America, are the only useful things in the book. As a Yankee, he himself lived through the process of SETTLEMENTS, could follow it from the beginning, and is well posted about it. Nevertheless, there is undoubtedly a lot of uncritical stuff mixed up in it, which would have to be sifted. When he speaks of Europe, however, the structures and the untenableness get under way. And that Carey is not unprejudiced with regard to America is shown by the eagerness with which he attempts to prove the worthlessness, indeed the NEGATIVE value-quality of the uncultivated land (that the land is, so to speak, worth minus 10 dollars an ACRE) and praises the self-sacrifice of societies that, to their own certain ruin, make waste land serviceable for mankind. Related in the country of colossal land jobbery, this becomes ludicrous. Incidentally, he never mentions prairie land here, and elsewhere it is touched upon very lightly. The whole story of the negative value-quality of the waste land, and all his calculated proofs are best contradicted by America itself. If the story were true, America would not only be the poorest of countries, but would become relatively poorer every year, because more and more labour would be thrown away on this worthless land.
Now, as for his definition of RENT: THE AMOUNT RECEIVED AS RENT IS
INTEREST UPON THE VALUE OF LABOUR EXPENDED, MINUS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE
PRODUCTIVE POWER (THE RENT-PAYING LAND) AND THAT OF THE NEWER SOILS WHICH
CAN BE BROUGHT INTO ACTIVITY BY THE APPLICATION OF THE SAME LABOUR THAT HAS BEEN THERE GIVEN TO THE WORK (pp. 165, 166), this may have a certain amount of validity here and there, within certain limits, especially in America. But RENT is, in any case, such a complicated thing, to which so many other circumstances contribute, that even in these cases it can apply only ceteris paribus," only when 2 pieces of land lie side by side. Ricardo knew as well as he that INTEREST FOR THE VALUE OF LABOUR EXPENDED is also included in RENT. If Carey declares land as such worse than worthless, then RENT must naturally be INTEREST UPON THE VALUE OF LABOUR EXPENDED or theft, as it is called on p. 139. Carey still owes us an explanation of the transition from theft to interest.
It seems to me that the origin of rent in different countries, and even in one and the same country, is by no means such a simple process as both Ricardo and Carey imagine. In Ricardo, as I said, this is excusable; it is the history of the fishers and hunters in the sphere of agriculture. It is not, in fact, an economic dogma, but Carey wants, furthermore, to make a dogma out of his theory and prove it to the world as such, for which, indeed, historical studies of a very different sort from Mr Carey's are necessary.
There may even have been localities where RENT originated as Ricardo suggests, and others where it originated in Carey's way, and yet others where it had quite different origins. To Carey one may also remark that, where fever has to be reckoned with, in particular tropical fever, economics more or less come to an end. Unless his theory of population can be thus interpreted: with the increase in population, the surplus people are forced to cultivate the most fertile, i.e., the most unhealthy stretches of land, in which they either succeed or perish; in this way he would successfully establish harmony between himself and Malthus.
In northern Europe, RENT originated neither in Ricardo's nor in Carey's way, but simply from the feudal burdens, later brought by free competition to their correct economic level. In Italy it was different again, vide" Rome. To calculate what part of the RENT in the long civilised countries is really original RENT and what part is interest on labour invested is impossible, since it differs in each case. Moreover, it is of no importance, once it has been shown that RENT can also increase without labour being put into land. The grandfather of Sir Humphrey de Trafford at Old Trafford near Manchester had such a load of debts on his back that he had no idea what to do. His grandson, after paying off all the debts, has an income of £40,000 a year. If we subtract about £10,000, which comes from building sites, £30,000 remains as the yearly value of the agricultural ESTATE, which 80 years ago brought in perhaps £2,000. Further, if £3,000 be taken as the interest on invested labour and capital, and that's a lot, there remains an increase of £25,000, which is five times the former value, including IMPROVEMENTS. And all this, not because labour is contained in it, but because labour was put into something else nearby, since the ESTATE lies close to a city like Manchester, where good prices are paid for milk, butter and garden produce. The same happens on a big scale. From the moment when England became a corn- and cattle-importing country, and even before then, population density became a factor determining or increasing RENT, quite independently of the labour invested generally in the land of England. Ricardo, with his MOST FAVOURABLY SITUATED LANDS, also considers the relation to the market, but Carey ignores this. And if he were then to say: the land itself has only a negative value, but the location has a positive value, he would thereby admit what he denies — that land, just because it can be monopolised, has, or can have, a value independent of the labour invested. But on this point Carey is as quiet as a mouse.
It is equally a matter of indifference whether the labour invested in land in civilised countries pays regularly or not. I asserted more than 20 years ago that in today's society no instrument of production exists that could last 60-100 years — no factory, no building, etc.—that, by the end of its existence, has covered the cost of its production. All in all, I still believe this is perfectly true. And if Carey and I are both right, this proves nothing either about the rate of profit or the origin of rent, but simply that bourgeois production, even measured by its own standards, is rotten.
These random comments on Carey will no doubt be enough for you. They are very mixed, because I made no excerpts. As for the historic-materialist-scientific trimmings, their entire value=those two trees, the tree of life and the tree of knowledge, which he has planted in his paradisiacal work, not indeed for his Adam and Eve who have to drudge in the backwoods, but for their descendants. His ignorance and slovenliness are only equalled by the impudence that allows him to present such nonsense publicly.
You will not expect me to read the other chapters. It is pure blather, and the grammatical errors are no longer strewn so closely. I'll send you the book as soon as I go up to town; out here no pillar-box is large enough to take it. Monday or Tuesday.
Wilhelm's sheet is really disgraceful. I am not referring to the free-church-clerical babble,476 but all the news from their associations, etc., is always 8-14 days old before it is printed. Schweitzer holds a meeting on the 9th in Leipzig, and dispatches triumphal telegrams, which are printed on the 10th in Social-Demokrat." On the 12th the Social-Demokrat states that Liebknecht receives 1,000 thaler from Fränkel the banker.b Up to the 17th no reply 11 And we are supposed to take the responsibility for such stupidity and sloppiness.
Tussy will be getting a letter soon. With best greetings.
Your
F. E.
266. Marx to Engels. 26 November
266
MARX TO ENGELS[477]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 26 November 1869
DEAR FRED,
This week I have not been really on my feet, and the business under my arm is still a bother. That's why I didn't thank you earlier for the notes on Carey, whose VOLUME I also received yesterday.b
In my book against Proudhon, in which I still fully accepted Ricardo's theory of RENT, I already explained the fallacies, even from his (Ricardo's) own point of view.c
'Ricardo, after postulating bourgeois production as necessary for determining rent, applies the conception of rent, nevertheless, to the landed property of all ages and all countries. This is an error common to all the economists, who represent the bourgeois relations of production as eternal categories.'
Mr Proudhon naturally converts Ricardo's theory into an expression of egalitarian morals at once, and thus discovers in the rent determined by Ricardo:
'an immense land valuation which is carried out contradictorily by the proprietors and the farmers ... in a higher interest, and whose ultimate result must be to equalise the possession of the land, etc'
To this I remarked, inter alia:
'For any land valuation based upon rent to be of practical value, the conditions of present society must not be departed from. Now we have shown that the rentd paid by the farmer to the landowner expresses the rentA with any exactitude only in the countries most advanced in industry and commerce. Moreover, this rent often includes interest paid to the landowner on capital incorporated in land. The location of the land, the nearness of towns, and many other circumstances influence the farm rent and modify the land rent... On the other hand, rent could not be the invariable index of the degree of fertility of the land, since every moment the modern application of chemistry is changing the nature of the soil, and geological knowledge is just now, in our days, beginning to revolutionise all the old estimates of relative fertility ... fertility is not so natural a quality as might be thought; it is closely bound up with the social relations of the time.'
As far as the development of cultivation in the UNITED STATES is concerned, Mr Carey ignores even the most familiar facts. For instance, Johnston, the English agricultural chemist, shows in his Notes on the UNITED STATES(1): the agricultural migrants from New England to New York State left worse for better land (better not in Carey's sense of land, which still had to be made first, but in the chemical and also economic sense); the agricultural migrants from New York State who first settled beyond the Great Lakes, SAY IN MICHIGAN FOR INSTANCE, left better for worse land, etc. The settlers in Virginia exploited so abominably the land so suitable both in location and fertility for tobacco, their main product, that they had to move on to Ohio, where the land was worse for this product (if not also for wheat, etc.). The nationality of the immigrants also made itself felt in their settlements. The people from Norway and from our timber forests selected the rugged northern forest land of Wisconsin; the Yankees in the same territory kept to the prairies, etc.
Prairies, both in the UNITED STATES and Australia, are, IN FACT, a thorn in Carey's flesh. According to him, land not absolutely overgrown with forest is infertile by nature, that is all natural grasslands.
The joke of it is that Carey's two great final conclusions (with regard to the UNITED STATES) directly contradict to his dogma. First, as a result of England's diabolical influence, the inhabitants, instead of socially cultivating the good model lands of New England DISSEMINATED to the poorer (!) lands of the West. Thus, a move from better land to worse. (Besides, BY THE BY, Carey's DISSEMINATION, in opposition to association, is all copied from Wakefield.b) Second, in the south of the UNITED STATES we have the misfortune that the slave-owners (whom Mr Carey, as a harmon-iser, defended in all his previous works) take the better land under cultivation too soon and skip the worse. Thus, just what should not happen: starting with the better land! If, with this example, Carey convinces himself that the real cultivators — in this case the slaves — are induced neither by economic reasons, or other reasons OK THEIR OWN, but by external constraint, he should have been able to count on his own 5 fingers that this occurs in other countries too.
According to his theory, cultiv&tion in Europe should have originated in the mountains of Norway and proceeded from there to the Mediterranean countries, instead of marching in the other direction.
Carey tries, by means of an extremely absurd and fantastic theory of money, to conjure up anyway the very disgusting economic fact that, in contrast to all other improved machinery, the always better earth-machine, increases the cost of its product— at least for a period — instead of cheapening it. (This was one of the circumstances that struck Ricardo; but he poked his nose no further than the history of corn prices in England from ABOUT 1780 to 1815.)
As a harmoniser, Carey first proved there was no ANTAGONISM between capitalist and wage labourer. The second step was to show the harmony between landowner and capitalist, and this is done by showing land-ownership as being normal where it has not yet developed. The fact that may, under no circumstances, be mentioned is the great and decisive difference between a colony and an old civilised country: that, in the latter, the mass of the population is excluded by landed property from the soil, whether it be fertile or infertile, cultivated or uncultivated; while in the colonies, the land can, RELATIVELY SPEAKING, still be appropriated by the cultivator himself. This may play absolutely no part in the rapid development of the colonies. The disgusting 'property question', and that in its most disgusting form, would of course put a spoke in the wheel of harmony.
As regards the deliberate distortion that, because in a country with developed production the natural fertility of the soil is an important factor in the production of surplus value (or, as Ricardo says, affects the rate of profit), it follows conversely that the richest and most developed production will be found in those areas most fertile by nature, so it should be higher in Mexico, for example, than New England; I have already answered this in Capital, p. 502 et seq.(2)
Carey's only merit is that he asserts, just as one-sidedly, the movement from worse to better land as Ricardo asserts the opposite. In fact, however, soil-types of differing grades of fertility are always cultivated simultaneously, and for this reason the Germans, the Slavs and the Celts very carefully distributed scraps of land of different types amongst the members of the community; it was this that later made division of the community lands so difficult. As for the development of cultivation in the course of history, this — depending on the circumstances — takes place in both directions simultaneously, and one direction or the other dominates according to the epoch.
The factor that makes the interest on the capital invested in the land a component part of differential rent is precisely the fact that the landowner receives this interest from capital which not he, but the tenant-farmer has invested in the land. This FACT, known throughout Europe, is claimed to have no economic existence, because the tenant-farmer system has not yet developed in the UNITED STATES. But this fact presents itself in another form there. The LAND JOBBER and not the tenant-farmer is ultimately paid in the price he gets for the land, for the capital expended by the tenant-farmer. Indeed, the history of the PIONEERS and the LAND JOBBERS in the UNITED STATES is reminiscent of the worst horrors taking place, for instance, in Ireland.
BUT NOW DAMN CAREY! VIVAT FOR O'DONOVAN ROSSA! Last Tuesday's meeting was very fiery, lively, vehement.[478] Mr MUDDLEHEAD,(3) or the devil knows what he's called — a Chartist, an old friend of Harney's — had foresightedly brought Odger and Applegarth along. On the other hand, Weston and Lucraft were absent, attending an Irish ball. Reynolds's had published my RESOLUTIONS'b in its Saturday issue, together with an ABSTRACT of my SPEECHc (as well as Eccarius could do it; he's no stenographer) and Reynolds's printed it right on the front page of the paper following opening editorial. This seems to have scared those who are flirting with Gladstone. HENCE the appearance of Odger and A LONG RAMBLING SPEECH OF Mottershead, who got it in the neck badly from Milner (himself an Irishman). Applegarth sat next to me, so did not dare to speak against; on the contrary he spoke for, obviously with an uneasy conscience. Odger said that, if the VOTE were forced, he would have to vote for the RESOLUTIONS. But unanimity was surely better and could be obtained by a few minor MODIFICATIONS etc. Then I declared — since it is precisely him I wish to push into a corner — that he should present his modifications at the next session! At the last session, although many of our most reliable
267. Engels to Marx. 29 November
mentors were absent, we would thus have declared the resolution against one single vote. On Tuesday we shall be IN FULL FORCE.
Salut.
Your
K. M.
267
ENGELS T O MARX[33]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 29 November 1869
Dear Moor,
It is very amusing that Carey is also worthless in the only field in which one might expect that he must have a certain knowledge, in the history of the colonisation of the UNITED STATES.(1) After this, au fond,b the fellow is left with nothing.
The election in Tipperary is an event.[466] It launches the Fenians from empty conspiracies and the fabrication of coups on a path of action that, even if legal in appearance, is still far more revolutionary than what they have done since their abortive INSURRECTION. IN FACT, they are adopting the methods of the French workers, and this is an enormous advance. If only this business is carried on as intended. The fear this new turn has produced amongst philistines, which is now screeching through the whole liberal press, is the best proof that, this time, the nail has been hit on the head. The Solicitors' Journal is typical noting with horror that the election of a political prisoner is unprecedented in the British realm! Tant pis,c show me the country except England where this doesn't happen every day! The worthy Gladstone must be terribly annoyed.
but you really should look at The Times these days. Three LEADERS in 8 days either urging the Government to end the excesses of the Irish national press, or in which the Government itself urges this.[3]
I long to hear about your debate tomorrow evening, and about the result, of which there can be no doubt.(2) It would be fine to get Odger into a pickle. I hope that, apart from him, Bradlaugh will stand for Southwark, and it would be much better if he were elected.. Incidentally, if the English workers can't take an example from the peasants of Tipperary, then they are in a bad way.
Here, in the FREE LIBRARY, and the CHETHAM LIBRARY (which you know)b I have discovered a mass of very valuable sources (besides the books with SECOND-HAND-INFORMATION), but unfortunately neither Young nor Prendergast,c nor the English edition of the Brehon LAW[48] commissioned by the English Government. Wakefield/ on the other hand, has put in an appearance again. Also, various things by old Petty. Last week I ploughed through the TRACTS of old Sir John Davies (ATTORNEY GENERAL FOR IRELAND under James)[482]; I don't know whether you've read them, they are the main source, but you've certainly found them quoted 100 times. It's downright shame that the original sources are not everywhere available; one gets infinitely more out of them than from the compilers, who make everything that is clear and simple confused and intricate. The tracts show clearly that, in Anno 1600, common ownership of land still existed IN FULL FORCE and was cited by Mr Davies in his pleas on the forfeited land in Ulster as evidence that the land did not belong to the individual owners (peasants), and thus [belonged] either to the LORD, who had forfeited it or, from the outset, to the Crown. I've never read anything finer than this plea. Re-allotments were made every two or three years. In another PAMPHLET he describes the income of the chief of the clan in exact detail. I've never seen these things quoted, and if you can use them, I'll send you them in detail. At the same time, I've caught out Monsieur Goldwin Smith beautifully/ The fellow never read Davies, so makes the most ridiculous assertions to exonerate the English. But I shall catch the fellow.
Today I have not yet been able to set my eyes on the oration of the noble Louis-Napoleon, but only the sweet hopes of the worthy Prévost-Paradol,[483] who imagines he is living once again under Louis-Philippe and that the constitutional millennium will dawn t o d a y . INCORRIGIBLE! I wanted to get good old Dido(3) to reply to Tussy's letter this evening, which only arrived today; but the cur has run out into the rain and snow to avoid this duty, and now it is close of post, so Tussy will have to be patient until tomorrow. But she is certainly thinking more about O'Donovan Rossa in Chatham PRISON than about HER OWN OLD CHAP, who has just come in cold and filthy and is also locked up like a CONVICT in the BACK CELLAR.
Best greetings to all.
Your
F. E.
268. Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann. 29 November[484]
Dear Kugelmann,
ABOUT 5 weeks ago Jennychen sent you a letterc—in fact two letters, one to you and one to Madame the Countess.d With it she enclosed a portrait of G. Weerth—and as this is difficult to replace, and no second one can be sent, Jennychen would like to know as soon as possible whether you received the letter or not.
Some doubts about the inviolability and safety of the postal services have certainly been awakened here because a letter I wrote to Engels from Hanovere was undoubtedly opened and then reclosed very CLUMSILY. Engels retained the envelope, so that I could convince myself by ocular inspection.
My long and, to some extent, criminal silence may be explained by the fact that I had to catch up with a mass of work, not simply for my scientific studies, but also quoad' International; in addition to have to grind at Russian, as the result of a book sent me from St Petersburg on the situation of the working classes (OF COURSE, PEASANTS INCLUDED) in Russia,(1) and, finally, my state of health is by no means satisfactory.
You will probably have seen in the Volksstaat the resolutions I proposed regarding Gladstone on the Irish amnesty question.b I have now attacked Gladstone — and this has attracted attention here — just as I attacked Palmerstonc earlier. The demagogic REFUGEES here love to attack the continental despots from a safe distance. I find this only attractive if it is done vultu instantis tyranni.d
Yet both my appearance on this Irish amnesty issue and, further, my proposal to the GENERAL COUNCIL that it should discuss the attitude of the English working class to Ireland and adopt a resolution on the subject,e naturally had other grounds than simply to speak out loudly and decidedly for the OPPRESSED IRISH against their OPPRESSORS.
I have become more and more convinced — and the thing now is to drum this conviction into the English working class — that they will never be able to do anything decisive here in England before they separate their attitude towards Ireland quite definitely from that of the ruling classes, and not only make common cause with the Irish, but even take the initiative in dissolving the UNION[461] established in 1801, and substituting a free federal relationship for it. And this must be done not out of sympathy for Ireland, but as a demand based on the interests of the English proletariat. If not, the English people will remain bound to the leading-strings of the ruling classes, because they will be forced to make a common front with them against Ireland. Every movement of the working class in England itself is crippled by the dissension with the Irish, who form a very important section of the working class in England itself. The primary condition for emancipation here — the overthrow of the English landed oligarchy — remains unattainable, since its positions cannot be stormed here as long as it holds its strongly-entrenched outposts in Ireland. But over there, once affairs have been laid in the hands of the Irish people themselves, as soon as they have made themselves their own legislators and rulers, as soon as they have become autonomous, it will be infinitely easier there than here to abolish the landed aristocracy (to a large extent the same persons as the English LANDLORDS) since in Ireland it is not just merely an economic question, but also a national one, as the LANDLORDS there are not, as they are in England, traditional dignitaries and representatives, but the mortally-hated oppressors of the nationality. And not only does England's internal social development remain crippled by the present relationship to Ireland, but also her foreign policy, in particular her policy with regard to Russia and the United States of America.
