NOTES AND INDEXES

Notes

Residual editorial notes

151 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[33] Here Marx replies to Lassalle's attacks on Liebknecht. In the above-mentioned letter Lassalle urged Marx to break off party relations with Liebknecht because Liebknecht contributed to the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung.—12

[37] :'7 This refers to Vogt's lawsuit against the Allgemeine Zeitung. See also Note 22.—13

[43] For Vogt's attacks on Wolff, see Marx's Herr Vogt, present edition, Vol. 17, pp. 72-73.—16

[74] 4 In mid-June 1850, Marx, through the Solingen worker Carl Wilhelm Klein, recommended to the Cologne District of the Communist League that Lassalle be admitted to the League. On 18 June, Peter Gerhard Reiser, a leader of the League's Cologne District, wrote to tell Marx that the Cologne communists could not admit Lassalle because he 'persists in his aristocratic attitudes and is not as concerned lor the working men's general welfare as he ought to be'. Tor the accusations levelled at Lassalle by Düsseldorf workers, see Marx's letter to Engels of 5 March 1856 (present edition, Vol. 40).— 35

[75] '5 This refers to the committee appointed to organise the celebrations of the centenary of Friedrich von Schiller's birth on 10 November 1859. Composed of petty-bourgeois regufees, it was headed by Gottfried Kinkel.— 35, 81, 226, 236

[76] 'b Marx evidently means the plans for establishing a Schiller society in London similar to the one set up in Manchester in November 1859 in connection with the Schiller centenary (see Note 429).—35

[80] " Marx had sent Vögele's deposition (for its text see this volume, p. 60) and a covering letter to the Editor of the Allgemeine Zeitung (see present edition, Vol. 17, p. 3) to help the newspaper in the suit brought against it by Vogt (see Note 37).—41

[81] 1 This refers to the so-called German-American revolutionary loan which Kinkel and other petty-bourgeois refugee leaders sought to float among German refugees and Americans of German extraction in 1851 and 1852. The funds raised were to be used for starting an immediate revolution in Germany. To publicise the loan, Kinkel went on a tour of the United States in September 1851, but it ended in failure. Marx and Engels denounced the whole undertaking as a futile and harmful attempt to produce a revolution artificially at a time when the revolutionary movement was at a low (see, in particular, Marx's Herr Vogt. present edition, Vol. 17, pp. 313-15).—43, 98, 322

[84] This refers to Borkheim's letter to Marx of 12 February 1860 setting forth the history of the 'Brimstone Gang' (see Note 65). Marx reproduced the letter in full in Herr Vogt (see present edition, Vol. 17, pp. 29-32).— 48, 71

[96] Marx means Liebknecht's private letter to the Allgemeine Zeitung (see Note 93) and his statement of 15 November in the supplement to the A. Z., No. 327, of 23 November 1859 in which Liebknecht stressed that he had never named Freiligrath among the accusers of Vogt.—56

[97] Marx had been misinformed. Vogt's pamphlet contained no letters by Freiligrath to Vogt.—56

[98] 'La classe la plus laborieuse, et la plus misérable' is a paraphrase of Saint-Simon's expression 'la classe la plus nombreuse, et la plus pauvre'.—57

[99] Blind's statement in question, published in the supplement to the Allgemeine Zeitung, No. 44, on 13 February 1860, opened with the words: 'In his latest work, Vogt speaks of my "Russophobia" and my "mistrust".'—58

[101] Marx means his letter of 19 November 1852 notifying Engels of the dissolution of the Communist League (see present edition, Vol. 39, and this volume, p. 83).—59

[102] Marx means Biscamp!s article 'Der Reichsregent'. The words 'Der Reichsregent als Reichsverräter' ('The Imperial Regent as a traitor to the Empire') open one of its paragraphs. See also Marx's Herr Vogt, present edition, Vol. 17, pp. 117-18.—64

[103] Marx stayed with Engels in Manchester from approximately 12 June to 2 July 1859.—64