Since, however, the English working class undoubtedly throws the greatest weight on the scales of social emancipation generally, this is the point where the lever must be applied. It is a fact that the English Republic under Cromwell met shipwreck in— Ireland. [85] Non bis in idem*! The Irish have played a capital joke on the English government by electing the CONVICT FELON O'Donovan Rossa as member of Parliament.(2) Government newspapers are already threatening a renewed suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act,[486] a renewed system of terror! In fact, England never has and never can rule Ireland any other way, as long as the present relationship continues — only with the most abominable reign of terror and the most reprehensible corruption.
In France things are going well so far. On the one hand, the outmoded demagogic and democratic bawlers of all shades are compromising themselves. On the other, Bonaparte has been driven along a path of concession on which he is bound to break his neck.
Yesterday's Observer (this weekly belongs to the Ministry), referring to the Eulenburg scandal[487] in the Prussian Chamber, remarks: 'Napoleon said: "Grattez le Rvsse, et vous trouverez le Tartare'".b With regard to a Prussian it isn't even necessary to scratch — to find a Russian.
Apropos. Reich, Dr Med., has the Christian name of Eduard, and appears, from the preface to his book, to live in Gotha.[488]
My best wishes to Madame the Countess and Fränzchen.d
Your
K. Marx
Couldn't we have the Bielefeld Freiligrath-Fest-Broschiire}
269. Marx to Engels. 4 December
269
MARX T O ENGELS [4 8 9]
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 4 December 1869
DEAR FRED,
T h e RESOLUTIONS UNANIMOUSLY CARRIED3 despite Odger's incessant VERBAL AMENDMENTS. I gave in to him on only one point, to omit the word 'DELIBERATE' before 'INSULTS' in para. l.b I did this ON PRETENCE,THAT EVERYTHING A PRIME MINISTER PUBLICLY DID, MUST BE PRESUMED eo ipso TO BE DELIBERATE. T h e real reason was that I knew, as soon as the first para, was accepted in substance^ all further opposition would be in vain. I'm sending you 2 National Reformers containing reports on the 2 first sessions, not yet on the latest. This report, too, is poor, and much is quite wrong (due to misunderstanding), but better than Eccarius' reports in Reynolds's. They are by Harris, whose currence panacea you will also find in the latest number of the National Reformer.[490]
With the exception of Mottershead, who appeared as John Bull, and Odger, who as always acted the diplomat, the English delegates have behaved excellently. T h e general debate on the attitude of the ENGLISH WORKING CLASS to the IRISH QUESTION begins on Tuesday. [4 9 1]
O n e has to struggle here not only against prejudices, but also against the stupidity and wretchedness of the Irish spokesmen in Dublin. The Irishman (Pigott) cannot know of the proceedings and RESOLUTIONS solely from Reynolds's, to which he subscribes and from which he often quotes. They (the RESOLUTIONS) had already been sent him directly by an Irishman on 17 November/ Till today, deliberately not a word. T h e jackass behaved in a similar way during our debate and petition for 3 MANCHESTER MEN.492 T h e 'IRISH' QUESTION must be treated as something quite distinct, excluding the outside world, and it must be concealed that English workers sympathise with the Irish! What a d u m b ox! And this with regard to the International, which has press organs all over Europe and the UNITED STATES! This week he has received the RESOLUTIONS officially, signed by the FOREIGN SECRETARIES. T h e material has also been sent to the 'People'.à Nous verrons? Mottershead subscribes to The
a See this volume, pp. 371-72. - b Ibid., p. 375. - c In the original: 'December'. -d probably The New-York Irish People - e We shall see.
4 1869
Irishman a n d will not fail to use this opportunity to POKE FUN AT THE
'HIGHSOULED' IRISHMEN. But I'll play a trick on Pigott. I'm writing to Eccarius today, asking him to send the RESOLUTIONS with the signatures, etc., to Isaac Butt, the President of the IRISH WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION. Butt is not Pigott.
T h e following explains to you the enclosed letter from Applegarth:
After the end of the last session, in which he behaved very well, he took me aside and told me the following: AN EMINENT MEMBER OF
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS3 h a d written to him that he had been commissioned BY AN EMINENT MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS (LORD Leach-field!) to ask him whether he had voted for the abolition OF ALL PRIVATE PROPERTY at Basle.[379] His answer was decisive for the attitude towards him of Applegarth's parliamentary patrons. H e (Applegarth) wanted to give the fellows a decisive answer, I should write down briefly the 'reasons', and this the following day. I was very busy, as well as still SUFFERING u n d e r the arm; cold made worse by the frightful FOG after the session on Tuesday evening. Thus, wrote to Applegarth on Wednesday b that I h a d been prevented, but READY TO SUPPORT HIM when he received a reply.[493] With English obstinacy he did not accept; wrote enclosed letter.[494] So I was WILLY-NILLY forced to write him 8 closely-written pages, which will give him a lot to pore over about LANDED PROPERTY a n d the NECESSITY
OF ITS ABOLITION.495 The fellow is very important since, ON THE PART OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT he is the officially recognised representative of the English TRADES UNIONS.
Enclosed, also, a letter from Bracke.[496] I have nothing against Bonhorst; I had only told Kugelmann that I regarded him as a rather revolutionary character. Kugelmann, with his usual tact, informed Bracke of this in amplified form.
Tussy thanks Dido c very much for his letter, a n d sends greetings to all.
Salut.
Your
Moor
il apparently A. J. Mundella - b 1 December - c See this volume, p. 389.
270. Engels to Marx. 9 December
270
ENGELS TO MARX[489]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 9 December 1869 Dear Moor,
In the reports in the National Reformer[490] a certain amount of nonsense is, however, attributed to you. They can't get along without something like that. I see, the Bee-Hive is ignoring the whole debate. This is called publicity, just like the dear old Didaskalia für Geist, Gemüt und Publizität
I half expected what happened with The Irishman. Ireland still remains the sacra insula,[1]" whose aspirations may not be lumped together with the profane class struggle of the rest of the sinful world. Partly, this is certainly an honest madness of these people, but equally certainly it is partly a calculated policy on the part of the spokesmen in order to maintain their domination over the peasants. In addition, a nation of peasants is always forced to take its literary representatives from among the bourgeoisie of the towns and its ideologists, and here Dublin (I mean Catholic Dublin) is approximately to Ireland what Copenhagen is to Denmark. For these gentry, however, the whole labour movement is pure heresy, and the Irish peasant must not be allowed to find out that the socialist workers are his sole allies in Europe.
In other respects, too, the Irishman is very scurvy this week. If it was ready to retreat in this way at the first threat of SUSPENSION of the Habeas Corpus Act,[486] then the sabre-rattling was absolutely misplaced from the start. And now even the fear that still more political prisoners might be elected! On the one hand, the Irish are warned, quite rightly, not to let themselves be inveigled into any illegalities; on the other, they should be held back from doing the only lawful thing that is opportune and revolutionary in character, the only thing that might successfully break with the established practice of electing place-hunting lawyers and might impress the English liberals. Pigott is obviously afraid that others could outstrip him here.
Of course you will remember how O'Connell, also, always incited the Irish against the Chartists, although — or just because— they had inscribed REPEAL[497] on their banner.
a sacred isle The question put to Applegarth is delicious. One sees how these trumpery lords and M.P.s imagine that the whole labour movement is already in their pockets because Odger and Potter flirt with them and the Bee-Hive has been sold. The gentlemen are in for a surprise. In the meantime, it's a good thing that a new election is not, apparently, in the immediate offing; the gentlemen have to make fools of themselves first. Applegarth and Bracke[496]
returned enclosed.
From the enclosed query from Solingen you will see all the things I'm supposed to afford.[498] What should be done in this case? If I send the people 50-100 thaler it will not help them, and I can't risk more for them since, in the long run, it will certainly be throwing money away. What is your opinion?
The worthy gentlemen from tiers parti[3] believe they already occupy the ministerial chairs, and have already made wonderful fools of themselves. They vote gaily for the vindication of the prefects of Monsieur de Forcade Laroquette.[499] In this way I cannot see why any sort of ministerial change is necessary, if everything the present ministers have done is ALL RIGHT. On the other hand, Louis(1) certainly believes that he has now once again so frightened the bourgeois with the red spectre that he can get away with phrases. The business is entangling itself quite nicely.
What scurvy knaves the Prussians are. Scarcely has an apparently constitutional wind begun to blow from Paris, when they immediately start making small concessions. Eulenberg takes over, in the state budget, the proxy costs of the deputies who are state officials, etc. And for this Camphausen diddles the Chamber out of 8[2]/b million annually, which previously, by law, had to be devoted to eliminating debts, and on the other hand he now abolishes the amortissement, except where the Government and the Chamber decree that there should be redemption. The stupid Liberals themselves demanded this earlier and must now vote for it.
China, with the steady expansion of her market, appears to wish to save the COTTON TRADE once again, at least for a while. The reports from there are considerably better, though much has been consigned there, and since then there has again been a veering-round here, and once again work is going swingingly. This will naturally drive up the cotton price again, and the whole profit will go into the pockets of the importer. But at least they are working here without losses.
With Gottfriedc I am now completely in the clear. Yesterday he
271. Marx to Engels. 10 December
paid me the last remainder of my money,[3] and we shall now probably more or less show each other our backsides. Best greetings.
Your
F. E.
How anxious Bracke is not to give an opinion about people whom he should know very well. Also appears to have more good nature than resolution.
271
MARX TO ENGELS[489]
IN MANCHESTER
London, 10 December 1869
DEAR FRED,
D'abord,h about the Solingen business.[498] (Are £2 necessary here? I think only one.)
These people have BOTHERED me, the CENTRAL COUNCIL,[73] the Basle Congress etc., with their APPEALS. They themselves admit that their productive cooperative is only of local interest. How can they expect foreign countries to contribute a SINGLE FARTHING to them, in view of the international sacrifices that the STRIKES, etc., cost, and of the tribulations of hundreds of French and English production cooperatives? They have seen what benefit they have gained from Becker's enthusiastic appeals.c
On the other hand: these Solingen people are supporters for you and me in the Rhine Province. They belonged (THE LEADERS) to the 10 1869
League. [1 1 8] Under Lassalle's lordly sway, when Marquis Izzy a was in Cologne, the same Karl Klein announced a TOAST for us,[500] the editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, and Izzy was forced de faire bonne mine à mauvais jeu .b Further, their cooperative was solid a n d maintained itself for years. T h e stupidity of the Prussian legislation forced them to fix their capital a n d thus reduce their working capital. T h e n the Rhenish bourgeois became irritable a n d decided to break them u p , partly by selling their OBLIGATIONS, and partly by withdrawing all COMMERCIAL ADVANCES (not based on
OBLIGATIONS).
Thus, the business is of general importance and, for us, personal importance.
What I suggest is this: You send the fellows 50 thaler for OBLIGATIONS, and tell them, at the same time, that they must themselves see you can d o nothing for them among the English bourgeois in Manchester. Tell them as well — and this is a FACT — that / in London have made all possible efforts on their behalf, but in vain. Finally, tell them — a n d I shall try this immediately—that I shall try to raise money for them among the German bourgeois. I shall — naturally you will not tell them this — write immediately to Menke in H a m b u r g to this end. It is possible that Menke (who is a millionaire, a n d has read Capital" from beginning to end, and furnished it with 'correcting notes', which he himself showed me) will do something. 2,000 thaler are nothing to such people. They would naturally, d'abord, SEND SOMEBODY TO Solingen to look at how the thing works. If the business is not capable of surviving, it should not and may not receive support. If the contrary, then I am certain that these people (Menke et Co.) will provide the money.
Ad vocemd: IRISH QUESTION. I did not attend the CENTRAL COUNCIL last Tuesday / My 'FAMILY' did not allow me to go in this FOG and in my PRESENT STATE OF HEALTH, although I h a d undertaken TO OPEN THE DEBATES.
With regard to the report in the National Reformer,[1] not only has nonsense been attributed to me, but even what is rightly reported is incorrectly reported. But I didn't want to complain. D'abord, I would, thereby, offend the REPORTER (Harris). Second, as long as I don't interfere, all these reports are in n o way official. If I correct something, I admit the rest is right — yet everything is wrong the
11 Ferdinand Lassalle - b to grin and bear it - c K. Marx, Capital, Vol. I (see present edition, Vol. 35). - d As to - e 7 December - f See this volume, pp. 392 and 394.
10 1869
way it is reproduced. BESIDES, / have reasons not to convert these reports into legal EVIDENCE against me, which happens the moment I correct details
T h e way I shall express the matter next Tuesday is: that, quite apart from all 'international' and 'humane' phrases about JUSTICE FOR IRELAND—which are taken for granted on the INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL—it is in the direct and absolute interests of the ENGLISH WORKING
CLASS TO GET WD OF THEIR PRESENT CONNEXION WITH IRELAND. I a m f u l l y convinced of this, for reasons that, in part, I cannot tell the English workers themselves. For a long time I believed it would be possible to overthrow the Irish regime by ENGLISH WORKING CLASS ASCENDANCY. I always took this viewpoint in the New-York Tribune.[501]
Deeper study has now convinced m e of the opposite. T h e English WORKING CLASS will never accomplish anything BEFORE IT HAS GOT RID OF IRELAND. T h e lever must be applied in Ireland. This is why the Irish QUESTION is so important for the social movement in general.
I have read a lot of Davies[3] in extracts. T h e book itself I have only glanced through superficially in the Museum, b so you would oblige m e if you would copy out for m e the passages relating to COMMON PROPERTY. You must get hold of Curran's 'Speeches' edited by Davies (London: James Duffy, 22 Paternoster Row). I meant to give it to you when you were in London. It is now circulating among the English MEMBERS OF THE CENTRAL COUNCIL, and God knows when I shall see it again. For the period 1779-1800 (Union [4 6 1]) it is of decisive importance, not only because of Curran's 'Speeches' (namely in court; I regard Curran as the sole great lawyer (people's advocate) of the 18th century, and the noblest personality, while Grattan was a parliamentary rogue), but because you find all the sources about the UNITED IRISHMEN*62 This period is of the greatest interest, SCIENTIFICALLY AND DRAMATICALLY. First, the dirty infamies of the English in 1588-89 repeated (perhaps even intensified) in 1788-89. Second, class movement is easily shown in the Irish movement itself. Third, the infamous policy of Pitt. Fourth, which very much irks Messrs the English, the proof that Ireland came to grief because IN FACT, FROM A REVOLUTIONARY STANDPOINT, the Irish were too far advanced for the-ENGLISH KING AND CHURCH MOB, while, on the other hand, English reaction in England (as in Cromwell's time) h a d its roots in the subjugation of Ireland. This period must be described in at least one chapter [5 0 2]: a pillory for John Bull!
Enclosed something French — and, as a contrast, Freiligrath-ish!
" J. Davies, Historical Tracts. - b the British Museum Library 10 1869
I would be glad if you would send the money for the next quarter as soon as possible.
Apropos. Tussy has undertaken A FOOLISH WORK, embroidering a sofa cushion for you for Christmas. I don't believe she will be finished before the New Year. She allows neither Mama, nor Jennychen, nor Lenchen to sew a single stitch, so she has done nothing else for weeks. This is, however, a great secret, a n d you must naturally not give the slightest hint that you know about it. Tussy would eat m e alive.
COMPLIMENTS TO MRS LIZZY.
Your
K. Moor
Of the French stuff I am sending you, Gaulois—half Bonapartist, half opposition — is STUPID. Père Ùuchèsne will astonish you by its impudence. And in such a STATE OF THINGS the bitch Eugénie dares to push herself forward [5 0 3]? She really wants to get hanged.
Apropos. The translation of Capital GOES ON.441 Keller has now interrupted it, however. H e wants to publish 18th Brumaire[1]' first, believing this possible u n d e r the present circumstances a n d important for France.
As for the current Irish movement, 3 important factors: 1. opposition to lawyers and TRADING POLITICIANS and BLARNEY; 2. opposition to the dictates of the priests who (the higher ones) are TRAITORS, as in O'Connell's time, just as in 1798-1800; 3. the emergence of the AGRICULTURAL LABOURING CLASS against the FARMING CLASS ON THE LAST MEETiNcs.b (Similar phenomenon from 1795 to 1800.)
T h e Irishman only made its way owing to the suppression of the FENIAN PRESS. For a long time it stood IN OPPOSITION TO Fenianism. Luby, etc., OF THE Irish People were educated people who treated religion as a bagatelle. T h e government cast them into prison, and then came the Pigotts et Co. The Irishman will only continue to amount to anything until those people come out of prison. H e knows this, though h e is now squeezing POLITICAL CAPITAL out of declarations on behalf of the 'FELON CONVICTS'.
a K.Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte - b 'From Our Correspondent. Dublin, November 30' (in the 'Ireland' column), The Times, 1 December 1869; 'Great Excitement' (from the Belfast papers), The Irishman, 4 December.
272. Marx to Engels. 12 December
273. Engels to Marx. 13 December
272
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
[London,] 12 December 1869
DEAR FRED,
Just before the close of post I saw the letter from the Solingen people lying next to me; so I had forgotten to enclose it for you yesterday, which I do herewith/
Also a proof, sent me by Beesly, but the continuation of it is missing. The page with the portraits—Paris—belongs to Jennychen, so you must return it after PERUSAL.
Salut.
Your
Moor
Various resolutions will be taken about the Bee-Hive, d'abordb in order to register them in our Minutes Book, and then to publish them when there is an opportunity?
273
ENGELS TO MARX
IN LONDON
Manchester, 13 December 1869 Dear Moor,
Enclosed — what I have discovered from Daviesd and otherwise about Irish land ownership ABOUT 1600. The post will be closing immediately, so I must keep things short today.
274. Engels to Marx. 16 December
About the Solingen people — ALL RIGHT. From the start it was my opinion that both of us had a special interest in the people.[3] I shall probably go to Barmen next week, as my mother simply insists I spend a Christmas at home again, and this time it is very possible that I shall travel to Solingen and see the people myself.
Correction of incorrect reports would naturally be of no help.b
It would have to be done every week.
I have the Curran c here, in an edition that is probably much more complete, but I suppose I shall be glad also to acquire the new edition. For the time being I have enough to do with the early history up to 1660, and as soon as I'm finished with that, the period 1782-1800 will naturally be my main interest. First of all, however, I want to finish off the old stuff, particularly since I have found that the original positions between 1172-1600 are everywhere represented completely falsely, and I am only slowly discovering the original sources.
Not heard anything about Prendergast yetd? This book will soon be indispensable to me, or its lack will become very gênant.e
More tomorrow.
Your
F. E.
274
ENGELS TO MARX[504]
IN LONDON
Manchester, 16 December 1869
Dear Moor,
Enclosed — the desired remittance. This time I have been able to make it one hundred pounds, since a minor error to my disadvantage was found in the last accounts, and Sir Godfrey[3] had to make it good to me subsequently — IT WILL COME IN FOR CHRISTMAS.
That damned Giraldus Cambrensis dances before me like a will-o'-the-wisp. I must get the fellow, since he is the first foreign, that is to say first authentic, source on the state of Ireland on the arrival of the English, and the quotations I have seen lead me to believe that I shall find something more. The book, called Hibernia expugnata,(1) is nowhere to be found, but the first part, which interests me, is in the Frankfurt (!) edition of Camden's Britannia? I don't know whether in another edition. This edition is naturally not here; an English edition in the FREE LIBRARY does not contain Giraldus[505]; the third volume of another edition in the lending library which might contain it is lost, and thus my only hope is the Chetham LIBRARY,b to which I shall go tomorrow. Incidentally, this hunt for sources is quite a different sort of pleasure than it was to hunt for customers on the blasted stock exchange.
Are Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland and Political Survey of Ireland two different works, or only different editions? For the latter is here.
I have here a later edition of Kane's book; the one from you is unfortunately of little use because of its age (1846).[506]
I am making a written record of each period as soon as I have fairly finished my studies. Then you have the interrelations more clearly in your head and, altogether, a more vivid idea of the business, and can still make corrections. That is why, on the whole, I am keeping so strictly to the historic periods in arranging the order in which I plough through sources. I am nearly finished up to 1600.