[105] Marx gives a detailed explanation of the name 'Bürstenheimer' in his Herr Vogt (see present edition, Vol. 17, p p . 38-47).— 71

[106] Marx means the Communist League. See Note 63.—71 24 — 558

[107] This refers to the German Workers' Educational Society in London (see Note 3) which was headed by Willich and Schapper after the split of the Communist League.— 71

[110] Marx means the differences on organisational questions that arose in the summer of 1850 between the Communist League Central Authority in London and the Cologne District Authority. The position of the former was set forth by Marx and Engels in the June 'Address of the Central Authority to the League' (see present edition, Vol. 10). In a number of letters to London that summer League members in Cologne expressed reservations about certain propositions in the 'Address'.— 81

[112] Marx means his letters to Weydemeyer of 1 February 1859 (see present edition, Vol. 40) and to Komp, presumably of the same date (not found).—81

[113] Gustav Levy visited Marx in London in late February 1856. On a previous visit, in the latter half of December 1853, he had come on a mission from Düsseldorf workers.— 82

[114] La Société des Saisons, active in Paris between 1837 and 1839, was a secret republican socialist organisation led by Auguste Blanqui and Armand Barbes.—82

[116] llfi Marx evidently means the article by Ludwig Simon, former deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly, containing sallies against him and Engels, of which Weydemeyer advised him in a letter of 10 March 1852.—84

[118] This is in reply to a passage in Lassalle's letter to Marx and Engels of late February 1860, which said: 'You [Marx] conclude your letter by passing on to me with a haughty gesture a message from Baltimore purporting to show that at least I have no grounds for complaining about your mistrust of me.' (See note 100).—88

[128] The March Association, with its headquarters in Frankfurt and branches in a number of G e r m a n cities, was named after the March 1848 revolution in Germany and was set u p by the petty-bourgeois democrats Julius Fröbel, Heinrich Simon, Arnold Rüge, Karl Vogt and other Left-wing deputies to the Frankfurt National Assembly late in November 1848. T h e Neue Rheinische Zeitung sharply attacked the Association's revolutionary phrase-mongering, indecision and inconsistency in fighting the counter-revolution (see the article 'Ein Aktenstück des Märzvereins' in No. 181, 29 December 1848). See also Marx's Herr Vogt, present edition, Vol. 17, p p . 103-05.—100

[133] Marx means the Belgian National Congress. Elected during the 1830 revolution, it proclaimed the country's independence.—102

[134] This refers to the Democratic Association, of which Marx was a vice-president (see Note 61). In his letter of 25 February 1848, Jottrand requested Marx to withdraw his resignation. As a result, Marx decided to continue in his function.—102

[137] Marx came from Paris to London on about 26 August 1849.—102

[139] Marx evidently means the bill of the Free Press publishers stating the cost of printing his leaflet 'Prosecution of the Augsburg Gazette'.—104

[1 4 6] Engels stayed in Barmen from 23 March to 6 April 1860 in connection with his father's death.—112, 260

[154] O n 6 June 1849 the rump of the Frankfurt National Assembly, which had moved to Stuttgart, formed an Imperial Regency, consisting of five members of the Left faction (moderate democrats). Their attempts to enforce by parliamentary means the Imperial Constitution drawn u p by the Frankfurt Assembly and rejected by the German princes failed completely. On 18 June the rump National Assembly was disbanded by Württemberg troops.—124

[155] Decembrist was Marx's way of referring to the Second Empire in France (an allusion to Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état of 2 December 1851).—126

[158] The original of Marx's letter bears the following pencil note, presumably by Rheinländer: 'Cherval came to Geneva from England in early 1853 (beginning of March or beginning of February) and stayed there for over a year, until his expulsion in the summer of 1854.'—130