On the side, I am reading Grant's CAMPAIGN AGAINST Richmond by Cannon.d Grant is a self-willed jackass who had so little confidence in himself and his army that he never dared undertake the simplest flanking manoeuvre against Lee, who was weaker by half, before he had weakened him by several days of frontal attack and had nailed him down in his original position. He relied upon the simple calculation that if he lost three men for every one of Lee's, then Lee would run out of people before he did. Nowhere else have there been such brutal butcheries as on that occasion. It was
275. Marx to Engels. 17 December
the day-long skirmishes in the forests that cost so many lives; the wooded terrain made detours very difficult, and this is Grant's only excuse.
Best greetings to the LADIES.
Your
F. E.
275
MARX TO ENGELS
IN MANCHESTER
London, 17 December 1869
DEAR FRED,
BEST THANKS for £ 100.a Yesterday I couldn't acknowledge because of the sudden appearance of Strohn. The poor fellow had his blood relapse again in May. Because of his health, he has had to hang around since then in Switzerland, etc.; looks very poorly and is very peevish. The doctors recommend him to marry. Strohn will be returning from here to Bradford, and desires you to return him the Urnings or whatever the paederast's book is called.b
As soon as he goes (on Monday) I shall myself buzz around town to raise the Prendergast? I couldn't do it last week because of the filthy weather, which I couldn't risk TO UNDERGO in my not-yet-restored state of health. I remember vaguely that, in his introduction, Prendergast depicts the Anglo-Norman period, it seems to me, in fantastic-uncritical-optimistic radiant colours. The book must be obtained for you also to consult for the first period. Our Irish resolutions'1 have been sent to all TRADES UNIONS that maintain ties with us. Only one has protested, A SMALL BRANCH OF THE CURRIERS, saying they are political and not WITHIN the sphere of action of the COUNCIL. We are sending a deputation to enlighten them. Mr Odger has now noticed how useful it was for him to vote for the RESOLUTIONS despite all sorts of diplomatic objections. As a result, the 3-4,000 Irish electors in Southwark have promised him their votes.
From the enclosed Egalité, which I must have back, you'll see how impudent il Signor Bakunin is becoming.(1) This fellow now has control over 4 organs of the International (Egalité, Progrès in Locle, Federacion, Barcelona, and Eguaglianza, NAPLES). He is trying to gain a foothold in Germany through alliance with Schweitzer, and in Paris through flattery for the newspaper Le Travail. He believes the moment has come to start an open squabble with us. He is playing himself up as the guardian of real proletarianism. But he's in for a surprise. Next week (luckily the Central Councilb
has adjourned until the Tuesdayc after New Year's Day, so we on the SUBCOMMITTEE are free to work without the cosy intervention of the English) we shall be sending a threatening MISSIVE to the Romance Federal Committeed in Geneva, and since the gentlemen know (incidentally a major part, perhaps the greater part are against Bakunin) that, according to the resolutions of the last Congress, we can suspend them if necessary,e they will consider the matter twice.
The main point on which our MISSIVE turns is this: the only representation with regard to us of the branches romandes en Suisse[6]
is the Federal Committee there. They have to dispatch their demandes andreprimandestouspRivATELY,throughtheir secretary,Perret.Theyhaxe absolutely no right TO ABDICATE THEIR FUNCTIONS INTO THE HANDS OF THE
Egalité (a NONEXISTENCE for us), and to expect the Central Council to get involved in public explanations and polemics with this remplaçant. Whether or not the rejoinders of the General Council are published in the organs of the international branches, the whole thing depends on the decision of the General Council, which alone is directly responsible to the Congress. At this opportunity, blows will fall upon certain intrigants who are usurping undue authority, and who wish to subject the International to their private control.
Regarding the tumult of the Cossacks' about the Bulletin, the matter is as follows:
It was decided at the Brussels Congress13S that we should publish 'IN THE SEVERAL LANGUAGES' bulletins on STRIKES etc., 'ASOFTEN AS ITS (THE GENERAL COUNCIL) MEANS PERMIT'.[509] But on the condition that we, for our part, received reports, documents, etc., from the FEDERAL comités at least every 3 months. Since we have received neither these reports nor the MEANS to print reports, this resolution naturally remained a dead letter. In fact, it became superfluous as a result of the founding of numerous international newspapers, which exchange with one another (Bee-Hive as register of English STRIKES, etc.).
At the Congress in Basle,[379] the question was raked up again. The Congress treated the Brussels resolutions on the Bulletin as NON-EXISTENT. Otherwise, it would simply have charged the Central Council with carrying them out (which would, once again, without the provision of MEANS, have remained a lettre morte*). At issue was a bulletin in a different sense (not, as before, a resume of STRIKES, etc., but RATHER GENERAL REFLEXIONS ON THE MOVEMENT). The Congress did not, however, come to a vote on this point. There is, therefore, at present no resolution IN THIS QUESTION. But what a marvellous policy it would be to inform the public, through an open reply to Egalité
that, at an earlier date, the Brussels resolutions remained unfeasible, 1. because the MEMBERS did not pay their PENCE, and 2. because the FEDERAL comités did not perform their functions!
With regard to Schweitzer, Mr Bakunin, who understands German, knows that Schweitzer and his gang do not belong to the International. He knows that Schweitzer publicly rejected Liebknecht's offer to appoint the General Council as arbiter.[294] His interrogation is all the more villainous since his friend Ph. Becker, the president of the German language groups,[510] sits on the Geneva FEDERAL COUNCIL, in order to give them the necessary information there. His aim is simply to gain a grip on Schweitzer. Mais il
verra!b
I have written fully to De Paepec about the affair (to lay before the Brussels Central Committee).
As soon as a Russian gets a foothold, there is the devil to pay. Borkheim has now plunged into Turkish. Will you be going to Germany?
Salut.
Your
K. M.
1870
276
Endnotes
[16] In March and April 1868, 3,000 building workers were on strike in Geneva. They demanded that the working day be reduced to ten hours, wages be raised, and payment by the day be substituted by payment by the hour. On the initiative of the Central Committee of the International's Geneva sections, the workers in other industries rendered assistance to the strikers. In 'The Fourth Annual Report of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association' to the Brussels Congress of 1868 written by Marx it is stated: 'In the struggle maintained by the building trades of Geneva the very existence of the International in Switzerland was put on its trial. The employers made it a preliminary condition of coming to any terms with their workmen that the latter should forsake the International. The working men indignandy refused to comply with this dictate' (present edition, Vol. 21, p. 16). The victory of Geneva workers was made possible by the solidarity action organised by the General Council in England, France and Germany.—8, 11, 14, 94, 199, 209
[269] Seven Dials was a poor district in London between Charing Cross and Oxford Street. The place got its name because on this crossing of seven streets once stood a pillar surmounted by seven dials, one for each street. The pillar was removed in 1773.—201
[270] f he 'Provisional Rules of the Association' written by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 20), which the General Council unanimously approved on 1 November 1864, was published in English, together with the 'Inaugural Address', as a pamphlet entitled Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association... in London in November 1864, and in The Bee-Hive Newspaper, No. 161, 12 November 1864. The translation of the 'Provisional Rules' into French made in late 1864-early 1865 contained a number of inaccuracies through the fault of the Proudhonist leaders of the Paris Section. The new and corrected French translation was made by Charles Longuet under Marx's supervision and was included in the pamphlet Manifeste de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs suivi du Règlement provisoire, which appeared in Brussels in 1866. The Geneva Congress of 1866 approved the Rules (General Rules) and amplified them with Regulations (later Administrative Regulations). These documents were published in late November 1866 in the pamphlet Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Statuts et règlement, Londres, 1866 (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 441). However, the publication remained little known, as out of the 1,000 copies issued, 800 were held up at a frontier post on their way to France. A separate edition of the Rules and Regulations in English appeared in London in 1867 under the heading 'Rules of the International Working Men's Association', London, 1867.— 202
[271] The League of Peace and Freedom was a pacifist organisation set up in 1867 in Switzerland with the active participation of Victor Hugo and Giuseppe Garibaldi. In 1867-68, Bakunin took part in its work. At the outset the League, influenced by Bakunin, tried to use the workers' movement and the International Working Men's Association for its own ends. Voicing the anti-militarist sentiments of the people, the League's leaders, however, approached peace action from a pacifist stand, refused to reveal the social causes of wars and not infrequently reduced anti-militarist actions to mere declarations. The League's Inaugural Congress was scheduled for 9 September 1867 (originally 5 September) in Geneva to coincide with the conclusion of the Lausanne Congress of the International (2-8 September 1867). At the General Council meeting of 13 August (see The Bee-Hive Newspaper, 17 August 1867), Marx spoke against the International's official participation in the League's Inaugural Congress, since this would have signified approval of its bourgeois programme, but suggested that some members of the International should attend the Congress on their own to try and make it adopt revolutionary and democratic decisions. The Lausanne Congress ignored the decision of the General Council and, influenced by petty-bourgeois elements, resolved to be officially represented at the League's congress. Marx's tactics against the League of Peace and Freedom were fully approved by the Brussels Congress of the International (see Note 138).—202, 489
[264] A reference to Bakunin's letter to Marx of 22 December 1868 (see Die Neue Zeit, Bd. I, No. 1, Stuttgart, 1900-1901, S. 6-8).—198, 202
[18] The bronze workers of Paris went on strike in February 1867 when, in response to their demand for fixed tariffs, their employers insisted that they dissolve their credit society, Société de crédit et de solidarité des ouvriers du bronze. Thanks to the General Council, which discussed the matter at its meetings of 5, 12, 19 and 26 March and 2 and 9 April 1867 (see The General Council of the First International. 1866-1868. Minutes, Moscow, 1964, pp. 101-03, 105-06, 107, 108), Paris workers received financial aid from the British trade unions. The strike ended in a victory for the bronze workers, who managed to preserve their organisation. The employers agreed to introduce fixed rates for individual types of work.—8
[274] On Marx's advice, Borkheim wrote eleven articles brought together in the series Russische Briefe (Russian letters): on the Russian railways (I-VII), on Mikhail Bakunin (VIII-X), and on the Russian press (XI). They appeared in Die Zukunft in January-August and November of 1869 and in February and March of 1870. In a letter to Engels of 19 January 1869, Borkheim asked him to recommend books for use in his work on the articles.—206, 436
[276] This letter is written on a form with the letterhead: 'Memorandum from Ermen & Engels to M'.—206, 207 276 27fi A reference to the Constitution of the Swiss Confederation adopted on 12 September 1848. It granted the population the right to take part in exercising legislative power in the forms of Volksanregung and Initiativ-begehren. In place of a former Diet, the central legislative body, the Federal Assembly, consisting of a National Council and Council of States, was set up.—209
[77] Marx is referring to his stay with the Kugelmanns in Hanover from around 17 April to 15 May 1867. He visited them after his talks with Otto Meissner in Hamburg about the publication of Volume One of Capital.—48, 158
[278] Marx's work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (see present edition, Vol. 11), in which, following the events, Marx revealed the essence of Bonapartism, drew attention of the leaders of the working-class movement in the 1860s. In 1864 Wilhelm Liebknecht tried to arrange a new publication of the work in Switzerland. Sophie von Hatzfeldt, Lassalle's friend and associate, offered assistance. Marx, however, turned it down (see Marx to Sophie von Hatzfeldt, 22 December 1864, present edition, Vol. 42). In 1865, Marx apparently had the idea of publishing a collection of his and Engels' works in Germany. The edition was to include also The Eighteenth Brumaire... (see Marx to Wilhelm Liebknecht, 24 June 1865, present edition, Vol. 42). Marx and Engels planned to enlist the services of Otto Meissner, the publisher of Volume One of Capital (see Engels to Marx, 27 April 1867, present edition, Vol. 42). The negotiations were, however, protracted. Against the background of the exacerbating crisis of the Second Empire in France, Marx stepped up his efforts to get a second edition of the work printed. Already in late January 1869, Marx, who on 27 January had received Meissner's agreement to undertake a second edition of The Eighteenth Brumaire..., sent him a corrected version (see this volume, Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann, 11 May 1869, and p. 222). The second authorised German edition of this work appeared in Hamburg in late July 1869.—211
[279] Marx addressed the same request concerning his work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte to a number of his friends, including Borkheim. It was F. Wohlauer who sent Marx a copy of the book probably together with the letter of 1 February 1869.—211
[282] As is clear from Lafargue's letter to Marx's wife Jenny, written before 12 February 1869, the matter under discussion was Lafargue's negotiations with the French authoress Clémence Royer about the translation of Volume One of Capital into French. The negotiations proved unproductive. On the translation of Capital into French, see also notes 309 and 441.—217
[204] A reference to the distribution of Marx's book The Poverty of Philosophy... (see present edition, Vol. 6), which was written in 1847 in Brussels and published (1,500 copies) that same year by two publishers simultaneously, Vogler's in Brussels and Frank's in Paris, who in 1865 sold his business to publisher F. Vieweg. The publication was undertaken on a commission basis: Marx paid part of the expenses as the author and was to receive a certain sum from the sale of each copy. By 1868, the demand for the book grew steeply owing to the mounting campaign against the Proudhonist elements in the International, while the book became a bibliographical rarity. In view of this, Marx applied, in October 1868, to the Paris publisher, who, as is clear from the letter, had stopped the sales altogether. Nothing is known about the results of Lafargue's negotiations on this issue.—137, 217
[284] The Berne Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom (see Note 271) took place on 21-25 September 1868.—218
[138] A reference to the Third Congress of the International held in Brussels on 6-13 September 1868. It was attended by nearly 100 delegates representing workers of Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy and Spain. Marx, who took part in the preparations for the Congress, was not present. The annual report of the General Council written by Marx (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 12) was read out at the Congress on 7 September 1868. The Congress adopted an important resolution on the necessity for introducing public ownership of railways, mineral resources, collieries and mines, forests and arable land. This resolution showed that most of the French and Belgian Proudhonists had become supporters of collectivism and it marked the victory of proletarian socialism over petty-bourgeois reformism in the International. The Congress also adopted the resolutions (drawn up by Marx) on the eight-hour working day, on the use of machinery and on the attitude towards the congress of the bourgeois-pacifist League of Peace and Freedom (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 204), and a resolution, moved by a group of German delegates, recommending the workers of all countries to study Marx's Capital and promote its translation from German into other languages (see Note 150).—93, 95, 96, 115, 131, 143, 166, 202, 221, 258, 404
[286] Engels visited Marx in London from around 4 to 7 February 1869.—222
[34] An excerpt from this letter was first published in English in: K. Marx and F. Engels, Letters on 'Capital', London, New Park Publications, 1983.—19, 99, 123, 137, 224, 478, 482
[288] This is probably an error. W. Blake's work Observations on the Principles Which Regulate the Course of Exchange; and on the Present Depreciated State of the Currency, which deals with the difference between the nominal and the real rate of exchange, appeared in London in 1810. In 1802, a book by W. T. Thornton An Inquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Paper Credit of Great Britain was published in London. W. Blake repeatedly refers to Thornton's work in the sections on the real and nominal rate of exchange. Marx's synopses of the works by Blake and Thornton have come down to us. They are to be found in Marx's II and VI London notebooks of excerpts of 1850-53 (see MEGA2, IV/7, S. 115-27 and 506-27). Marx mentions William Petty's works dealing with the difference between the nominal and the real rate of exchange in the Theories of Surplus-Value (see present edition, Vol. 34).—224
[289] Marx is referring to the decision of the British Government to pardon some of the Fenians who took part in the 1867 uprising. A statement to this effect was made by C. Fortescue-Parkinson, Chief Secretary for Ireland, at the House of Commons on 22 February 1869 (see The Times, No. 26368, 23 February 1869). Under the new decision, 49 out of 81 convicts, at that time undergoing penal servitude in Australia and Great Britain, were liable to unconditional pardon. 'The class to which he referred might be described as partly young men, hot-headed and easily led, literally the dupes and tools of others and incapable, as far as can be ascertained, of doing mischief to the public hereafter, if undirected,' wrote The Times.—224
[86] Fenians—Irish revolutionaries who took their name from the warriors of Ancient Erin. The first Fenian organisations were founded in the 1850s in the USA and later in Ireland itself. The secret Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, as the organisation was known in the early 1860s, aimed at establishing an independent Irish republic by means of an armed uprising. The Fenians, who represented the interests of the Irish peasantry (see Marx's letter to Engels, 30 November 1867, present edition, Vol. 42), came chiefly from the urban petty bourgeoisie and intelligentsia and adhered to conspiratorial tactics. The British Government attempted to suppress the Fenian movement by severe police reprisals (see Note 452).— 57, 224
[290] Marx likens Gladstone's cabinet (1868-74) to the 'Cabinet of All the Talents'; this ironic name had been given to the notorious Coalition Ministry of Lord Aberdeen (1852-55). A characteristic of the 'Cabinet of All the Talents' is contained in the article by Marx and Engels, 'The Late British Government' (see present edition, Vol. 13, p. 620).—224
[291] A reference to the negotiations on the payment of damages inflicted on the United States by Britain, which during the American Civil War of 1861-65 rendered assistance to the insurgent slave-owning Southern states, specifically, by equipping warships for them. Among these, the principal one was the Alabama, which operated against the Northerners from August 1862 to July 1864. On 23 November 1868, representatives of the USA and Great Britain signed a convention to cover all Anglo-American claims since 1853 Jbut ignoring those of the Alabama. The dispute was finally settled on 14 September 1872, when the Geneva tribunal ruled that Britain should pay $15.5 mln to the United States.—225
[293] A reference to La loi relatif à des mesures de sûreté générale (Law on Public Security Measures) known as La loi des suspects (Suspects Law) adopted by the Corps législatif on 19 February and promulgated on 28 February 1858. It gave the Emperor and his government unlimited power to exile to different parts of France or Algeria or to banish altogether from French territory any person suspected of hostility to the Second Empire.—230
[295] W'ilhelm Hasenclever was elected to the North German Reichstag at the by-elections of 25 January 1869 not in Essen but in the Duisburg constituency. He received 6,792 votes while Dr. Hammacher, a National-Liberal, and Landrat Keßler polled 2,665 and 2,142 votes respectively (4,807 in all). As the source of the information about the outcome of the elections Engels used Der Social-Demokrat, 28 February 1869, which mistakenly stated that Hasenclever's superiority amounted to 992 votes.—230
[296] In a letter of 14 February 1869, Kugelmann advised Marx to send an autographed copy of Volume One of Capital to A. Quételet, probably hoping to prompt the latter to contribute a review to the press. Kugelmann was impressed by Quetelet's book Zur Naturgeschichte der Gesellschaft..., Hamburg, 1856, which he quoted in his letter to Marx.—232
[297] A reference to A. Que'telet's books Sur l'homme et le développement de ses facultés, ou Essai de physique sociale. Tomes I-II, Paris, 1835 (Marx used the English translation published in Edinburgh in 1842) and Du système social et de lois, qui le régissent, Paris, 1848. Extracts are extant which Marx copied out of these books in 1851 and probably in 1865-66.—232
[298] The Liberal Union (l'Union Libe'rale), a coalition of bourgeois republicans, Orleanists and a part of the Legitimists formed as a result of their joint opposition to the Empire during the 1863-64 election campaign to the Corps législatif. Another attempt to form a liberal union at the time of the 1869 election campaign failed owing to dissent between the parties which had comprised the coalition in 1863. Moderate bourgeois republicans (Jules Favre, Jules Simon and others) advocated a union with the monarchists and supported the Orleanist Dufaure who, however, lost the elections.— 232
[302] The second edition of Engels' The Peasant War in Germany (see present edition, Vol. 10) was published in Leipzig in October 1870 as a separate pamphlet with the author's preface, which highlighted the role of the peasantry as an ally of the proletariat (see present edition, Vol. 21).— 237
[303] Marx's work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte was translated into French after Marx's death by the French socialist Edouard Fortin. The translation was published in the central organ of the Workers' Party of France Le Socialiste (Paris) in January-November 1891. It appeared as a separate edition that same year in Lille: Le Dixhuit Brumaire de Louis Bonaparte par Karl Marx.—238
[304] 804 E ng el s refers to Wilhelm Angerstein's letter of 9 March 1868, in which the latter requested him to contribute to a new Austrian workers' newspaper. On 11 March 1868 Marx received an offer from Angerstein to contribute to the Viennese newspapers Der Telegraph and Arbeiter-Zeitung. See Engels to Marx, 13 March, and Marx to Engels, 14 March 1868 (present edition, Vol. 42).—238
[24] The events in the Charleroi coalfields occurred in the spring of 1868. In response to the mine-owners' decision to reduce production to four days a week and lower the wages by ten per cent, the workers declared a strike. On 26 March, violent clashes took place between the workers and the police. Twenty-two people were arrested and put on trial. The Belgian Section of the International launched a wide campaign to support the strikers both in Belgium and abroad. It organised protest meetings and gave wide coverage of the events in La Tribune du Peuple, La Liberté and other papers. On 12 April it issued a manifesto to the workers of Belgium and other countries (see La Tribune du Peuple, No. 4, 19 April 1868). The Section maintained regular contacts with the General Council. The Charleroi events were discussed at the Council meetings of 21 April, 12 May and 2 June 1868 (see The General Council of the First International. 1866-1868. Minutes). The Brussels Section set up a special committee to brief lawyers for the defence of the detainees. The lawyers managed to swing public opinion in favour of the defendants and on 15 August all of them were acquitted by the jury. This led to a rise in the membership of the International in Belgium. For the Geneva strike of building workers see Note 16. From 14 to 17 April 1868 a general strike took place in Bologna. The workers demanded that the income tax be cut down and distributed more fairly. A number of meetings and a demonstration were held. Troops were summoned to disperse the demonstration and numerous arrests were made.— 11, 62
[56] A short excerpt from this letter was published in English for the first time in: The Letters of Karl Marx. Selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979.—35, 52, 243, 446, 511, 513, 515
[309] Marx attached considerable importance to the publishing of the French translation of Capital. Ever since 1867, negotiations with Elisée Reclus through Victor Schily had been under way in Paris. Reclus undertook to do the translation in collaboration,with Moses Hess. Judging from Schily's letter to Marx of 24 January 1868, Elisée Reclus and Moses Hess intended not so much to translate Capital as to abridge it in order to adapt it to the needs and tastes of the French public. The negotiations, which lasted for almost three years, were unproductive. In early 1868, an offer to translate Capital came from Jo'sef Cwierczakiewicz (alias Card), a Polish émigré in Geneva. Marx turned the offer down (see present edition, Vol. 42, p. 528, 532-33). In December 1868 Lafargue entered into negotiations with the French authoress Clémence Royer over a translation of Capital (see Note 282). For subsequent attempts to get Capital translated into French, see Note 441.—243