[159] In his letter of 16 April 1860 Lassalle informed Marx that he was sending a printed copy of his as yet unpublished article 'Fichtes politisches Vermächtniß und die neueste Gegenwart', which was to appear in the Demokratische Studien published by Walesrode. In his article, Lassalle discussed Fichte's Politische Fragmente aus den Jahren 1807 und 1813 (J. G. Fichte, Sämmtliche Werke, Bd. 7, Berlin, 1846, S. 507-613).—131

[160] This refers to Siebel's trip to Switzerland (see Note 147).—132

[168] The papers Reuter stole from Dietz were documents of the Willich-Schapper sectarian adventurist faction, which Dietz had joined after the split within the Communist League in the autumn of 1850 (for details see present edition, Vol. 11, pp. 403-07). The Communist League members tried in Cologne had had nothing to do with those documents.—140

[171] Marx thanks Fischel for informing him, in his letter of 30 May 1860, that K. Abel, and not a certain Meier, as Marx had previously assumed (see this volume, pp. 33 and 58), was the Berlin correspondent of The Daily Telegraph.—144

[173] On Marx's meeting with Hermann Juch see also his letters to Engels of 13 and 20 December 1859 (present edition, Vol. 40).—146

[174] Marx means the sectarian adventurist faction led by August Willich and Karl Schapper that split away from the Communist League after 15 September 1850 and formed an independent organisation with its own Central Authority (see also notes 63 and 108).—147

[177] Here Marx draws on Eduard Fischel's letter to the Editor of The Free Press, published on 30 November 1859 under the headline 'The Coburg Pamphlet and Lord Palmerston'.—153

[186] Engels quotes the old Danish folk song 'Elveskud' ('The Wood King's Daughter'). A German translation of it by Johann Gottfried Herder, entitled 'Erlkönig', was put to music and became widely known. Another German translation, by Wilhelm Grimm, though philologically superior, failed to win popularity. No translation by Ludwig Uhland has been discovered.—160

[205] The address on the envelope is in Mrs Marx's hand: 'Herrn Justiz-Rath Weber, Berlin, 11. Brüderstrasse'. Weber answered Marx on 27 August. He drafted his reply on Marx's letter under the signature.—180

[210] For details on the flysheet see Note 60.—188

[214] In his letter of 11 September 1860 Lassalle asked Marx to make enquiries to Freiligrath about the financial position of the General Bank of Switzerland. Freiligrath was an employee of its London branch.—192

[215] In his letter of 11 September 1860 Lassalle told Marx that Bürgers had urged Prussian hegemony in a speech before the National Association in Coburg.—

[219] Marx discussed this in more detail in the article 'Affairs in Prussia.— Prussia, France and Italy' (present edition, Vol. 17).—196

[221] Despite the victorious advance of Garibaldi's army (see notes 165 and 198), in September 1860 the peasants began to dissociate themselves from the revolution because the propertied classes were sabotaging Garibaldi's pro-peasant decrees. The initiative passed to the Piedmont government, which sent its troops to the Papal States. Lamoriciere commanded the Papal troops at the time.—199

[225] An allusion to the fact that Edwin James, who went to see Garibaldi in Italy in the autumn of 1860, had been datelining his reports in The Times from a different city each time.—203

[231] 2 , 1 This refers to the 1860 US Presidential election, which was contested by the Republican and the Democratic Party. The Republican Party was formed in 1854, on the basis of a broad coalition embracing the industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, farmers, workers and craftsmen in the North-eastern states. Its establishment as a force opposed to the Democratic Party reflected the antagonisms between the rapidly developing capitalism of the North and the system of slave labour in the South. The Republican Party, controlled by the Northern bourgeoisie, favoured the restriction of slavery to the southern states, the free settlement of the West, and protective tariffs to promote the development of national industry. On 7 November 1860 the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, was elected President.—210

[233] Marx means Lommel's statement of 5 April 1860 exposing Vogt's pro-Bonapartist activities. Lommel enclosed it in his letter to Marx of 13 April 1860, u p o n learning that the statement would not be published in the Zeitung. Marx quotes an extract from that letter in Herr Vogt (see Allgemeine present edition, Vol. 17, p. 71).—211