[228] The Reform League was founded in London in the spring of 1865 on the initiative and with the direct participation of the International's General Council as a political centre of the mass movement for the second election reform. The League's leading bodies — the Council and Executive Committee— included the General Council members, mainly trade-union leaders. The League's programme was drafted under the influence of Marx, who called upon the working-classes to pursue their policy independently of bourgeois parties. Unlike these parties, which confined their demands to household suffrage, the League advanced the demand for manhood suffrage. This revived Chartist slogan (see Note 201) evoked a sympathetic response among the working class and won the League the support of the trade unions, hitherto indifferent to politics. The League had branches in all major industrial towns and counties. However, the vacillations of the bourgeois radicals in its leadership, and the conciliation of the trade union leaders prevented the League from following the line chartered by the General Council. The British bourgeoisie succeeded in splitting the movement, and a moderate reform was carried out in 1867 which granted franchise only to the petty bourgeoisie and the upper layer of the working class (see Note 3).—161, 245
[310] 31° See below for a letter from Hirsch to Kugelmann of 8 February and Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 22 March 1869.— 249
[312] Seeking to stem the growth of the opposition in the General Association of German Workers Schweitzer proposed to join the International Working Men's Association at the general congress in Barmen-Elberfeld (see notes 311 and 318). His proposal, which was published on 3 February by Der Social-Demokrat, may be summed up as follows: 'a) the Association shares the Programme and goals of the International Working Men's Association; 'b) if the Association does not join the International, this will be solely due to the Law on Associations operating in Germany; 'c) the Association considers itself under obligation to work for a repeal of this law and the realisation of a full and unlimited right to form unions and hold assemblies; and especially to popularise the principle according to which the state has no right to use its laws to prevent a free development of a peaceful workers' movement; 'd) until it becomes possible to join the International, the Association will try, as far as it can, to remain in real accord and maintain real cooperation with the International.' Schweitzer's proposal was approved by the general congress with an amendment introduced by Bremer, the head of the International's Magdeburg Section: 'e) each member of the General Association of German Workers has a right to be a member of the International Working Men's Association.' In actual fact, Schweitzer refused to cooperate with Liebknecht and Bebel in uniting the German working-class movement under the International. The General Association of German Workers did not join the International.— 249
[135] The Nuremberg Congress of the Union of German Workers' Associations led by Bebel was held on 5-7 September 1868. In all, 115 delegates from 93 sections in Germany, Austria and Switzerland were present. Apart from Georg Eccarius, the official representative of the General Council, several other members of the International attended. By 69 votes against 46, the Congress resolved to join the International Working Men's Association and adopted a programme recognising its basic principles. It also elected a committee of 16 to carry out this resolution. On 22 September 1868, the General Council approved the committee membership giving it the status of the Executive Committee of the International Working Men's Association in Germany. On 7 September liberal bourgeois members, who found themselves in the minority and were opposed to the Congress resolutions, announced their withdrawal from the Union. The Nuremberg Congress also resolved to organise trade unions and heard Liebknecht's report on armaments, in which he demanded that standing armies be disbanded. The Congress was an important step towards the foundation of a proletarian party in Germany.—91, 102, 115, 118, 128, 135, 166, 172, 249, 304
[313] 31S Marx is referring to Joseph Dietzgen's letter of 20 March 1869, in which he wrote about the success of his work in setting up a section of the International Working Men's Association in Siegburg and its environs.— 249
[314] Engels is referring to his 'Report on the Miners' Guilds in the Coalfields of Saxony' (see present edition, Vol. 21, and this volume, Note 281). Die Zukunft published it on 20 and 21 March 1869, ascribing it to Marx and providing it with an editorial comment: 'The General Council of the International Working Men's Association has resolved to publish the following report by Karl Marx, Secretary of the General Council for Germany, both in the English original and the German translation.'—250
[315] The Bee-Hive, No. 390, 3 April 1869, carried a report on the conference of cooperative societies held in Leeds at which Lloyd Jones, a figure in the British cooperative movement, made a speech on the need to set up a joint press organ of cooperatives and trade-unions, and proposed to call it the Citizen Newspaper. The project had not been carried out.— 251, 253
[316] Between 1867 and 3 April 1869, Engels' domicile was at 25 Dover Street; he referred to 86 Mornington Street, the house he rented for Lizzy Burns and where he himself lived most of the time since August 1864, as his 'unofficial address'. From 3 April and until September 1870 when he moved to London, Engels' domicile was at 86 Mornington Street.— 251
[317] A reference to the members of the German Party of Progress founded in 1861. Among its most prominent members were Waldeck, Virchow, Schulze-Delitzsch, Forckenbeck and Hoverbeck. The Party advocated German unification under Prussia, the convocation of an all-German parliament, and the establishment of a liberal ministry accountable to the Chamber of Deputies. Frightened by the possibility of a popular revolution, it did not support the basic democratic rights, i.e., universal suffrage and freedom of the press, association and assembly. In 1866, its Right wing broke away to form a National-Liberal Partv which capitulated before the Bismarck Government.— 252
[319] Marx is probably referring to a General Council meeting of 1 December 1868, which discussed the question of workers' participation in the campaign to organise the reception for the American Ambassador in London, Reverdy Johnson (see Note 259).—253
[320] Boustrapa— nickname of Louis Bonaparte, composed of the first syllables of the names of the cities where he staged putsches: Boulogne (6 August 1840), Strasbourg (30 October 1836), and Paris (coup d'e'tat of 2 December 1851, which culminated in the establishment of a Bonapartist dictatorship).— 253, 523
[321] A printers' strike in Geneva began in March 1869 when the owners of printing presses refused to raise the workers' wages, for which the latter had been campaigning for ten years. The strike was headed by the Romance Federal Committee and the International's sections in Geneva which secured financial support for the strikers from workers in Switzerland, France, Germany and Italy. For a detailed account of the strike, see Marx's 'Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association' (present edition, Vol. 21, p. 71).—254
[322] Die Zukunft wrote about this statement by Schweitzer on 2 April 1869: 'It should be noted that Herr von Schweitzer had earlier stated unambiguously that if even the most insignificant minority should refuse to grant him confidence, he would immediately resign. It seems, however, that he changed his mind again after the voting.'—255
[323] On 3 April 1869, the political affairs section of Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 14, reported: 'Since now there is every reason to hope for, if not the influence, then at least the unification of the various factions of Social-Democracy, we shall henceforth refrain from attacking Herr von Schweitzer in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt so as not to obstruct the unification. We assume, naturally, that the other side will terminate its attacks against us.'—255
[327] A reference to Moll's letter to Marx of 6 April 1869, written on the instructions of the Solingen Section of the International. Moll wrote: 'The congress of the General Association of German Workers in Barmen-Elberfeld (see notes 311 and 318) has, as you know, largely destroyed Dr. Schweitzer's personality cult by blowing away the smoke-screen surrounding that power-hungry dictator; the congress advocated joining the International Association, as far as this is permitted by the existing laws. 'Bebel and Liebknecht vigorously championed the International's principles, made accusations against Schweitzer and other delegates and took them by the throat. Schweitzer did not try to defend himself, although he had intended to do so before the congress. The assured speeches of many, if not all delegates have made it clear that this Association has many viable elements; our section, like the International Association in general, will grow stronger, since the disunited workers' organisations will join the International.'—259
[328] This letter was published in English for the first time in: The Times. Literary Supplement, l.VI. 1967.— 259
[162] The principle of setting up production associations on the basis of state credit as a means of emancipating the workers from exploitation was first proclaimed by Philippe Bûchez in 1831 in the philosophical journal L'Européen, which he published. His plan was popularised in the 1840s by L'Atelier magazine, which represented the interests and ideas of French handicraftsmen and workers influenced by the doctrine of Christian socialism (see also this volume, p. 260).—105, 133, 260
[329] On the instructions of the Solingen Section of the International (see Note 330), Friedrich Wilhelm Moll wrote to Marx about the disagreements with Schweitzer in his letter of 6 April 1869 (see Note 327).—260
[330] The Solingen Section of the International was set up in February-March 1866. Its members were in touch with the Central Committee of the German-language sections in Geneva and applied for assistance to the General Council and to Marx and Engels personally. The most active members of the Section, including Klein and Moll, took part in the International's congresses. In the autumn of 1867, this Section initiated the establishment of a cooperative of workers engaged in the production of steel and iron goods; it played a major part in the work of the Section (the Rules of the cooperative were drawn up by J. Ph. Becker).—260
[331] In the summer of 1866, the Greek population of Crete rebelled against Turkish rule demanding that the island be incorporated into Greece. Turkish troops undertook harsh punitive measures against the rebels and the island's civilian population. However, supported by volunteers from many countries, the insurgents carried on their struggle. The events in Crete provoked a fresh exacerbation of international contradictions in the Balkans. In November 1866 the Russian tsarist authorities suggested that the European powers should urge the Turkish Empire to hand Crete over to Greece. However, fearing that Russia would further consolidate its position in the region and that the national liberation movements of the peoples under the Sultan would mount, the Western states preferred Crete to remain under Turkish rule. Support for the Cretan insurgents was confined to a joint statement by Russia, France, Italy and Prussia on 29 October 1867. It advised the Turkish Government to refrain from bloodshed on the island. The conference convened by the European states in Paris in January 1869 to settle the Turkish-Greek conflict forced Greece to discontinue support for the uprising, thereby hastening its defeat. In 1869, the uprising was suppressed.— 260
[332] Marx's daughters Jenny and Eleanor visited the Lafargues in Paris on 26 March 1869. Jenny returned to London on 14 April, and Eleanor's visit lasted till 19 May 1869.—262, 269
[334] Ludlow's review of Capital was not published. The only item about the work in the British bourgeois press appeared in January 1868 in the conservative weekly The Saturday Review of Politics, Literature, Science and Art. Despite open hostility to the author of Capital, the item noted 'the plausibility of his logic, the vigour of his rhetoric, and the charm with which he invests the driest problems of political economy' (see present edition, Vol. 42, p. 529).— 263
[173] Blue Books—collected documents of the British Parliament and Foreign Office published since the seventeenth century.—113, 128, 264, 481
[336] Engels is probably referring to an article by J. M. Ludlow 'Ferdinand Lassalle, the German Social-Democrat' published in The Fortnightly Review on 1 April, and Ludlow's letter to Marx of 12 April 1869, a reply to Marx's letter of 10 April (see this volume, pp. 259-60).—264
[337] This letter was written by Marx over Liebknecht's letter to him of 12 April 1869. Marx deciphered the names explaining to Engels the following passage from Liebknecht's letter: 'E. I had always defended against B.'—266
[339] At the meeting of the General Council held on 20 April 1869 Marx was instructed to draw up a protest on behalf of the General Council against the massacre of the strikers in Seraing and Frameries (Belgium) in April 1869 (see Note 343).—270
[340] An allusion to the origin of Paul Lafargue, who was born in Santiago de Cuba. His mother's father was a mulatto, and her mother was an American Indian.—271, 446
[341] Marx's source of information was probably The Times of 24 April 1869, which featured a report 'New York, April 13' in the Telegraphic Despatches column stating that 'Mr. Clay (to Liberia) and Mr. Bassett (to Hayti) are the first two coloured diplomatists appointed'.— 271
[72] A reference to the French Section of the International in London, founded in the autumn of 1865. Besides proletarian elements (Eugène Dupont, Hermann Jung, Paul Lafargue), the branch included representatives of the petty-bourgeois emigres (Le Lubez, Pierre Vésinier and later Félix Pyat). See also this volume, p. 62 and Note 8 9 . - 4 5 , 62, 63, 75, 78, 83, 91, 173, 272, 481, 488, 497
[324] When under discussion during the spring of 1869, the Bill on regulations for handicraft trades in the North German Reichstag was severely criticised by the working-class deputies. Following Engels' directions (see Note 51), on 18 March Bebel demanded that factory work be subjected to some sort of reglamenta-tion, i.e., that a ten-hour working day be introduced, work on Sundays prohibited, factory inspection organised and freedom of association granted to trade unions (see Die Zukunft, No. 67, 20 March 1869). Of the numerous proposed amendments, only Bebel's suggestion that 'workers' books' be abolished was adopted. On 29 May the Bill was passed (see 'Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages der Norddeutschen Bundes. I. Legislatur-Periode-Session 1869', I. Bd. Berlin, 1869, S. 114-19, 124 and 146-48). Reporting to the General Council on 13 April 1869 about the speeches of the worker deputies at the North German Reichstag, Marx mentioned Bebel's speech in particular (see The General Council of the First International, 1868-1870. Minutes, Moscow, 1974, pp. 81-82).—255, 274
[344] The report of the General Council meeting of 4 May 1869 published in The Bee-Hive, No. 395, 8 May 1869, stated that the General Council had decided to translate the address 'The Belgian Massacres' into four languages to make it known throughout the world.— 275
[345] A reference to the letter of Louis Borhardt's daughter Malvine to Marx written on 19 April 1869. Her father had instructed her to apply to Marx for information on one M. Gromier, who had brought Borhardt letters of recommendation from Felix Pyat and Louis Blanc.— 276
[346] Marx quotes Eccarius' letter of 29 April 1869, informing Marx about the publication of his pamphlet Eines Arbeiters Widerlegung der national-ökonomischen Lehren John Stuart Mill's, Berlin, 1869. The work was written by Eccarius with Marx's substantial assistance and published for the first time in The Commonwealth newspaper in late 1866-early 1867.— 276
[347] A reference to the second edition (1869) of Marx's work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (see Note 278).— 276
[348] A reference to a number of diplomatic documents published since the 1830s by David Urquhart, a British political figure and writer, and his works on foreign policy. They appeared in a variety of publications edited by Urquhart, including The Portfolio magazine and the newspapers The Morning Advertiser and The Free Press, which in 1866 was renamed The Diplomatic Review, and also as separate books and pamphlets.— 278
[49] In his letter of 29 April 1868, Johann Baptist Schweitzer requested Marx to define the position of the workers' party on the bill on reducing taxes for pig iron to be discussed in the Reichstag. Enclosed with the letter were the clippings 'Jahresbericht der Handelskammer von Elberfeld und Barmen' and 'Ein Circular der Herren Fabrikanten Funcke und Hück' (Annual Reports of the Elberfeld and Barmen Chambers of Commerce and the Circular of Messrs Factory Owners Funcke and Hück) (Hagen, 23 April). Marx quoted them when drafting a reply to Schweitzer. Having received Engels' notes on this question (see p. 29 of this volume) Marx replied to Schweitzer probably on 7 May (the letter has not been found). In his article 'An die Mitglieder des Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeitervereins (die Herabsetzung der Eisenzölle betreffend)' published by Der Social-Demokrat on 13 May 1868, Schweitzer referred to Marx as 'the outstanding scientific authority of our trend'. The article also reprinted the above-mentioned documents in full. In his letter to Marx of 13 May 1868, in which this article was enclosed, Schweitzer thanked Marx for 'precious judgement'.— 26, 28, 30
[350] A reference to the reprisals of the Belgian authorities against workers in Charleroi in the spring of 1868 and in Seraing and Frameries in April 1869 (see notes 24 and 343).—279
[352] 362 A reference to a single system of weights and measures introduced in Germany in 1868.—280
[354] This letter was published for the first time in the article of D.G.C. Allan, 'The Red Doctor amongst the Virtuosi: Karl Marx and the Society', brought out by The Royal Society of Arts Journal, London, 1981, Vol. CXXIX, Nos. 5296-5297, pp. 259-61, 309-10. The original is kept in the Archive of the Greater London Library (Greater London Council).— 287
[355] Marx's letter was addressed to London from Manchester, where he and his daughter Eleanor were staving with Engels between 25 May and 14 June 1869.—287
[357] Written across Marx's letter were the words which meant that Marx had signed a written commitment to observe the Rules and Regulations of the Society. In the bottom right corner, by Marx's signature, his name and academic degree (Ph. D.) are written again in a more legible hand.— 287
[359] J. B. Schweitzer stated at the sitting of the North German Reichstag on 17 May 1869: 'When a red banner is hoisted in Paris over the Tuileries, Europe will go up in flames as it did at the time of the French bourgeoisie's revolution, which opened up the way for European revolutions.'—289
[360] Marx's letter was written on the fourth page of Eleanor Marx's letter to her sister Jenny. The letter was published in English for the first time in: Annali dell' Istituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, an I, Milano, 1958.— 290
[361] Between 27 March and 19 May 1869, Eleanor Marx was staying with the Lafargues in Paris, from where she went to Manchester with her father to visit Engels (see Note 355).—290
[362] Edda—a collection of epic poems and songs about the lives of the Scandinavian gods and heroes. It has come down to us in a manuscript dating from the 13th century, discovered in 1643 by the Icelandic Bishop Sveinsson — the so-called Elder Edda, and in a treatise on the poetry of the scalds compiled in the early 13th century by Snorry Sturluson (Younger Edda). The Eddas mirrored the state of Scandinavian society at the time of the disintegration of the tribal system and the migration of the peoples. They include plots and characters from Nordic folklore.—295
[365] In a letter to Engels of 2 July 1869, Marx's daughter Jenny gave an ironical account of a soirée at the Kensington Museum: 'What genius the English have for the inventing of melancholy pleasures! Fancy crowd of some 7,000 mutes in full evening dress, wedged in so closely as to be unable either to move about or to sit down, for the chairs, and they were few and far between, a few imperturbable dowagers had taken by storm and stuck to throughout the evening. Of the works of art (the Queen has sacked all the museums of the people, in order to carry off their treasures to this aristocratic and favourite resorts of the "belated lamented"), it was next to impossible to get a glimpse.'—297
[366] Marx is referring to a passage from Laurence Sterne's novel The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman (Paris, 1832, p. 20) saying that gravity 'was no better, but often worse, than what a French wit had long ago defined it,— viz. A mysterious carriage of the body, to cover the defects of the mind.'—297
[367] On 23 June 1869 Marx took part in a mass trade union meeting in Exeter Hall in London held in support of the Bill for expanding the rights of trade unions.—298
[363] J. B. Schweitzer, President of the General Association of German Workers, and Fritz Mende, President of the Lassallean General Association of German Workers which was under the influence of Sophie von Hatzfeldt (see Note 338), published in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 70, 18 June 1869 an address 'Wiederherstellung der Einheit der Lassalle'schen Partei', urging the two rival organisations to unite on the basis of Lassalle's Rules drawn up in 1863. The address enjoined them, in categorical form, to hold a vote on this issue within three days and to elect a president of the united Association. Playing on the desire for unity voiced by the workers belonging to the two organisations Schweitzer succeeded in getting the more democratic forms of leadership evolved by the general congress in Barmen-Elberfeld in the spring of 1869 (see Note 311) abolished, in reorganising the Association along the principles proclaimed by Lassalle's Rules, in accordance with which the President was invested with dictatorial powers, and in getting himself re-elected as President of the united Association. Schweitzer's activities provoked indignation among the members of the Association and hastened the withdrawal from it of its more advanced elements. Leaders of the opposition in the General Association of German Workers, Wilhelm Bracke, Julius Bremer, Samuel Spier and Theodor Yorck, who consulted Liebknecht and Bebel on 22 June 1869, addressed the Association's members in Magdeburg, urging them to convene a congress for the unification of all Social-Democratic workers in Germany. The address was published in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 26, 26 June 1869, and as a separate leaflet. On 27 June 1869, the Union of German Workers' Associations officially supported the address, which was the first step in the practical, preparations for the congress in Eisenach (see Note 373).—295, 300, 304
[370] On 29 June 1869, George Henry Moore, an Irish M. P., spoke in the House of Commons disclosing the atrocities perpetrated by the British authorities against the Fenian prisoners and demanded that conditions be improved for those Fenians who had been arrested at the time of the 1867 uprising and had no charge preferred against them. Replying to Moore's speech, Henry Austin Bruce, the Home Secretary, hypocritically tried to refute the facts cited by Moore and vindicate the actions of the British Government. The other Irish M.P.s, who voiced the wish that the prisoners be treated in a more humane way, by and large justified the repressions against the Fenians. Moore's proposal was voted down. Marx defined his attitude to this issue in his articles 'The English Government and the Fenian Prisoners' and 'Record of a Speech on the Irish Question'. See also 'Articles by Jenny Marx on the Irish Question' (present edition, Vol. 21).— 300
[573] A reference to the series of articles on the Irish question written by Jenny Marx (see Note 562). In this letter, Engels refers to the publication of the second article in La Marseillaise on 9 March 1870, which reproduced O'Donovan Rossa's letter about the harsh treatment of political prisoners in English prisons (O'Donovan Rossa was arrested in 1865). On 10 March, this letter was reprinted by The Times (on the publication of O'Donovan Rossa's letter, see also this volume, pp. 454-55).—457
[31] Marx refers to the editorial 'Politische Uebersicht' featured in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 15, 11 April 1868, edited by Wilhelm Liebknecht, in which Marx's book Herr Vogt (see present edition, Vol. 17) was described as 'containing much that is edifying' and 'systematically silenced by the German press'.—15
[375] The Riot Act, which was promulgated in 1715, banned all'riotous assemblies' of more than 12 persons; in case of its violation, the authorities were obliged to read out a special warning and use force if the assembly did not disperse within an hour.—305
[372] In a letter to Marx of 29 June Liebknecht explained his long silence by family matters and party work. He wrote: 'The conflict with Schweitzer is very much there, and victory will soon be attained; 3/4 of the General Association of German Workers already support us, we are having a conference in Brunswick this coming Sunday, and a congress in August, to which you, Engels and Eccarius will be invited. You must attend. In case of extreme need, we'll get hold of some money. You must show yourself to the German workers. Write to me straight away so that I can show your letter in Brunswick... 'You must immediately send Us the International's membership cards. I've been waiting for them for several months. All German Social-Democrats are now becoming "international", and we shall discuss the best forms of joining at our, probably Basle congress, to which Bebel and I are going. 'You must adapt the 'Communüt Manifesto' for the requirements of agitation. I never pay heed to enemies, but enemies and those who will become such are worthy of some attention. 'Becker insists that we obey him, but I've told him quite definitely that we are maintaining direct contacts with the General Council.' In another part of the letter Liebknecht explained in detail the considerable financial difficulties involved in the publication of the Demokratisches Wochenblatt and asked Marx to appeal to Engels for financial assistance.— 303, 306.
[380] A reference to Liebknecht's speech at the meeting of the Berlin Democratic Labour Union of 31 May 1869, 'Ueber die politische Stellung der Sozial-Demokratie' and Bebel's article 'An Herrn Dr. Schweitzer in Berlin' published in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 27, 3 July 1869. The end of Liebknecht's speech was published in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 32, 7 August 1869 (supplement).— 307
[382] This letter was first published in the original (English with German words and phrases) in the book: Friedrich Engels. 1820-1970. Referate, Diskussionen, Dokumente, Hanover, 1971.—310
[383] Replies by Engels to letters from Marx's daughter Jenny of 24 June and 2 July 1869. In the letter of 2 July, Jenny gave an ironic description of an aristocratic soirée at the Kensington Museum on 1 July, to which she and Marx were invited by the educational Society of Arts (see this volume, pp. 297-98 and Note 365).—310.
[384] Enclosed with the invitation to the Kensington Museum was a printed warning that said: 'The Council of the Society of Arts appeal with confidence to the members to assist in preventing the mobbing and following any Royal and distinguished persons who may attend the Conversazione of the Society on the 1st of July, and request them to assist in enabling such visitors to enjoy the privilege of walking about unmolested, and seeing the objects of art, like any private person.'—310
[385] An excerpt from this letter was published in English for the first time in: Marx K., Engels F., Selected Correspondence, Moscow, 1975.—312
[36] As a result of the victory in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, in which the Kingdom of Hanover fought on the side of Austria, Prussia annexed Hanover in September of that year and turned it into a province, to which the operation of the Prussian constitution was extended in 1867. George V, King of Hanover, fled to Austria, where he attempted to head a movement against affiliation 21-983 with Prussia. He failed and, on 1 February 1868, had to sign a treaty with Prussia under which he agreed to abdicate for a certain compensation. However, as early as 2 March 1868, the Prussian government passed a resolution on the confiscation of the ex-King of Hanover's property and lands.—19, 221
[386] Engels refers to the unification of the General Association of German Workers headed by Schweitzer and the Lassallean General Association of German Workers headed by Mende and acting under the influence of Sophie von Hatzfeldt (see Note 363).—313
[387] A reference to the reconstruction of Paris undertaken by G. E. Haussmann, Prefect of the Seine Department, for the purpose of building new suburbs with broad streets and avenues. The reconstruction also aimed at preventing barricade fighting during uprisings.— 316
[389] In a letter of 2 June 1869 Ludwig Kugelmann wrote to Marx that Meissner had assured him that the first signatures of the proofs of Marx's work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (second edition) had already been sent to Marx and that the work would appear in two weeks' time.— 318
[96] Marx gave a more detailed analysis of Schmalz's views in his economic manuscripts of 1861-63 'A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy' (see present edition, Vol. 31).— 67
[388] The elections to the Corps législatif in May-June 1869 spelled considerable success to the anti-Bonapartist opposition despite the repressions of Napoleon Ill's government. At an extraordinary session in July 1869, 116 deputies belonging to the liberal opposition and Left Centre signed a statement on the need to form a responsible ministry and expand the rights of the Corps législatif. At the sittings of 5 and 8 July, deputy François Vincent Raspail exposed the blatant violations of the freedom of vote by Bonapartist authorities and accused the church of conducting election propaganda during services, and the police, of overstepping their powers at the time of preparations for the election campaign, when a massacre took place in Paris (see Annales du Sénat et du Corps législatif. Session extraordinaire du 28 juin au 6 septembre 1869, Paris, 1869, pp. 204-05). In his message of 12 July Napoleon III promised to expand the Corps' rights and appoint ministers from among deputies, but shirked the issue of the ministry's responsibility, stressing the inviolability of the emperor's power. On 13 July he postponed the session of the Corps législatif for an indefinite period, and on 17 July introduced into the government a number of persons who suited the big bourgeoisie and the clericals but who did not belong to the opposition.— 316, 325
[397] In early April 1814, after the troops of the anti-French coalition invaded Paris, Talleyrand prepared a convocation of the Senate which declared Napoleon I deposed. In June 1815, after Napoleon I's armies were defeated at Waterloo, the majority of the Chamber of Representatives demanded that he abdicate.— 325
[399] Marx's letter to Wilhelm Liebknecht written around the beginning of July (earlier than 10 July), 1869, has not been found.— 326
[400] A reference to an item carried by the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 28, 10 July 1869, which stated that only 'full members of the International Working Men's Association would be admitted to the Basle Congress'.— 326
[401] Marx's letter to Liebknecht written around 17 July 1869, has not been found.—326
[392] On 1 July 1869, the Geneva Central Committee of the German-language sections of the International Working Men's Association passed a resolution published in Der Vorbote in July 1869, which censured Schweitzer's dictatorial behaviour and welcomed the proposal to convene an all-German Social-Democratic Workers' Congress (see Note 373). In this connection, on 14 July, a piece entitled 'Schwindel' appeared in Der Social-Demohrat, whose author was most probably Fritz Mende. He accused Johann Philipp Becker as Chairman of the Geneva Central Committee, and the International, of meddling in the affairs of the General Association of German Workers.—322, 327
[402] Marx's letter to Otto Meissner, probably written on 19 July 1869, has not been found.—327
[391] On 11 July 1869, Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche addressed Marx, on Liebknecht's recommendation, as a member of the General Council, to render financial support to the Leipzig cigar-makers' strike. Wilhelm Liebknecht also approached Marx with a similar request on 7 and 12 July. In his letter of 14 July Wilhelm Eichhoff enclosed a variety of material about the working-class movement in Germany and informed Marx that he would probably be elected delegate to the Eisenach Congress (see Note 373).—322, 327
[403] As Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 17 July 1869 makes clear, the reference is to Bracke's intention to appeal to the General Council of the International for financing the propaganda campaign against Schweitzer in Germany.— 327, 331
[91] A reference to the members of the second bureau of the Paris sections of the International (Combault, Varlin, Landrin, Malon, Molin, Granjon and others) who were sentenced to imprisonment. In March 1868, they had been elected to replace the 15 previously arrested members of the first bureau (on the court trial over the members of the first bureau, see Marx's letters to Engels, 8 and 11 January 1868, present edition, Vol. 42). The members of the second bureau were kept at the Paris Saint-Pelagie prison after they were brought to trial for the second time on 22 May 1868 on the pretext that no official permission had been granted for membership of the new Paris bureau. The defendants were sentenced to three months' imprisonment and a fine.— 62
[405] Marx's reply to Liebknecht's letter of 22 July 1869 has not been found.— 328
[406] Marx is referring to the sections 'Arbeitsprozess und Verwerthungsprozess' and the 'Theilung der Arbeit und Manufaktur' of the first German edition of Volume One of Capital. Corresponding to them in the second and subsequent German editions of this volume are Chapters V and XII (see present edition, Vol. 35). In the English edition of 1887 prepared by Engels, this material is to be found in Part III, Chapter VII, 'The Labour-Process and the Process of Producing Surplus-Value', and Part IV, Chapter XIV, 'Division of Labour and Manufacture'.—329
[407] In connection with the intention of Karl Vogt, the German natural scientist, to go on a lecture tour of Germany in 1869, Engels suggested that, with help from Kugelmann, Marx's book Herr Vogt should be circulated in Berlin (see present edition, Vol. 17). Wilhelm Liebknecht possessed a number of copies. (See also this volume, Engels' letter to Marx of 29 January 1869 and Marx's letter to Engels of 29 March 1869.) —330
[37] A reference to the first session of the Customs Parliament held between 27 April and 23 May 1868. The Customs Union Parliament—the guiding body of the Customs Union reorganised after the war of 1866 and the signing, on 8 July 1867, of a peace treaty between Prussia and the South German states, which provided for the establishment of this body. The Parliament comprised members of the North German Confederation's Reichstag and deputies from the South German states: Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg and Hesse. Bebel and Liebknecht were the two workers' deputies in it. It was to deal exclusively with issues of trade and customs policies; Bismarck's intention gradually to widen its jurisdiction by encompassing political questions was met with stubborn opposition from the South German representatives (see Note 62).—20
[410] A receipt written by Bernard, Corresponding Secretary for Belgium, has come down to us: 'Received from Mr. Marx the sum of 25 thaler for the victims of Seraing and Borinage (Belgium). London, 22 July 1869. Bernard, Secretary for Belgium, twenty-five thaler.' Marx wrote on the receipt: '(This money was sent to me by Bebel in the name of the Leipzig workers. K.M.)' (See: The General Council of the First International 1868-1870. Minutes, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974, pp. 443-44).—332
[390] In a letter of 6 July 1869, Ludwig Kugelmann suggested to Marx that after the negotiations with Guido Weiß, the editor of Die Zukunft, a short biography of Marx written by Engels for another publication should appear in that newspaper (see also Note 106).—318, 328, 333
[411] A reference to the General Council meeting of 20 July 1869, at which Marx made a speech on the right of inheritance as part of the preparations for the Basle Congress. A report of the meeting was printed by The Bee-Hive, No. 406, 24 July 1869, but was not accurate. Marx's speech, which has been preserved in its original form in the minutes taken by Eccarius, is reproduced in the present edition (see Vol. 21, p. 394).—334
[412] A reference to the National Reform League set up in 1849 in London by Chartist leaders James (Bronterre) O'Brien, Reynolds, etc. The League's goal was to attain universal suffrage and introduce social reforms. In 1866, it joined the International and worked under the guidance of the General Council, having turned into a branch of the Reform League. The latter's leaders, Alfred Walton and George Milner, were members of the General Council and participants in a number of the International's congresses. On Marx's stay in Paris, see Note 381.—334
[413] Der Vorbote, No. 7, July 1869, carried a report of the meeting of the Nuremberg Section of the International. At the meeting, which was convened to establish closer contacts among the Bavarian workers' organisations, representatives of 13 such organisations were present. Amongst others, the meeting passed a resolution on the campaign for 'direct popular legislation'. In a commentary to the resolution, Johann Philipp Becker proposed to submit it for discussion to the Eisenach Congress (see Note 373).— 336
[415] A reference to the address to the German Social-Democrats 'An die deutschen Sozial-Demokraten' on the convocation of an all-German workers' congress in Eisenach with a view to founding an independent workers' party in Germany. The address appeared in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 29, 17 July 1869. It was signed by representatives of workers' societies of Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Among the signatures of the members of the Central Committee of the German Workers' societies in Switzerland was that of petty-bourgeois democrat Amandus Goegg. This fact gave ground for an article featured by Der Social-Demokrat, No. 84, 21 July 1869, which identified the views of Liebknecht and his followers with those of Goegg.— 339
[416] A reference to the address of the Geneva Central Committee to the Spanish revolutionaries, 'Der Internationale Arbeiterbund von Genf an die Arbeiter Spaniens' issued on 21 October 1868. It was published as a separate leaflet in German and in French and in Der Vorbote, No. 12, December 1868.— 340
[419] Marx refers to Liebknecht's speech 'Ueber die politische Stellung der Sozial-Demokratie' made at the meeting of the Berlin Democratic Labour Union of 31 May 1869 (see Note 380). Liebknecht said that August Brass, editor of the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung was willing to give Marx, Engels and himself space in his newspaper to popularise the ideas of socialism and communism, but that he had turned down this proposal.— 344
[76] G. W. F. Hegel, Sämtliche Werke, in 20 Bde., Bd. 2, Stuttgart, 1927, S. 270-71).—46 76 The Schiller Institute, founded in Manchester in November 1859 in connection with the centenary of Friedrich Schiller's birth, was conceived as a cultural and social centre of the city's German colony. At first Engels was critical of a society notorious for its tendency towards formalism and pedantry, and he kept aloof from it. But after certain amendments had been made to its Rules, he became a member of its Directorate in 1864, and later its President, devoting much time to it and exercising a considerable influence on its activities. In 1867-68, Engels was particularly occupied with its affairs since a new building was under construction. While Engels was away from Manchester in 1868, the Directorate invited Karl Vogt, who was connected with Bonapartist circles and had been casting aspersions on the proletarian revolutionaries, to give a lecture at the society. In view of this Engels decided that his political reputation would be compromised if he remained President (see this volume, p. 100 and present edition, Vol. 21, p. 18). On 2 October the secretary Davisson approached Engels on behalf of the Directorate asking him to reconsider his decision, but Engels refused. In April 1870 he was again elected member of the Directorate, but did not take an active part in its work.—46, 64, 100, 113, 345, 526
[420] On Marx's recommendation, Hermann Jung, member of the General Council, evidently attended the meeting of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners which discussed a nominee to the Basle Congress. On 17 August, Jung informed the General Council that the Society would probably send a representative to the Congress. This was the Society's General Secretary Robert Applegarth, who, however, carried only a General Council member's mandate.—346
[422] A reference to Dupont's statement at the General Council meeting of 17 August 1869, that the Paris bronze-workers had paid off their debt to the London trade unions (see Note 18).—350
[423] Marx quotes Neumayer's letter to the General Council of 14 August 1869.—350
[424] Zabicki made a report on the 1869 strike at woodworking factories and brickworks in Posen at the General Council meeting of 17 August 1869, at which Marx was present. Zabicki said that 'the building operatives of Posen (Polish) had won their first strike; they had been assisted by the men of Berlin'.—350
[146] The National Labor Union was founded in the USA at a congress in Baltimore in 1866, with the active participation of William Sylvis, a prominent member of the American labour movement. It made a major contribution to the growing struggle for an independent policy of workers' associations, for solidarity of white and coloured workers, for an 8-hour working day and for the rights of working women. Soon after its foundation, it established contacts with the International Working Men's Association. The Union's congress in Chicago held in August 1867 elected Richard Trevellick delegate to the Lausanne Congress of the International, but he was unable to attend. At the last sessions of the Basle Congress of the International (1869) Andrew Cameron was the National Labor Union delegate. The Union's congress in Cincinnati in August 1870 adopted a resolution on its adherence to the principles of the International and its intention to join it. The resolution was not implemented, however. In 1870 and 1871, many trade unions withdrew, and in 1872 the Union virtually ceased to exist.— 97, 184, 351
[4 2 5] Hiltrop's essay mentioned by Engels, 'Ueber die Reorganisation der Knappschaftsvereine', appeared in the Zeitschrift des königlich preussischen statistischen Bureaus, nos. 4, 5 and 6, April, May and June, 1869. The magazine was edited by Ernst Engel. Engels examined the rules of the miners' guilds (guild funds) in the coalfields of Saxony on Marx's instruction, and in February 1869 prepared a report on this question for the General Council (see Note 281).—352
[427] The item published by Liebknecht in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 35, 28 August 1869, read: 'It has been decided in Eisenach that alongside with the general party organ (Der Volkstaat, for the present, the Demokratisches Wochenblatt), there should be a press organ for Austria—Die Volkstimme, and for Switzerland, Felleisen'—352
[428] Engels refers to the lengthy discussion at the Eisenach Congress (see Note 373) around a name for the party, which involved, among others, the German petty-bourgeois democrat Rittinghausen. The name agreed upon was the Social-Democratic Workers' Party (Sozial-demokratische Arbeiterpartei). A report of the Eisenach Congress was published in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 33, and supplements to nos. 33 and 34, 14 and 21 August 1869.— 352
[430] A reference to the second edition of Marx's work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, which appeared in late July 1869. In reply to Marx's note, which is not available, Meissner wrote on 28 September 1869 that all copies of Marx's book have been sent off with the exception of the 25 he had.—354
[432] On 26 September 1869, Marx's second daughter Laura Lafargue turned twenty-four.—355
[435] Marx is referring to Paul Lafargue's letter of 14 September 1869, in which the latter gives an account of the General Council meeting of 14 September, the first after the Basle Congress of the International Working Men's Association.—356, 445
[431] Liebknecht's letter to Marx in which he asked for Engels' work The Peasant War in Germany for reprinting has not come down to us. There is Liebknecht's letter to Kugelmann of 20 September 1869, in which Liebknecht writes that he intends to reprint this work. On 20 December, Liebknecht wrote to Engels for permission to reprint the work and to ask for a short introduction to it. The second edition of The Peasant War in Germany appeared in Leipzig in October 1870.—354, 356
[437] Marx was conducting negotiations with Meissner in Hamburg on 8 and 9 October 1869.—357
[439] A report of this talk, which touched on the vital issues of the working-class movement, was published by J. H. W. Hamann, member of the delegation, cashier of the metalworkers' union, in Der Volksstaat on 27 November 1869. Marx spoke about the significance of trade unions as a school of socialism. He said that in trade unions, workers were getting ready to become socialists, since there they had an opportunity to watch the daily struggle between labour and capital. He emphasised the importance of an independent printed organ for the working-class movement. 'It is a printed organ of trade unions,' said Marx, 'that can serve as a means of the workers' mutual communication; it is there that the "pros" and "contras" must be discussed. It is necessary to discuss the issue of wages in the different regions, and to collect, as far as this is possible, the opinions of workers in different trades. However, this printed organ must never become the property of a private individual. If we want it to fulfil its purpose, it must belong to a collective. It is probably unnecessary to dwell on the reasons for this attitude, they are so obvious that everyone can be expected to understand: if you wish to see your union flourish, this tenet must be accepted as one of the basic conditions.' 'The talk ended', wrote Hamann, 'with Marx stressing once more the need never to try to cling to individuals but bear in mind the cause, and draw conclusions only to promote it. "Be it Liebknecht, be it Dr. Schweitzer, or be it myself, always think about the cause, for the truth is not to be found outside it."' Unfortunately, while recording the conversation, Hamann seriously distorted some of Marx's remarks in the Lassallean spirit, specifically, on the issue of the relationship between the political party of the working class and the trade unions. (See Internationale wissenschaftliche Korrespondenz zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, Berlin (W), 1986, Heft 1, S. 63-71).—358
[440] On Marx's meeting with the delegation of the Brunswick Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workers' Party, see Note 447.— 358
[442] Chapter IV of Volume One of Capital (first German edition) corresponds to chapters IV, V and VI of the French edition. Marx feared that the chapter in its original form would not suit the French readers.— 360
[444] A reference to the atheistic congress (Anticoncilio) convened in Naples on 8 December 1869 by petty-bourgeois democrats who stood close to the League of Peace and Freedom (see Note 271) as a gesture of opposition to the Catholic oecumenical council which was held in Vatican from 8 December 1869 to 20 October 1870, and adopted the dogma of the Pope's infallibility in the matters of faith. The atheistic congress was broken up by the Neapolitan authorities.— 362
[445] Pale—the name of an English medieval colony in Ireland established as a result of the seizure by the Anglo-Norman feudal lords of the island's south-eastern part in the 12th century. The colony, whose boundaries were fortified (hence the name), served as the base for incessant wars against the population of the free part of Ireland which ended in the 16th-17th centuries with the conquest of the entire country.— 363, 415