[245] Marx evidently means the articles by Engels whose receipt he acknowledged in his letters of 5 and 12 December 1860 (see Note 240).—230

[246] The Crystal Palace in London was built of metal and glass to house the Great Exhibition of 1851.—236

[247] The London publisher Albert Petsch was to distribute the unsold part of the Boston edition of Marx's Revelations Concerning the Communist Trial in Cologne (1853). Several copies of Marx's The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, published in New York in 1852, were likewise turned over to Petsch for sale. The two works are in Vol. 11 of the present edition.—238, 327

[253] T h e victory of the Republican Party at the 1860 election (see Note 231) gave the capitalist North of the USA a stronger position vis-à-vis the Southern slaveowners, who had dominated the Federal organs of power for a long time. Lincoln's election to the Presidency was taken by the Southern states as a pretext for secession. South Carolina was the first to quit the Union. It was followed by Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas and Florida. See Marx's article 'The American Question in England' (present edition, Vol. 19).—

[258] The Manchester School—a trend in economic thinking which reflected the interests of the industrial bourgeoisie. Its supporters, known as Free Traders, advocated removal of protective tariffs and non-intervention by the government in economic life. The centre of the Free Traders' agitation was Manchester, where the movement was headed by two textile manufacturers, Richard Cobden and John Bright, who founded the Anti-Corn Law League in 1838. In the 1840s and 1850s the Free Traders were à separate political group, which later formed the Left wing of the Liberal Party.— 246

[259] Marx means the siege by Piedmontese troops of Gaeta fortress, the last stronghold of Francis II, King of the Two Sicilies. Gaeta fell in February 1861.—246

[260] This refers to the participation of William I, then Prince of Prussia, in suppressing the Baden-Palatinate uprising in 1849.—249

[261] In mid-January 1861 Rodbertus, Berg and Bûcher published a statement on the unification of Germany (Allgemeine Zeitung, No. 13, 13 January, supplement; Der Beobachter, Nos. 17, 18 and 19; 20, 22 and 23 January). They argued that, together with Prussia, the future Germany should include Schleswig-Holstein and Austria so as to have access both to the North Sea and — via Austria's possessions in Italy — to the Mediterranean. They advocated a 'Great Germany' and held that the country should be unified through the consolidation of the German Confederation.—249, 253

[263] This presumably refers to the petition drawn up by Lassalle for Countess Sophie von Hatzfeldt in connection with her divorce case, completed in 1854 (Klage der Gräfin Hatzfeldt wegen ungesetzlicher Vermögensaneignung [Complaint by Countess Hatzfeldt about Unlawful Appropriation of Property]). The petition was submitted to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies at the beginning of 1861. Appended to it was a memorandum to the Ministry which contained a sharp critique of Prussia's reactionary regime.—251, 252, 254

[267] This may refer to Engels' letter to Marx of 31 January 1861, or to some other letter, which has not been found.—254

[268] Engels means his article 'French Armaments', which he wrote at Marx's request in late January 1861 (see this volume, p. 250). He revised it for The Volunteer Journal since, after Dana's letter (see Note 265), he had good cause to fear that the New-York Daily Tribune would not publish it.—257

[271] Kinkel started out in life as a pastor's assistant in the Protestant community in Cologne.—262

[277] In the course of the Civil War in Rome (49-45 B.C.), Caesar followed Pompey, his rival, to Epirus and defeated him at Pharsalus, Thessaly, on 6 June 48 B.C.—265

[282] xhe Frankfurt Parliament, or the German National Assembly, opened in Frankfurt am Main on 18 May 1848. It was convened to unify the country and draw up a Constitution. The liberal deputies, who were in the majority, turned the Assembly into a mere debating club. At the decisive moments of the revolution, the liberals condoned the reactionary policy of the counter-revolutionary forces. In spring 1849, the liberals walked out of the Assembly after the Prussian and other governments had rejected the Imperial Constitution it had drawn up. The Rump of the Assembly moved to Stuttgart, and was dispersed by the Württemberg forces on 18 June 1849 (see Note 154).—268