[447] After the Basle Congress (see Note 379), members of the People's Party in Germany (see Note 38) and the Felleisen newspaper, organ of the German workers' unions in Switzerland, launched a campaign against the Congress decisions to abolish private property in land as essentially communist ones. Seeking to reconcile the People's Party and the petty-bourgeois supporters of Felleisen with the decisions of the Basle Congress, Goegg, its editor-in-chief, made a long statement in Der Volksstaat, No. 3, 9 October 1869, in which he attempted to belittle the revolutionary importance of Congress decisions. He declared that there was nothing communist about them. Marx is apparently referring to this statement as 'Goeggiana'. At that time, Liebknecht and Der Volksstaat, fearing that a break with the petty-bourgeois democratic elements in the South-German states might occur, refrained from a large-scale popularisation campaign of the Basle decisions to convert the land into public property; Der Volksstaat repeatedly stated that these decisions were applicable only in Britain, where large landed property existed, and were unsuitable either for Germany or France, where small peasant holdings predominated. Liebknecht believed that the party approval of the Basle decisions would be premature and could have prompted the proletarian supporters of the South-German People's Party to depart from the Social-Democratic Workers' Party. This tactic met with disapproval on the part of his associates and soon Liebknecht himself became convinced that it was erroneous, and began actively to popularise Basle Congress decisions. On 3 October 1869, at a meeting with Marx in Hanover (see Marx's letter to Engels of 30 September 1869), members of the Central Committee Bonhorst, Bracke and Spier discussed the possibility of implementing the Basle Congress decisions and the tactics of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party in Germany with respect to the peasantry. On 25 October Bonhorst wrote a letter to Marx requesting him to give as clear an account of the matter as possible in order to use it to organise a popularisation campaign among German peasants (see Note 453). This letter from Bonhorst was forwarded by Marx to Engels.— 363
[449] Marx refers, specifically, to the article by Hermann Greulich 'Die Heulmaierei gegen den Basler Kongress' published in Der Volksstaat, No. 5, 16 October 1869.—364
[450] By '(he antiquated manner of 1789' Marx means the transfer to the peasants of the land confiscated from the feudal lords (parcelling) at the time of the French Revolution. Marx and Engels believed that this way of dealing with the agrarian problem was unsuitable for the proletarian party, leading as it did to the establishment of a petty-bourgeois peasant class and dooming the peasantry to gradual impoverishment and ruin (see K. Marx and F. Engels, 'Address of the Central Authority to the League, March 1850', present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 284-85).—364
[51] In his letter to Liebknecht, which has not come down to us (see Engels' letter to Marx of 13 March 1868, present edition, Vol. 42), as well as in his review of Volume One of Capital for the Demokratisches Wochenblatt published on 21 and 28 March 1868, Engels advised the worker deputies to make 'themselves thoroughly conversant with' Capital, which would supply them with the necessary material for the debate on new handicraft trades Regulations in the Reichstag (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 336). The draft regulations were discussed in the Reichstag in the spring of 1869 and were approved on 29 May (see Note 324).—30
[452] In the summer and autumn of 1869, a mass movement developed in Ireland for an amnesty of the Fenian prisoners (see Note 86). In 1867, the Fenians were preparing an armed uprising; in September of that year, the British authorities managed to arrest the leaders of the Fenian movement and put them on trial. The Fenians were persecuted, their newspapers were closed down, and the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act suspended (see Note 486). The campaign for the defence of the convicted Fenians launched in England was supported by the General Council of the First International. Numerous meetings presented petitions to the British Government demanding that the Irish revolutionaries be released, but Prime Minister Gladstone refused to meet these demands. On 24 October 1869, a mass demonstration in defence of the Fenians took place in London (for an account of the event, see this volume, pp. 546-47), after which the General Council resolved to address the English people in defence of the Fenians, and set up a special commission consisting of Marx, Lucraft, Jung and Eccarius. On Marx's suggestion, the issue was expanded, and in November 1869 the General Council held a broad discussion on the attitude of the British Government to the Irish prisoners. Marx spoke twice (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 407-12), and wrote a 'Draft Resolution of the General Council on the Policy of the British Government Towards the Irish Prisoners' (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 83, and this volume, p. 375), which was approved by the General Council on 30 November 1869.—365, 449, 546
[453] In a letter to Marx of 25 October 1869 (see Note 447), Bonhorst wrote: 'You should know better than anyone what the sore spot of the German peasant is. If we promise him to operate on that spot, he will be all for us. Thus, I believe, ... the mortgages may provide a wonderful opportunity. Just as raising the fertility of the soil. Insurance based on reciprocity. The ability to compete with the large estates. Schools. Everything must rest on the state principle.'—365
[454] A reference to the destruction on 16 October 1869, by order of the Prussian military authorities and against court ruling, of the monument to the citizens of Celle (Hanover) who took part in the Langesalza (Thuringia) battle against the Prussians on 27 June 1866, at the time of the Austro-Prussian war, in which Hanover fought on the side of Austria. The Prussians had been defeated. War Minister Roon stated during the discussion of this issue in the Prussian Landtag: 'Prussia is a military state, and the military authorities in Celle only executed their inalienable supreme right' (see Der Volksstaat, No. 11, 6 November 1869).—366, 371
[455] A reference to the issue of The Bee-Hive of 30 October 1869 (No. 420), which featured the editorial 'Ministers and the Fenian Prisoners'. It vindicated the policies pursued by Gladstone with regard to the Irish national liberation movement.—366
[457] The reference is apparently to the article 'Unser Redakteur' published in Der Pionier, No. 42, 13 October 1869, which attacked Marx's Capital.— 367
[460] On 6 November 1869, a ceremony of the opening of Blackfriars Bridge and Holborn Viaduct was held in London. Queen Victoria was present.—367
[462] Arthur O'Connor, a prominent member of the Irish national liberation movement, was a leader of the secret revolutionary organisation, the United 23-983 Irishmen, whose goal was to establish an independent Irish republic. In May and June 1798, the members of the United Irishmen staged an uprising against the British rule. O'Connor and other leaders were arrested on the eve of the uprising. The uprising was brutally suppressed (see Note 461).— 368, 398
[463] Marx ironically likens Freiligrath to the manufacturer Classen-Kappelmann, member of the Cologne city council, who became a notorious figure in 1865. In July 1865 he took part in the preparation of a banquet for the Party of Progress members who were deputies of the Chamber of Representatives of the Prussian Landtag in opposition to the Prussian Government. The banquet was banned and Classen-Kappelmann, who feared arrest, left for Belgium. The guests arrived to find the premises closed and assembled at the Zoo. The assembly was dispersed by the police.— 371
[464] Marx refers to the circular letter to the French electors drawn up by Ledru-Rollin, participant in the 1848-49 revolution, who lived in London as an emigre up to 1870. Describing it as that of a pretender, Marx alludes to the fact that in the Presidential elections in France on 10 December 1848, Ledru-Rollin nominated himself as a representative of petty-bourgeois democrats. His letter, dated 7 November 1869, was published in Le Réveil on 10 November under the heading 'Aux électeurs'.— 371
[465] The original of this letter is kept in the archives of the Greater London Library (Greater London Council).— 372
[467] This letter was first published in English in an abridged form in: The Labour Monthly, Vol. 14, No. 12, London, 1932; fragments of this letter were published in: Marx K., Engels F., Correspondence. 1846-1895, London [1934], and Marx K., Engels F., Selected Correspondence, Moscow, 1975.— 375
[469] In a speech made on 7 October 1862 in Newcastle, Gladstone (then Finance Minister) greeted the Confederation of the Southern States in the person of its President Jefferson Davis, justifying the rebellion of the southern slaveowners against Lincoln's lawful government. The speech was published in The Times, No. 24372 on 9 October 1862. It was referred to at the General Council discussion mentioned above.—375
[470] In a letter of 13 November 1869, Wilhelm Liebknecht requested Marx and Engels to write several scientific articles for Der Volksstaat. He also voiced his regret that they had failed to meet during Marx's stay in Germany (see Note 349).—376
[472] A fragment of this letter was first published in English in: The Labour Monthly, Vol. 14, No. 12, London, 1932.—377
[473] The amnesty in Russia issued on 25 May (6 June) 1868 extended to political prisoners sentenced before 1 January 1866, and a section of prisoners of foreign extraction who, according to Imperial Edict, were expelled from the country for good. Under the amnesty, a number of Poles sentenced to less than twenty years' imprisonment were able to return home.— 377
[474] The Guelphic conspiracy—a reference to the events that developed after the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 in Hanover, which lost its independence and was annexed by Prussia. The former King of Hanover, George V, who strove for the restoration of the Guelph dynasty, set up the so-called Guelph Legion in France in the spring of 1867. It comprised mostly émigrés from Hanover. On 8 April 1868, the Prussian legal bodies sentenced a number of officers who had taken part in its foundation to ten years' imprisonment. However, seeking to consolidate its position in Hanover, the Prussian Government announced an amnesty of the rank-and-file members early in May that year.— 377
[477] An excerpt from this letter was published in English in: The Labour Monthly, Vol. 14, No. 12, London, 1932; in an abridged form, it was published in: Marx K., Engels F., Correspondence. 1846-1895, London [1934]. It was published in English in full for the first time in: Marx K., Engels F., Selected Correspondence, Moscow, 1975.—383
[478] Marx is referring to the General Council meeting of 23 November 1869, which continued the discussion of the policies of the British Government with respect to the Irish political prisoners (see notes 452 and 468).— 386
[466] Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa, a leader of the Irish national liberation movement, who was under arrest at the time, was elected to the House of Commons as member for Tipperary on 25 November 1869. An amnesty in Italy—Engels means a partial amnesty announced in Italy in November 1869 covering individual categories of political offences, specifically, service misdemeanors in the National Guard.— 373, 387, 420, 548
[48] This letter was first published in English in an abridged form in: K. Marx and F. Engels, Letters on 'Capital', London, New Park Publications, 1983.—26, 28, 30, 32, 38, 45, 55, 84, 160, 411
[482] J. Davies, Historical Tracts, London, 1787. Engels sets forth the contents of two of Davies' tracts, 'A letter from Sir John Davies to Robert Earl of Salisbury, 1607', and 'A letter from Sir John Davies to Robert Earl of Salisbury concerning the State of Ireland, 1610'.—388
[483] Engels is referring to the speech made by Napoleon III on 29 November 1869, at the opening of an extraordinary session of the French National Assembly (published on 30 November in the Journal des Débats and other French newspapers), and the speeches of Prévost-Paradol in Edinburgh during his tour of Britain in November 1869 (published in the British press and in a number of French papers, including the Journal des Débats on 16 and 18 November 1869).—388
[484] This letter was published in English for the first time in: Irish Opinion. The Voice of Labour, No. 26, 25 May 1918, Dublin.—389
[85] A reference to the bourgeois peasant reform of 1861 in Russia which abolished serfdom and launched the development of capitalism. Under the Manifesto and the Statute on the Peasants Leaving the State of Serfdom signed by Alexander II on 19 February 1861, the peasants were granted personal freedom and the right to dispose of their property; the system of land ownership was preserved, and the peasants had to pay for the land allotments they received. Until the payment had been made, they remained 'under temporary duty' and had to make payments in kind or do corvée for the landowner. (See Marx's opinion of the Reform, then in the state of preparation, in 'The Emancipation Question', present edition, Vol. 16, pp. 139-47).— 55
[487] At one of the sittings of the Prussian Landtag, Minister for the Interior Count von Eulenburg made a statement justifying the violations of the law by the Prussian military authorities in Celle (see Note 454).—391
[488] This is Marx's reply to Kugelmann's request to give him the address of E. Reich, to whom Kugelmann was going to send Volume One of Capital. Reich's book Ueber die Entartung des Menschen, ihre Ursachen und Verhütung (Erlangen, 1868) was given by Kugelmann to Marx during the latter's stay in Germany in September and October 1869. The Introduction to the book is marked 'Gotha, 5. Mai 1868'.—391
[491] A reference to the second issue ('the attitude of the British working class to the Irish question') in the discussion on Ireland in the General Council (see this volume, pp. 371-72). Marx had proposed to open it on 7 December 1869, but was unable to attend on account of an illness. The General Council never took up the issue again. Marx expounded his views on the position of the British working class with regard to Ireland in his letter to Engels of 10 December 1869 (see this volume, p. 398) and in the circular letter 'The General Council to the Federal Council of Romance Switzerland' (present edition, Vol. 21).— 392
[493] Marx's letter to Robert Applegarth of 1 December 1869 has not been found.—393
[494] Marx is referring to Robert Applegarth's letter to him of 2 December 1869: 'Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners, General Office. 113 Stamford Street, Waterloo Road, S.E. London, Dec 2d 1869 'My dear Marx, 'Your note is just to hand. 'I have not replied to the enquiries — made as to whether I voted for Common property in Land and I don't intend doing so till I hear from you. 'I send you a copy of the question put to me. ' "Was any resolution passed to which you were, or were not a party, against all private property in land?" 'The above is the question and the first words of my reply will be. ' "A resolution was passed declaring 'That society has a right to abolish private property in land and to convert it into common property and that there was a necessity for doing so'. And for this resolution I gave my vote most cordially." 'I then want to say in a few words why Land ought to be made common property. 'I would not have troubled you had I been asked the question only as reference to some opinion I had expressed apart from the International but as my reply will be placed in the hands of those who would by one means or another have to disgorge their ill gotten acres, if land was made common property and as my vote was given at one of our Congresses I feel I ought to ask the advice of those who understood the question thoroughly before I was born. 'I shall therefore wait till I hear from you. 'I am yours truly 'R. Applegarth'.—393, 395
[497] fhe demand for the repeal of the Union (see Note 461) had been the most popular slogan in Ireland since the 1820s.—394
[499] On 30 November 1869, at a sitting of the Corps législatif, bourgeois republican Jules Favre made an inquiry into illegal actions by the government, including postponement of the Corps' assemblies and interference of the authorities in the elections to the Corps in May and June 1869. Particularly scandalous facts were revealed at the sitting of 7 December at which deputy Durand's mandate was being confirmed. Minister for the Interior Forcade-Laroquette spoke in defence of Durand. The proposal to hold an investigation into the results of the vote on Durand's candidature was advanced by Jules Favre. Liberal deputies who belonged to the oppositional parliamentary group of French bourgeoisie, the so-called third party, did not support Jules Favre and abstained from voting. Jules Favre's proposal was rejected by 135 votes to 86.-395
[118] Engels refers to the resolution of the Communist League's Central Authority in London of 15 September 1850 (see present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 625-29) passed as a result of the adventurist activities of the Willich-Schapper faction which transferred the powers of the Central Authority to the Cologne district authority. The Communist League—the first German mid international communist proletarian organisation set up under the lea:jershi';; of Marx and Engels in early June 1847 in London and operating until ;852. Its programme and organisational structure were evolved with the direct participation of Marx and Engels. On the instruction of the League's Second Congress held on 29 November-8 December 1847, which unanimously approved the principles of scientific communism elaborated by Marx and Engels, the two men wrote the League's programme, Manifesto of the Communist Party, published in February 1848 (see present edition, Vol. 6, pp. 477-519). During the 1848-49 revolution, the Communist League was the organisational centre and vanguard of the revolutionary movement in Germany. After the defeat of the revolution, the Communist League was restructured in 1849-50 and continued working. The 'Address of the Central Authority to the League' written by Marx and Engels in March 1850 (see present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 277-87) summed up the results of the 1848-49 revolution and emphasised the need to set up an independent proletarian party; it also developed the idea of permanent revolution. The decision mentioned above was adopted as a result of the dissent, which became more acute in the summer of 1850, over the tactics to be adopted in order to protect the workers from the influence of the Willich-Schapper faction, which tried to make the League adopt an adventurist policy of starting revolution in total disregard of the objective laws and the situation prevailing in Germany and other European countries. The faction's activities gave the police an excuse to stage provocative acts against the Communist League. However, the transfer of the Central Authority to Cologne had certain undesirable consequences: the Cologne district authority proved incapable of exercising leadership over the entire League; moreover, the transfer had put the Central Authority in danger of police reprisals. In fact, the police persecution and the arrests of May 1851 put an end to the work of the League in Germany. On 17 November 1852, soon after the Communist Trial in Cologne, the League dissolved itself on Marx's suggestion, but its members continued their propaganda and revolutionary work. The Communist League had played a major historical role as a school for proletarian revolutionaries and the embryo of a proletarian party, the forerunner of the International Working Men's Association.— 80, 140, 397
[500] The toast to Marx and Engels as editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was proposed by Karl Klein in May 1864 in Cologne on the occasion of the anniversary celebration of the General Association of German Workers in the presence of Ferdinand Lassalle.—397
[501] Marx is referring to his contributions to the New-York Daily Tribune (in 1851-62). See, for instance, Marx's essays 'Forced Emigration.—Kossuth and Mazzini.—The Refugee Question.—Election Bribery in England.—Mr. Cobden' published in the spring of 1853 in that newspaper (present edition, Vol. 11, pp. 528-34).—398
[502] Engels proposed to include the section 'Rebellion and Union. 1780-1801' into the chapter 'English Rule' (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 307). Marx's recommendation to Engels that he should write a separate chapter on the period from 1779 to 1800 for his book on Irish history (see Note 438) was based on his own research. Marx prepared excerpts on Irish history from 1776 to 1801.— 398
[503] Marx is probably alluding to the presence of Empress Eugénie Montijo at a
[504] session of the French Cabinet of Ministers of 9 December 1869, which provoked deep indignation among the liberal and democratic opposition in Paris.— 399 504 A fragment of this letter was published in English for the first time in: Marx and Engels, On the United States, Moscow, 1979.—401
[505] Engels probably means the English edition of the book by W. Camden Britannia or Chorographical Description of the most flourishing Kingdoms England, Scotland and Ireland and the Islands adjoining, London, 1637. The book, originally written in Latin, was published in 1590 as one volume with another work by Camden, Hiberniae et insularum Britanniae adiacentium descriptio, which Engels ascribed, apparently erroneously, to Giraldus Cambrensis. In his further work on the history of Ireland (see Note 438), Engels used the publication (in Latin) Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. J. S. Brewer, London, Longmans, 1863. Expugnatio was included in Vol. V of this edition, which was published in 1867 (see Note 528), and also appeared in the English translation published by Bohn in London in 1863, The Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis.—402
[506] Probably an error in the text; the first edition of Robert Kane's The Industrial Resources of Ireland appeared in 1844, and the second — in 1845 in Dublin. Engels probably refers to the latter.—402
[509] Marx is referring to the Resolution of the Geneva Congress of the International on publishing a bulletin (in; Rules and Administrative Regulations of the International Working Men's Association, London [1867], Articles 2, 3, present edition, Vol. 20, p. 442. See also: K. Marx, 'The General Council to the Federal Council of Romance Switzerland', present edition, Vol. 21, p. 84).— 405
[510] Marx is referring to the Central Committee of the German-language sections in Switzerland headed by J. Ph. Becker. Since November 1865, it was the organisational centre for the sections of German-language workers not only in Switzerland but in Germany, Austria and the countries where German workers were living in emigration.— 405
[3] Marx is referring to the Parliamentary elections to be held in November 1868 on the basis of the second Reform Bill of 1867. The law extended suffrage to people resident in town for a period of not less than 12 months and renting houses or flats for no less than £10. In the counties, the right to vote was granted to tenants with an annual income of above £12. Suffrage was granted to a section of skilled workers. However, it was not extended to Scotland and Ireland.—3, 375
[266] Marx is referring to the economic struggle of the Swiss weavers and building workers, which began on 9 November 1868 with the strike of the ribbon-weavers and dyers in Basle and lasted until the spring of 1869. Marx described it in detail in the 'Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association' (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 68-82).—198, 199, 203, 209
[257] This refers to the Programme and Rules of the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy (Programme et Règlement de l'Alliance Internationale de la Démocratie Socialiste), founded by Mikhail Bakunin, in Geneva in October 1868. Besides Bakunin, members of its Provisional Committee were Brosset, Duval, Guétat, Perron, Zagorsky and Johann Philipp Becker. In 1868 leaflets in French and German containing these documents were published in Geneva. On 29 November, Becker, who shortly afterwards broke with Bakunin, sent the Alliance's Programme and Rules to the General Council for approval. On 15 December, the General Council spoke against the admission of the Alliance to the International Working Men's Association, and on 22 December unanimously approved, with insignificant amendments, a circular letter 'The International Working Men's Association and the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy' (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 34-36) written by Marx and approved by Engels, which exposed the Alliance's wish to split the workers' movement (see this volume, p. 192). The circular letter was sent out to all the sections of the International as a confidential communication. For the text of the Programme and Rules of the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy with Marx's remarks, see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 207-11.—190, 191, 201, 211, 218, 413, 424, 489
[84] The letter in question has not been found.—55, 78, 109, 121, 127, 151, 153, 166, 169, 189, 202, 211, 217, 222, 223, 224, 229, 249, 256, 258, 262, 266, 267
[273] A reference to the Polish Insurrection Cross, the symbol of the Polish people's national liberation struggle, given to Jenny Marx on her birthday. Since late 1867 Jenny wore this cross on a green ribbon, the national colour of Ireland, as a sign of mourning for the Fenians executed on 23 November 1867.—206, 214
[1] This letter was first published in English, in a slightly abridged form, in: Letters to Dr. Kugelmann by Karl Marx, Co-operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers • in the U.S.S.R., Moscow-Leningrad, 1934.—3
[275]
[227] A reference to the bankruptcy of Overend, Gurney and Company, a major British bank. It financially ruined a large number of depositors. The matter was brought to court; the trial ended in December 1869 with the acquittal of the company directors.—161, 208, 305, 548
[29] The full English translation of this letter was first published in: Letters to Dr. Kugelmann by Karl Marx, Co-operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the U.S.S.R., Moscow-Leningrad, 1934.—12, 48, 56, 67, 82, 130, 144, 173, 184, 213, 231, 278, 317, 337, 359, 433, 466, 475, 527
[280] Marx refers to Gustav Adolf Bachmann's letter of 31 January 1869 with the request of the Lugau workers to be affiliated with the International Working Men's Association. See Die I. Internationale in Deutschland, Berlin, 1964, S. 295.—214, 219
[281] Engels wrote the 'Report on the Miners' Guilds in the Coalfields of Saxony' (see present edition, Vol. 21) at Marx's request on the basis of material sent in by the Saxon miners from Lugau, Nieder-Würschnitz and Oelsnitz, who informed the General Council and Marx personally of their wish to join the International (see Note 241). The report, which Engels had written in English, was read at the General Council meeting of 23 February 1869. An abridged version appeared in The Bee-Hive, No. 385, 27 February 1869. Other English newspapers, including The Times, The Daily News and The Morning Advertiser, refused to carry the report. In early March 1869 Marx himself translated it into German, and it was published in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 33, 17 March, Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 12 (supplement), 20 March, and Die Zukunft, nos. 67 and 68, 20 and 21 March 1869.—214, 219, 220, 221, 223, 226, 227, 230, 244
[283] A reference to the plan for the publication of a French daily political newspaper La Renaissance, to be started in 1869. Among the proposed staff members were Blanquists (Jaclard, Tridon etc.) and republicans (Ranc). A major contribution to the work was made by Lafargue, who wrote two articles, one a critique of Proudhonism, and the other a concise exposition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (the manuscripts are not extant). Lafargue tried to persuade Marx to contribute to the newspaper. Due to a shortage of funds the project fell through, but the preparations had gone so far that in early 1869, a prospectus 'Pour paraître le 24 février [18]69. La Renaissance, Journal politique hebdomadaire' was brought out.—217, 220, 225, 287, 290, 308, 316
[285] A reference to the preparatory materials for Borkheim's articles 'Michael Bakunin' (VIII-X) in the Russische Briefe series (see Note 274), brought out by Die Zukunft on 21 July, 13 and 15 August and 2 November 1869. Among the materials used by Borkheim was Bakunin's 'Address to the Russian, Polish and All Slavic Friends' (printed in the Kolohol, No. 123-124, supplement, 15 February 1862).—219, 223
[73] Marx is referring to the General Council of the First International which, up to the end of 1866, was usually referred to as the Central Council.—45, 82, 102, 161, 228, 275, 341, 396, 445, 449, 475, 488, 497
[226] The decision to publish the resolutions of the Geneva and Brussels congresses was adopted by the General Council on 6 October 1868 on a suggestion by Lafargue and Dupont. The preparatory work was done by Eccarius, while Marx put the finishing touches and checked the translation into English. The first part of the pamphlet was published in The Bee-Hive, No. 371, 21 November and the second, in No. 374 on 12 December 1868. In February 1869 the resolutions were published in London in pamphlet form, under the heading: 'The International Working Men's Association. Resolutions of the Congress of Geneva, 1866, and Congress of Brussels, 1868'.—161, 221, 223
[143] Marx means the opposition to the trade unions put up by the Belgian unions and French Proudhonists at the Geneva and Lausanne congresses of the International. The Geneva Congress, the first congress of the International Working Men's Association, was held on 3-8 September 1866. It was attended by 60 delegates from the Central Council (see Note 73), various sections of the International and workers' associations in Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland. Hermann Jung was elected its chairman. The Congress approved the Rules and Administrative Regulations of the International Working Men's Association (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 441). Marx's 'Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council. The Different Questions' were read as the official report of the Central Council (see present edition, Vol. 20, p. 185). The Congress became a scene of struggle between Marx's followers and the Proudhonists, who had a third of the votes and countered the 'Instructions' with their own programme on all items on the agenda. They were particularly opposed to trade unions and preached political indifferen-tism. In heated debates with the Proudhonists, Jung, Eccarius, Dupont, Carter and other supporters of the Central Council succeeded in having 6 items out of 9 of the 'Instructions' adopted in the form of Congress resolutions, including the one on trade unions. The Lausanne Congress of the International was held on 2-8 September 1867. Marx took part in the preparations, but, as he was busy reading the proofs of Volume One of Capital, he was unable to attend. He withdrew his candidature at the General Council meeting of 13 August 1867. The Congress was attended by 64 delegates from six countries (Britain, France, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium and Italy). Apart from the annual report of the General Council, the Congress heard reports from the local sections, which indicated the increased influence of the International on the proletarian masses and the growing strength of its organisations in different countries. Despite the efforts of the General Council's delegates, the Proudhonist-minded delegates imposed their agenda on the Congress. They sought to revise the decisions of the Geneva Congress in a Proudhonist spirit. They managed to pass a number of their resolutions, including the ones on cooperation and credit, which they regarded as the chief factors of changing a society through reform. However, they failed to achieve their main objective. The Congress confirmed the Geneva resolutions on the economic struggle and strikes. The Proudhonists likewise failed to seize the leadership of the International. The Congress re-elected the General Council in its former composition and retained London as its seat.—95, 221, 258
[292] Marx quotes a translation into Scots made by John Bellenden of a Scottish 16th century chronicle originally written by Hector Boece, a poet and chronicler. The translation was published in Edinburgh in 1536 under the title The History and Chronicles of Scotland and reprinted in 1821. The original, written in Latin, first appeared in Paris in 1527 under the title Scotorum Historiae a prima gentis origine cum aliarum et rerum et gentium illustratione non vulgari and reprinted, with supplements, in 1574.—226, 230
[6] Marx has in mind his letter to Freiligrath of 20 July 1867 (see present edition, Vol. 42, p. 397). In his reply, dispatched the same day, Freiligrath avoided giving a direct answer to Marx's question. Late in April 1867, a committee was set up in London to collect donations for Ferdinand Freiligrath, who had found himself without means of subsistence owing to the closing down of the London branch of the Banque Générale Suisse of which he was manager. On 25 and 26 April, the committee, which was made up of German petty-bourgeois emigres, appealed 'to all friends of German poetry' in England and other countries for a subscription. Similar committees were set up in many German towns and in New York. Accounts of the progress on the subscription were published by the Hermann. Deutsches Wochenblatt aus London.—4, 373
[11] A reference to Engels' intention to write a review of Volume One of Marx's Capital for The Fortnightly Review to which Professor Beesly was a contributor, (see Marx's letter to Engels of 8 January 1868, present edition, Vol. 42). While working on the review, Engels wrote out excerpts from Capital, which later made up a synopsis (see Note 26). The review was written around 20 May-1 June 1868, but rejected by the editorial board (see present edition, Vol. 20).— 6, 30, 33, 35, 37, 38, 44, 47, 50, 52, 54, 70, 73, 74, 81, 138
[294] A reference to Liebknecht's statement of 18 February published by the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 8, 20 February 1869. In that statement, Liebknecht proposed to appoint the General Council the arbiter in the conflict between Schweitzer and his General Association of German Workers on the one hand, and Bebel, Liebknecht and the workers' unions they headed, on the other. The note that Schweitzer had refused to recognise the General Council as arbiter appeared in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 24, 24 February 1869.— 230, 234, 405
[38] The German People's Party (Deutsche Volkspartei) was set up in 1865 and encompassed the democratic elements of the petty bourgeoisie and part of the bigger bourgeoisie, chiefly from South and Central German states. As distinct from the National-Liberals, it opposed Prussia's supremacy and advocated the plan for the establishment of the so-called Great Germany incorporating both Prussia and Austria. While pursuing an anti-Prussian policy, the People's Party voiced the particularist aspirations of some German states. It was against Germany's unification as a single centralised democratic republic, advocating the idea of a federative German state. In 1866, the German People's Party was joined by the Saxon People's Party, whose nucleus consisted of workers. This left wing of the German People's Party had, in effect, nothing in common with it except anti-Prussian sentiments and the wish jointly to solve the problems of national unification in a democratic way. Subsequently, it developed along socialist lines. The main section of the Party broke away from the petty-bourgeois democrats and took part in founding the Social-Democratic Workers' Party in August 1869.—20, 102, 231, 242, 257, 299, 304, 308, 313, 324, 428, 478, 513 A reference to the female suffrage meeting held in Manchester on 14 April 1868. It was reported by Newspaper (No. 340, 18 April The Bee-Hive 1868).—20
[41] appeared in 1859, Marx produced a lengthy economic manuscript throughout 1861-63, which was a second rough draft of Capital (the first was the manuscripts of 1857-58). In 1863, he evolved the final plan for a four-book work, the first three books theoretical and the fourth, a historical and critical one. Having finished work on the manuscripts of 1861-63, Marx began preparing them for the press in August 1863. This work from 1863-65 resulted in the third rough draft of Capital, three books of a theoretical character. The notes for the fourth book, the Theories of Surplus-Value, were incorporated in the manuscripts of 1861-63. Later, having completed work on them, Marx went back to the first book. On Engels' advice, he decided it should appear first. Preparation for the press continued throughout 1866 and most of 1867. The first German edition of the first book appeared in September 1867 as Volume One of Capital. Under the plan agreed upon with Meissner, the publisher, the second and third books (devoted to the circulation of capital and the process of capitalist production as a whole) were to appear as Volume Two, while the fourth book on the history of economic theories was to be Volume Three of Capital. Marx, however, had not completed the preparation of the last books of Capital for the press. After his death, this was done by Engels, who published Marx's manuscripts relating to the second and third books as volumes Two and Three of Capital (1885 and 1894). Engels also intended to prepare for the press and publish as Volume Four of Capital the above-mentioned manuscript of the fourth book, but did not have time to do this in his lifetime. This edition presents this book of Capital as part of the Economic Manuscripts of 1861-63, (volumes 30-34) while Volumes One, Two and Three of Capital are to be found in volumes 35, 36 and 37 of the present edition respectively.—21, 30, 61, 68, 119, 232, 234, 259, 408, 528, 545
[33] This letter was published in English for the first time in an abridged form in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Correspondence, 1846-1895, London, Lawrence LTD, [1934].—16, 20, 89, 152, 154, 163, 235, 306, 342, 353, 362, 369, 387, 418
[299] A reference to the second letter of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy Central Bureau (see Note 257) of 27 February 1869, a reply to the General Council's circular letter which contained a refusal to admit the Alliance to the International Working Men's Association as an independent international organisation. The Alliance voiced its readiness to disband if the General Council approved its Programme and agreed to admit individual sections of the Alliance to the International. Marx received the Alliance's address from Eccarius, who enclosed it with his letter of 4 March 1869.—235, 240
[301] On the insistence of the General Council, Article 2 of the Alliance's Programme was changed in April 1869 to read as follows: 'It is above all working for the complete and final abolition of classes and for the political, economic and social equalisation of persons of both sexes.'—236, 491
[180] An excerpt from this letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Selected Letters. The Personal Correspondence, 1844-1877, Ed. by F. J. Raddatz, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1981.— 119, 239, 241, 264, 268, 295, 299, 372, 408, 416, 425, 436, 508, 519
[306] In a letter to Marx of 8 March 1869, Otto Meissner wrote that the printing of the second German edition of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte had been postponed for commercial reasons (the time between the New Year and Easter being unfavourable for book-publishing, while later, Marx could have counted on proofs).— 239, 241
[307] A reference to three articles by Marx, 'The Defeat of June 1848', 'June 13, 1849' and 'Consequences of June 13, 1849' published in 1850 in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Politisch-ökonomische Revue, nos l, 2 and 3, which later formed the principal part of the book The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850 (see present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 45-131). In 1895, Engels reprinted the articles from the Revue in German with his introduction (see present edition, Vol. 27).—241, 242
[308] When he was about to travel to Karlsbad for a cure, Marx made an attempt to become a British subject in August 1874, as a precaution against possible reprisals by Austrian authorities. In Austria, as in a number of other European countries, members of the workers' and democratic movement could be taken to court for merely corresponding with Marx. A Special Report of the Metropolitan Police Office, Scotland Yard, is extant which was drawn up in connection with Marx's application for citizenship and in which Marx is characterised as follows: '... he is the notorious German agitator, the head of the International Society, and an advocate of Communistic principles. This man has not been loyal to his own King and Country.' Marx's request was not granted for reasons which had probably not been explained to him.—243, 248, 563
[8] In his letter to Engels of 25 February 1868 Otto Meissner requested assistance in drawing up a publisher's advertisement announcing the publication of Volume One of Capital so as 'to break silence through powerful advertisement'. Simultaneously, Otto Meissner sent notices containing the table of contents to about thirty newspapers.—5, 37
[318] A reference to the dispute between Liebknecht, Bebel and Schweitzer at the congress of the General Association of German Workers held in Barmen-Elberfeld on 28-31 March 1869 (see Note 311). Bebel and Liebknecht accused Schweitzer of having contacts with the Bismarck Government and of attempts to prevent the formation of a united workers' party in Germany. The congress showed that Schweitzer's authority had been undermined: 14 delegates representing 4,635 of the Association's members refused to give him a vote of confidence, while 42 delegates with 7,400 votes gave such a vote. The congress adopted a number of resolutions aimed at restricting Schweitzer's dictatorial powers and making the internal life of the Association more democratic: in addition to the President, it was to be headed by a board of twelve members and its seat was to be in Hamburg. A proposal was moved to convene a Social-Democratic congress in Germany with a view to 'founding a united organisation'. On Schweitzer's suggestion, it was resolved to establish closer contacts with the International to the extent permitted by the German law. In fact, however, the Association's leadership continued to pursue a sectarian policy and obstruct the affiliation of the Association with the International.— 253, 255, 264
[124] This letter was first published in English in an abridged form in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Selected Letters. The Personal Correspondence, 1844-1877, Ed. by F. J. Raddatz, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1981.— 85, 86, 255, 303
[325] In a letter to Marx of 3 April 1869, Liebknecht gave an optimistic account of the outcome of the struggle against Schweitzer at the congress of the General Association of German Workers in Barmen-Elberfeld (see Note 318). According to him, Schweitzer had sustained a crushing defeat, the leadership had passed into the hands of the Hamburg board and strife was extinguished. Summing up his information, Liebknecht wrote: 'The General Association of German Workers numbers only 11,000 men who have extremely vague political notions and mostly support Bismarck. Our Union is more numerous and enlightened.' Liebknecht also wrote about his intention to bring out Engels' work The Peasant War in Germany as a separate pamphlet (2,000 copies) (see present edition, Vol. 10).—256 ' S26 xhe strike of workers in the cotton yarns and goods industry in Preston
[326] (Lancashire) began in March 1869 as a response to the provocative decision of the manufacturers to cut wages by ten per cent. The General Council and the trade unions organised financial support by workers in other towns, as a result of which the strike lasted until August 1869, and ended in a compromise (wages were reduced by 5 per cent). Reports on the progress of the strike appeared regularly in The Bee-Hive.—257, 278, 296
[174] An excerpt from this letter was published in English for the first time in: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Correspondence, 1846-1895, London, Lawrence LTD, [1934].—114, 127, 188, 191, 195, 262, 349, 428, 462, 471
[333] A reference to Liebknecht's letter to Marx of 12 April 1869.— 262, 264
[338] On 12 February 1867, at the elections to the North German Reichstag in Barmen-Elberfeld, Sophie von Hatzfeldt, who headed a small group of Lassalleans that had split away from the General Association of German Workers in 1867 (see Note 104), launched a campaign against Schweitzer. His candidature was opposed by that of Hillmann which the workers did not support: Hillmann received only 52 votes. However, Schweitzer, who received 4,668 votes, was not elected either.— 268
[239] This letter was published in English in full for the first time in; Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Selected Letters. The Personal Correspondence, 1844-1877, Ed. by F. J. Raddatz, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1981.—169, 269
[351] Marx wrote the 'Address to the National Labour Union of the United States' (see Note 146) in connection with the threat of war between Britain and the USA which arose in the spring of 1869, and read it on 11 May at the General Council meeting. The English text was published as a separate leaflet and also in The Bee-Hive, No. 396, 15 May 1869; the German version appeared in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 21, 22 May, and Der Vorbote, No. 8, August 1869 (see present edition, Vol. 21).—279, 283