[283] waradje (from the Dutch word waaràtje, truly, indeed) is the favourite word of one of the characters in Hildebrand's novel Camera obscura, a timid, ignored admirer. Here, the reference seems to be to Pastor A. Roodhujzen, Antoinette Philips' future husband.—274

[288] it w a s n o t u ntil September 1861 that Marx agreed to contribute to the Austrian liberal newspaper Die Presse, of which the German journalist Max Friedländer was an associate editor. Marx gave his consent after having made sure that, in the domestic sphere, Die Presse was opposing the reactionary forces and was also critical of the government of Anton von Schmerling, a liberal.—279

[300] In November and early December 1848 Prussia witnessed a coup d'état which culminated in the establishment of the arch-reactionary Brandenburg-Manteuffel Ministry and the dissolution of the National Assembly.—287

[331] 831 Marx means the armed struggle in Kansas in 1854-56 between supporters and opponents of slavery (the latter were mostly farmers). It began after the adoption, in May 1854, of An Act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, which let the population of the two Territories decide for themselves whether they wanted slavery or not. Despite a series of successes by the anti-slavery forces, Kansas fell to the slavery party, who had received armed support from the Federal government. However, most of the population continued the struggle and in 1861 won the admission of Kansas to the Union as a free state. The struggle in Kansas was, in effect, the prelude to the US Civil War. The Border Ruffians were gangs of pro-slavery thugs brought into Kansas from Missouri during the Kansas war.—301

[338] Marx means elections to the US Congress. An extraordinary session of it opened on 4 July 1861.— 306

[356] In his letter to Die Presse, which has not been found, Marx inquired about the newspaper's stand on the Cabinet crisis in Austria in the autumn of 1861.—323

[358] Marx refers to the chapter 'Bristlers' in his polemic book, Herr Vogt (present edition, Vol. 17). For Bristlers see this volume, p. 71.—324

[359] With mass rallies taking place in Warsaw, the Governor-General of the Kingdom of Poland, Count Lambert, on 14 October 1861 introduced martial law. On the night of 15 October many arrests were made, accompanied by clashes between Tsarist troops and members of the population. This was followed by the closure of all Catholic churches in Warsaw. In referring to the 'exploits of handsome William' Marx means William I's speech on the occasion of his coronation in Königsberg on 18 October 1861, in which he stressed the divine origin of the sovereignty of the Kings of Prussia.—325

[360] Marx means Engels' holiday in Germany (see Note 354).— 325

[365] el e ct democrats...' is a quotation from the speech William I made in 365 'jf y o u Breslau (Wroclaw) in November 1861, on the eve of elections to the Prussian Provincial Diet (see Note 368). 'Soldiers are the only answer to democrats' ('Gegen Demokraten helfen nur Soldaten') is a quotation from the poem Die fünfte Zunft by the monarchist Wilhelm von Merckel, published as a leaflet in the autumn of 1848. The Prussian reactionary writer Karl Gustav von Griesheim took it as the title of his pamphlet, published anonymously in Berlin in late November 1848.—328

[367] 31,7 In April 1857, Bakunin, who had been kept in prison at the Peter and Paul fortress in St Petersburg from 1851, was exiled for life to Siberia. In April 1861 he escaped (via Japan and America) to England, arriving in London in December.—329

[370] The Corpus juris civilis is the general title of law books that emerged as a result of the codification of1 Roman law under the Byzantine emperor Justin-ian 1 between 528 and 534. These are: Codex constitutionum, Digesta, Institutiones, and Novellae.— 331

[377] 77 Truly British Minister—an ironic allusion to Lord Palmerston based on a passage from Lord Russell's speech in the House of Commons on 20 June 1850. Referring to Palmerston he said: '...so long as we continue the government of this country, I can answer for my noble Friend that he will act not as the Minister of Austria, or as the Minister of Russia, or of France, or of any other country, but as the Minister of England'.—336

[379] 79 The reference is to the agreement signed by Russia, Britain and the Netherlands in London on 19 May 1815 on defraying Russia's expenses incurred in driving out Napoleon's army from the Dutch and Belgian provinces. The governments of Britain and the Netherlands undertook to pay in compensation part of Russia's debts to the Dutch bankers Hope & Co., and the interest on that debt as of 1 January 1816. The agreement stipulated that payments would be suspended if the Belgian provinces seceded from the Netherlands. After the revolution of 1830, when an independent Belgian state was formed, the Netherlands government stopped the payments. On behalf of the British government, Palmerston signed a new agreement with Russia on 16 November 1831 confirming Britain's financial obligations.—337

[389] This refers to Russia's abortive attempt in 1861 to establish a naval station on Tsushima island off the coast of Japan. Marx must have drawn his data from the editorial 'Russian Progress in Asia' in the New-York Daily Tribune, No. 6167, 30 January 1862, which gave an inaccurate and tendentious account of the affair.— 345

[391] 3'" Gold was discovered in California and Australia in 1848 and 1851 respectively. The result was the 'gold rush', the mass immigration of would-be prospectors from FjUrope and America.— 348

[392] This refers to the triumph of the Free Trade principles in Britain in the mid-19th century. The Free Traders, members of the industrial bourgeoisie, advocated laissez-faire, the lifting of protectionist customs duties, because Britain, having completed its industrial revolution and established itself as the leading industrial power, could afford to compete freely against other countries in the world market.—349

[394] On 17 July 1861 the Mexican Congress suspended all payments on foreign debts for two years, which was taken bv Britain, France and Spain as a pretext for intervention. To avoid war, the Mexican government, headed by Benito Pablo Juarez, reversed the decision in November 1861 and agreed to meet the claims of the three powers.— 349

[395] In a letter dated 28 March 1862 Dana requested Marx to stop sending articles for the Tribune on the grounds that American domestic affairs left no space in the paper for reports from London.—353

[397] Marx stayed with Engels in Manchester from 30 March to 25 April 1862.—

[425] This refers to Mary and Lizzy Burns. Engels was renting lodgings in Hyde Road (see Note 386) under the name of Frederick Boardman. Mary Burns figured as Mary Boardman.—370

[436] contained in Quesnay's Analyse du tableau économique. Marx used the edition, Physiocrates... Avec une introduction sur la doctrine des Physiocrates, des commentaires et des notices historiques, par M. Eugène Daire. Première partie. Paris, 1846. He gives a detailed analysis of the table in Notebook X of his Economic Manuscript of 1861-63 (present edition, Vol. 31) and in his study on the subject incorporated in Engels' Anti-Dühring (Ch. X, Part II, present edition, Vol. 25).—381

[4 3 7] I n 1862, following the Order of Amnesty (see Note 256), Wilhelm Wolff m a d e an unsuccessful attempt to restore his Prussian citizenship. It was probably with this end in view that h e went on a second trip to Germany in the summer of that year (he made the first in the s u m m e r of 1861).—383

[4 3 8] An allusion to money matters between Marx and Freiligrath mediated by Engels.—384

[4 4 6] Engels is referring to the pamphlets of the German idealist philosopher Bruno das Germanenthuin, Charloltenburg, 1853; Rußland Bauer Rußland und und England, Charlottenburg, 1854; Die jet-Age Stellung Rußlands, Charlottenburg, 1854, and others. Marx attacks Bauer's foreign-policy views in his unfinished work 'Bruno Bauer's Pamphlets on the Collision with Russia' (present edition, Vol. 15).—393

[4 4 8] In this letter Marx uses the term cost price (Kostpreis, Kostenpreis) in the sense of price of production (c + v + average profit).—396