[353] Marx and his youngest daughter Eleanor stayed with Engels in Manchester from 25 May to 14 June 1869. Eleanor's visit probably lasted until early October.—286, 290, 291, 317, 337, 370, 466
[356] In May 1869, Peter Le Néve Foster, Secretary of the Society of Arts and Trades Board of Directors, sent out letters to a number of persons, including Marx, requesting their consent to be elected to the Society. Marx's letter of 28 May 1869 was a reply to this proposal. On 30 June 1869, the Society's general meeting considered 132 candidatures and took a vote, as a result of which Marx was elected a member. To be admitted, a person had to have three members, at least one being his personal acquaintance, to back his candidature. For Marx, this was Peter Lund Simmonds, a Dane residing in England, a well-known political writer and author of numerous works on botany and agriculture. Marx's admittance to the Society of Arts and Trades signified recognition by British scientific quarters of his merits as a scholar and political writer. The Society of Arts and Trades, which was founded in 1754, set itself the philanthropic and educational goal of 'promoting the arts, trades and commerce'. Its social composition was varied: its managing bodies included both members of the aristocracy, patrons of the Society, and representatives of a broad cross-section of bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals; among the members were also representatives of trade unions. In the 1860s, the Society's membership was in excess of 4,000. In 1853-54, as the mass strike movement began to grow, the Society tried to act as an intermediary between the workers and the manufacturers seeking to take the edge off the class struggle. Marx sharply criticised this position and even called the organisation the ' "Society of Arts" and tricks' (see present edition, Vol. 12. p. 612). Marx's admission to the Society gave him greater access to scientific literature to be found in the Society's library, including its extremely large collection of works by the 17th-19th century economists. Many of them he used when working on Capital. He was particularly interested in recent research in the field of economics and natural sciences, specifically, chemistry and agriculture, whose results were published in the Society's journal. Marx used the materials of the journal for 1859, 1860, 1866 and 1872 in Volume One of Capital (the first and second editions) (see present edition, Vol. 35).— 287, 297, 372
[364] In a letter to Marx of 24 June 1869, Wilhelm Eichhoff wrote about the difficulty of selling his pamphlet Die Internationale Arbeiterassociation... (see Note 79), and his brother's inability, for financial reasons, to undertake the reprinting of Engels' work The Peasant War in Germany (see present edition, Vol. 10). The second edition of The Peasant War appeared in 1870 (see Note 302).—297, 299
[369] On 30 June 1869, the contract signed by Engels with his partner Gottfried Ermen (see Note 158) expired. Since that time, Engels terminated his participation in the Manchester firm Ermen & Engels and devoted himself exclusively to writing, scientific research and party work.— 299, 310, 312
[2] Engels visited Marx in London between 1 and 5 April 1868 to attend the wedding of Laura Marx and Paul Lafargue.—3, 5, 7, 10
[371] Starting from January 1869, Marx's daughter Jenny gave lessons to the Monroe children. She stayed in Eastbourne with the Monroe family from 4 to 21 July 1869.—300, 327, 547
[374] A reference to the clash of miners with the police and troops near Mold, Denbighshire. The workers protested against the lowering of the wages and the atrocities of the mine manager. On 28 May 1869 a crowd of unarmed miners made an attempt to set free their arrested fellow-workers but they were fired on. Five people were killed and many wounded. The court acquitted the authorities and sentenced the 'rebels' to ten years' hard labour. Home Secretary Bruce declared in the House of Commons that the troops had a right to shoot at the crowd in self-defence without obtaining permission from the authorities. On this issue, see also: K. Marx, 'Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association' (present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 80-81).—305, 308
[7] Engels is probably referring to the letter Wilhelm Liebknecht wrote to him on 29 March 1868.—5, 8
[379] A reference to the Congress of the First International held in Basle on 6-11 September 1869. It was attended by 78 delegates from England, France, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy, Spain and North America. Marx was not present at the Congress but took an active part in preparing it. The General Council Minutes include his speeches dealing with individual items on the Congress's agenda: the agrarian question (6 July), the right of inheritance (20 July) and public education (10 and 17 August) (see present edition, Vol. 21). The question of the right of inheritance was entered on the agenda, which was approved on 22 June 1869, at the suggestion of the Geneva Section headed by the Bakuninists. They proposed to annihilate the right of inheritance, believing this to be the only means of eliminating private property and social injustice. At the General Council meeting of 3 August, Marx read out a Report of the General Council on the Right of Inheritance, prepared by him,which was approved and submitted to the Congress on behalf of the Council. However, at the Congress itself the question of the right of inheritance provoked a heated debate. Despite the opposition of Liebknecht and De Paepe, Bakunin managed to win some of the delegates over to his side. No resolution concerning this matter was passed. After discussing the land question for a second time (the first discussion of land ownership took place at the Brussels Congress [see Note 138]) the majority of the Basle Congress delegates voted for abolishing private property in land and converting it over into common property; the Congress also passed resolutions on the unification of trade unions at the national and international levels. The Basle Congress was the scene of the first clash between supporters of Marx and Engels, and the followers of Bakunin's anarchist doctrine. The latter failed to assume leadership in the International Working Men's Association. The Basle Congress confirmed that the General Council was to remain in London. In order to consolidate the unity and organisation of the International, the General Council was granted a right to expel from the International any section that did not comply with its Rules, on condition that the Federal Council and the Congress approved.—306, 322, 325, 335, 338, 351, 355, 364, 393, 405, 413, 463
[381] Marx used the alias A. Williams when staying in Paris between 6 and 12 July 1869.—309, 314, 315
[349] Marx and his daughter Jenny left for a visit to Ludwig Kugelmann in Germany around 10 September 1869 (see this volume, p. 353), and stayed in Hanover until 7 October. On the way back, they stopped over in Hamburg (8 and 9 October), where Marx had an appointment with Otto Meissner. On 11 October, Marx returned to London.—279, 312, 318, 337, 359, 551
[80] This letter was first published in English in full in: The Letters of Karl Marx. Selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979.—51, 111, 171, 314, 355
[13] Marx is referring to his articles of 1856-57 for the New York Daily Tribune on the French joint-stock bank Crédit Mobilier—'The French Crédit Mobilier' (a series of articles) and 'Crédit Mobilier' (see present edition, Vol. 15).—7
[5] The reference is to Freiligrath's letter written on 3 April 1868, in which he thanks Marx for a copy of Volume One of Capital sent to him in September 1867 and congratulates him on his daughter Laura's marriage. The letter contained the following opinion of Capital: 'This is precisely the book one would wish to study, and its success has not been quick and loud in coming, but its hidden impact will be all the more profound and durable. I know that on the Rhine, many young merchants and factory-owners are delighted by your book. In that environment, it will attain its real purpose; for the scholars, it will be, apart from this, an indispensable source.'—4, 8
[394] On 13 July 1869 Ludwig Kugelmann wrote to Engels about his intention to ask Marx to prolong his stay in Hanover so that they could go to Karlsbad (now Karlovy Vary) for a cure together. While they were absent, Marx's daughter Jenny was to stay with Gertrud Kugelmann in Hanover. On 17 July 1869, Kugelmann replied to Marx's letter of 15 July, in which he again asked Marx to go with him to Karlsbad in August.— 324, 327, 334
[395] The reference is to an item published in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 29, 17 July 1869, which stated: 'We can assure you further that the General Council of the International Working Men's Association shares our opinion of Herr von Schweitzer but at present considers it inexpedient to interfere, so as to fully preserve the independence of the German workers' movement. But if Herr von Schweitzer proves stupid enough to turn up at the forthcoming congress of the International, as he has stated he will do, he will simply be ordered to leave.'—324, 331
[398] Excerpts from this letter were first published in English in: The Letters of Karl Marx, Selected and translated ... by Saul K. Padover, New Jersey, USA, 1979; Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Selected Letters. The Personal Correspondence. 1844-1877. Edited by Fritz J. Raddatz. Boston, Toronto, 1981.—326, 329
[404] A reference to Liebknecht's letter to Marx of 22 July 1869.—328
[409] Johann Philipp Becker published, on behalf of the Central Committee of the German-language sections, an address to the Eisenach Congress, which was published by Der Vorbote, No. 7, July 1869 (see Note 373). It contained a plan of a working-class organisation. Becker, who was under Bakunin's influence, refused to recognise the need for a proletarian political party. He regarded the trade unions as the only acceptable organisational form of workers' movement and sought to put the German Social-Democracy under the control of the Central Committee of the German-language sections. Marx, Engels and Bebel were sharply critical of this plan.— 332, 335
[373] A reference to the all-German congress of the Social-Democrats of Germany, Austria and Switzerland held in Eisenach on 7-9 August 1869. Taking part in it were 263 delegates representing over 150,000 workers; the congress founded an independent revolutionary party of the German proletariat which was called the Social-Democratic Workers' Party. The congress adopted a programme which incorporated, word for word, the basic provisions of the International's Rules. The draft Programme was published in the supplement to the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 31, 31 July 1869. It showed some influence of Lassalleanism but was mostly based on Marxist principles. The congress defined the status of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party as a section of the International. Since the Prussian Law on Associations banned all societies which had contacts with other organisations, especially those abroad, the congress decided that the party members should join the International as private persons. It also discussed the organisational principles of the party. The plan proposed by J. Ph. Becker (see Note 409) did not meet with support. August Bebel, who made a report on the Programme and the organisational issue, emphasised the need to adopt Rules which would preclude a personal dictatorship. The Rules that were approved were drawn up along democratic lines.—303, 332, 335, 345, 544
[414] A reference to the letters of August Bebel of 30 July 1869, and Wilhelm Liebknecht, late July 1869. Bebel's letter was a reply to Marx's letter (not extant) of 27 July 1869 (see this volume, p. 332). Bebel and Liebknecht supported Marx's critical attitude to Becker's plan for a workers' organisation in Germany (see Note 409) and advocated its formation on the basis of the International's principles.— 338, 339
[4] Marx is referring to the stand of the British trade union leaders in the 1867-68 election campaign, when George Odger, William Cremer, George Potter et al. urged the workers to come to an understanding with the Liberals and in fact refused to draw up an independent and class-conditioned election programme. In the course of the elections, trade union leaders frequently withdrew their candidatures in favour of one election coalition or another with which they were affiliated. A case in point is George Odger, who was nominated in Chelsea (London). During the 1868 election campaign, Liberal leader Gladstone publicly promised to settle the Irish question, which since the autumn of 1867 acquired a sharper edge due to a new upsurge of the national liberation movement in Ireland against British colonial oppression. He came out with the slogans 'to pacify Ireland' and 'to reconcile England and Ireland' and he also promised a church reform. In his speech in the House of Commons on 3 April 1868, Gladstone likened the Tory policies in Ireland to the conquest of England by the Normans (see The Times, No. 26090, 4 April 1868). Marx warned the leaders of the British labour movement against the dangerous influence of social demagogy inherent in the Liberals' election platform on the Irish question. Trade union leaders, Lucraft in particular, actually supported bourgeois Radicals in their assessment of the Irish Fenians (see Note 86).— 3
[418] Engels stayed in Ostend and Engelskirchen with relatives from around 19 August to early September 1869.—342, 352, 357
[421] Engels, Lizzy Burns and Eleanor Marx toured Ireland from 6 to 16 September 1869.—348, 351, 356
[434] In July 1865, Liebknecht was expelled from the Prussian state by the Berlin police 'for political reasons'. In 1867, he was elected deputy to the North German Reichstag from Saxony and enjoyed a deputy's immunity. However, in September 1869, he was unable to visit Marx in Hanover, as the Prussian police had a right to arrest him during a break in the Reichstag work between 22 June 1869 and 14 February 1870. Marx originally planned a meeting with Liebknecht in Brunswick, and later in Hamburg. However, the meeting never took place.—356, 358
[438] Engels first conceived the idea of a book on the history of Ireland in the summer of 1869. He studied a vast selection of literary and historical sources: works of classical and medieval authors, annals, collections of ancient law codes, legislative acts and legal treatises, folklore, travellers' notes, numerous works on archaeology, history, economics, geography, geology, etc. Engels' bibliography, embracing over 150 titles, is selective and includes but a fraction of the sources he studied. Preparatory materials take up the bulk of 15 paginated notebooks of excerpts, as well as notes, fragments on separate sheets and newspaper clippings. Marx attached great importance to Engels' book and helped him all he could. The views of Marx and Engels on major problems of Irish history took shape in the course of joint discussions. In May 1870, Engels began working on it. Engels actually succeeded in finishing only the first chapter, 'Natural Conditions'. The second chapter, 'Old Ireland', is unfinished (see present edition, Vol. 21), while the two last chapters were not even begun. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune, which were soon to follow, made Engels concentrate on his work in the International and left him no time for the book.—357, 358
[441] A reference to the French translation of Volume One of Capital made by Charles Keller, member of the Paris Section of the First International. Keller began the work in October 1869, and on 16 October sent Marx the translation of Chapter II of the first volume for corrections. Keller took part in the Paris Commune and emigrated to Switzerland after its defeat. The work remained unfinished. The translation of Volume One of Capital into French was made by Joseph Roy and published in Paris in 1872-75 in instalments, which were later brought together in a book (on the French translation of Capital, see also Note 309).—359, 378, 399, 450, 545
[443] N. Flerovsky's book The Condition of the Working Class in Russia (H. OAepoBCKift, lïonoDKeHue paôouaeo wiacca et Pocciu) was sent to Marx by Danielson on 30 September (12 October), 1869. Danielson expressed the hope that it would supply Marx with the necessary material for the subsequent parts of his classical work Capital. This work prompted Marx to take up Russian seriously. (For Marx's opinion of Flerovsky's book see this volume, pp. 390, 423, 424).— 360, 362, 429
[446] This letter was first published in English in an abridged form in: Marx K., Engels F., Selected Correspondence, Moscow, 1979.—363, 365, 522
[448] Marx learned that Bakunin had the writings of A. A. Serno-Solovyevich, who committed suicide on 16 August 1869, from L'Egalité, No. 37, 1 October 1869, which carried an announcement requesting all persons in possession of manuscripts, letters and other documents of the deceased to submit them for the use of the newspaper, which was intending to publish his works and compile a bibliography.— 364, 366
[458] Liebknecht's inconsistent behaviour when popularising the decisions of the Basle Congress (see Note 447) was used by Schweitzer, who in a series of provocative articles in Der Social-Demokrat accused the Eisenachers of deceiving the workers, denouncing a socialist programme, and toeing the line of the People's Party (see Note 38). Bonhorst responded with an article 'Der famose Diktator und eine der Braunschweiger "Strohpuppen" im Lichte der Baseler Besch-lüsse', in which he made it clear that the Lassallean General Association of German Workers only paid lip service to socialist principles while in fact doing nothing to implement them. Schweitzer, Bonhorst wrote, will never manage to pass himself off as a champion of the rural proletariat's interests, for he enjoys the support of the Prussian junkers. The attacks of the democratic press on the resolutions of the Basle Congress, he stated by way of conclusion, only serve to show where the dividing line lies between the Social-Democratic Party and its fellow-travellers in the People's Party. The article appeared in Der Volksstaat, Nos. 8 and 9, 27 and 30 October 1869.— 367, 369.
[9] The reason for these opinions of the Demokratisches Wochenblatt published by Wilhelm Liebknecht was probably the anonymous article 'Märzgedanken', printed in No. 13 on 28 March 1868. Reviewing the revolution of 1848-49 in Germany, its author (in all probability, Liebknecht himself) exaggerated the contribution of petty-bourgeois democrats to the campaign for the Imperial Constitution, specifically, of Gustav Struve, a leader of the Baden uprisings and Liebknecht's friend. For Engels' opinion of these events, see his works 'The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution' and 'Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany' (see present edition, Vols. 10 and 11).—5
[461] Repealers—people campaigning for a repeal of the Anglo-Irish Union of 1801 imposed upon Ireland by the British Government after the suppression of the Irish uprising of 1798. The Union, which came into force on 1 January 1801, put an end to the autonomy of Ireland and abolished the Irish Parliament. One of the consequences of its introduction was the abolition of tariffs established by the Irish Parliament at the end of the 18th century to protect the rising Irish industry, and this led to its total decline. Since the 1820s, the movement for the repeal of the Union began to gain momentum in Ireland. However, its bourgeois liberal leadership (O'Connell and others) regarded the campaign only as a means to wrest insignificant concessions for the Irish bourgeoisie from the British Government. Under the impact of the mass movement, the liberals were forced to found the Repealer Association (1840), and they attempted to make it agree to a compromise with the British ruling classes.—368, 390, 398, 473
[471] Elisée Reclus, a French geographer and sociologist, member of the International Working Men's Association, was staying in London in July and August of 1869 and attended two meetings of the General Council.—377, 378
[486] A writ of Habeas Corpus—the name given in English judicial procedure to a document enjoining the appropriate authorities to present an arrested person before court on the demand of the persons interested to check the legitimacy of the arrest. Having considered the reasons for the arrest, the court either frees the arrested person, sends him back to prison or releases him on bail or guarantee. The procedure, laid down by an Act of Parliament of 1679, does not apply to persons accused of high treason and can be suspended by decision of Parliament. The British authorities frequently made use of this exception in Ireland.—391, 394, 419
[489] An excerpt from this letter was first published in English in: The Labour Monthly, Vol. 15, No. 1, London, 1933.—392, 394, 396
[490] Marx refers to the reports of the General Council meetings of 16 and 23 November 1869, at which he made a speech on the policies of the British Government with regard to the Irish prisoners (see present edition, Vol. 21). The reports were written for the press by two General Council members, Eccarius ('The British Government and the Irish Political Prisoners', in: The Reynolds's Newspaper, nos. 1006 and 1008, 21 November and 5 December 1869) and Harris ('International Working Men's Association', in: The National Reformer, 28 November and 5 December 1869). By Harris' 'currency panacea', Marx means his article 'Yours or Mine; or Short Chapters, Showing the True Basis of Property and the Causes of its Unequal Distribution' in: The National Reformer, 5 December 1869. The Reynolds's Newspaper and The National Reformer were published on Saturday but were dated Sunday; that is why the Sunday 5 December issue of The National Reformer was sent by Marx to Engels on Saturday, 4 December.— 392, 394
[496] In a letter to Marx of 11 November 1869, Wilhelm Bracke noted that the arrest of Leonard von Bonhorst had created additional difficulties for the Committee of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party (see Note 459). Bonhorst was Secretary of the Brunswick Party Committee.—393, 395
[498] A reference to the letter from Klein and Moll to Engels of 3 December 1869. They wrote about the financial difficulties encountered by the Solingen cooperative for the production of steel and iron goods (see Note 330) and requested Engels for assistance. Inscribed on the letter in Engels' hand is: 'Answered on 8 February 1870. Fifty thaler sent by registered mail, with the interest to be added to the cooperative's reserve fund'.— 395, 396, 420