[450] To cope with Britain's increased national debt, William Pitt's government set up in 1786 a redemption fund, to finance which it raised existing and introduced new, indirect taxes. The Tax Bill, passed in the USA in April 1862, was shelved. To cover its military expenditure the Federal government had recourse to the emission of paper money (see Note 422).—400, 421

[451] 4o1 The physiocrats were a school of bourgeois political economy that emerged in France in the 1750s. They held Nature to be the only source of wealth, and agriculture the only sphere of the economy where value was created. Advocates of large-scale capitalist farming, they showed the moribund nature of the feudal economy, thus contributing to the ideological preparation of the bourgeois revolution in France. Marx gave a critical analysis of the physiocrats' views in Notebook VI of his Economic Manuscript of 1861-63 (present edition, Vol. 31).—403

[454] This letter has not been found.—410

[455] 435 Marx probably means Borkheim's letter to Engels of 12 August 1862 (see Note 452).—410

[456] Marx discusses the use of the replacement fund in the function of accumulation fund in Notebook XIII of his Economic Manuscript of 1861-63 (present edition, Vol. 32).—412

[458] This refers to the Federals' ill-starred offensive on Richmond in August 1862. At the second battle of Bull Run (for the first see Note 390) near Manassas (southwest of Washington) on 29 and 30 August 1862, their forces, commanded by General Pope, suffered a severe defeat and had to retreat towards Washington. To prevent the fall of the capital, the Federal command had to bring in reinforcements.—414, 457

[461] On 29 August 1862, during his march on Rome, Garibaldi was seriously wounded and taken prisoner in a clash with Royal troops at Astromonte. The capture of Italy's national hero evoked an outcry in many countries, Britain included. On this see Marx's article 'A Meeting for Garibaldi' (present edition, Vol. 19).—417

[462] '- Marx refers to his article 'A Note on the Amnesty' (see present edition, Vol. 19). Based on data sent to him by Wilhelm Wolff from Manchester in a letter written between 10 and 12 September 1862, it revealed the demagogic nature of the 1861 political amnesty in Prussia (see Note 256) and was rather widely read in Germany. The article appeared in the Barmer Zeitung and was reprinted in the Volks-Zeitung and the Niederrheinische Märkische Volks-Zeitung.—417

[463] 63 On 23 September 1862, at the height of the Constitutional crisis (see Note 408), Bismarck was appointed Prime Minister of Prussia. This move signalled the government's resolve to go ahead with the planned military reform, despite the refusal of the Chamber of Deputies to provide the funds for it.—418

[471] Marx means a series of revolutionary-democratic measures carried out by the Lincoln Administration from mid-1862 onwards. These included, besides the Emancipation Proclamation (see Note 468), the Homestead Act of 20 May 1862 which, by distributing public lands without compensation to everyone wishing to cultivate it, provided a democratic solution to the agrarian problem. Of great importance were also the purge of the army and administration of traitors, and the Act on the confiscation of rebels' property. These and other measures ensured the victory of the North in the Civil War.—421

[477] Marx uses the word Sonderbund (separate union), which may be an allusion to the Swiss Sonderbund, the separatist union formed in 1843 by Switzerland's seven Catholic, economically backward cantons to resist progressive bourgeois reforms in the country. The decree of the Swiss Diet of July 1847 on the dissolution of the Sonderbund served as a pretext for the latter to open hostilities against the other cantons early in November. On 23 November 1847 the Sonderbund army was defeated by the federal forces. Marx developed the ideas contained in this letter in his article 'Symptoms of Disintegration in the Southern Confederacy' (present edition, Vol. 19).—430

[479] This refers to the suppression by General Napoleon Bonaparte of a royalist mutiny against the Thermidorian Convention in Paris on 4 and 5 October (12 and 13 Vendémiaire) 1795.—430

[492] First published in English in full in a footnote in The Letters of Karl Marx, selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction bv Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979.—441, 443,

[495] Marx means his excerpts from: J. H. M. Poppe, Geschichte der Technologie seit der Wiederherstellung der Wissenschaften bis an das Ende des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, Bd. 1-3, Göttingen, 1807-11; J. Beckmann, Beyträge zur Geschichte der Erfin-dungen, Bd. 1-5, Leipzig, 1783-1800; Technisches Wörterbuch oder Handbuch der Gewerbekunde. Bearbeitet nach Dr. Andrew Ure's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures and Mines von Karl Karmarsch und Friedrich Heeren, Prag, 1843-44. Erster Band, and other works — contained in Marx's London notebooks of excerpts (1850-53).—449

[496] The jenny was a spinning machine invented by James Hargreaves in 1765. He named it after his daughter, Jane.—449

[504] Marx presumably means the attempt, in 1863, to organise a military expedition to Circassia involving Urquhartites and Polish émigrés. The party was to be carried by the ship Chesapeak.—454, 492

[505] 305 General Joseph Hooker succeeded Burnside as commander of the Army of the Potomac in January 1863, after the latter's dismissal following the defeat on the Rappahannock (see Note 489).—454

[510] The dispute between Bakunin and Mieroslawski was provoked by the 'Letter of the Polish Central National Committee in Warsaw to the Editors of the Kolokol' published in that journal on 1 October 1862. It recognised the right of the peoples of Lithuania, Byelorussia and the Ukraine to self-determination as one of the main principles of the future national liberation uprising. The letter evoked a sharp protest from Mieroslawski and other moderate Polish democrats advocating the great-power slogan of the inviolability of Poland's frontiers of 1772. Bakunin attacked this stance in the pamphlet Le comité central de Varsovie et le comité militaire russe. Réponse au général Mieroslawski, London, 1862. Mieroslawski replied with the pamphlet Dernière réponse à M. Michel Bakounine, published in Paris on 20 January 1863. The Mieroslawski-Bakunin polemic was given broad coverage in the press.—456

[513] There were three divisions of Poland between Prussia, Austria and Russia, in 1772, 1793 and 1795. As a result, Russia obtained Lithuanian, Byelorussian and Ukrainian territories, while Prussia and Austria gained portions of Poland proper. By decision of the Congress of Vienna, 1814-15 (see Note 511), a large part of the original Polish lands was annexed to Russia under the name of the Kingdom (Tsardom) of Poland.—459, 470, 538

[515] This refers to Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 18 March 1863.—461

[516] On 10 March 1863 Langiewicz, who led a unit of insurgents in the Sandomierz province, in South Poland, was proclaimed 'dictator' by the conservative bourgeois and landowner party of the 'Whites'. His government, established as a result of backstage intrigues, opposed the revolutionary leadership of the uprising, notably the National Central Committee of the petty-bourgeois and szlachta (gentry) party of the 'Reds', which was acting as a provisional national government. However, as early as 19 March Langiewicz abandoned his unit, which was being pushed back by superior forces of the Tsarist army, and fled to Austria.—461, 464

[520] This refers to the speech by Plon-Plon (Napoléon Joseph Charles Paul Bonaparte) in the Senate on 18 March 1863. In his manuscripts for a book on Poland (see Note 512) Marx called this speech a 'farce' (Marx-Engels Archives, Vol. XIV, Moscow, 1973, p. 502).—463

[521] There were riots by starving unemployed weavers in the industrial towns of Ashton and Staleybridge, Lancashire, in March 1863 caused by the cotton crisis in Britain during the US Civil War of 1861-65 (see Note 385). Large forces of police, and regular troops of infantry and cavalry were employed against the rioters.—463

[522] The Polish insurrection started off a wave of peasant risings against the landowners and Tsarist autocracy in Lithuania and West Byelorussia in February and March 1863. The Lithuanian provincial committee, which led the movement both in Lithuania and in Byelorussia, declared its solidarity with the programme of the Polish insurrection put forward by the Provisional National Committee in Warsaw. The armed insurgent units in Lithuania and Byelorussia consisted mostly of peasants, and also included artisans, students and members of the landless nobility. Their leaders were the revolutionary democrats Konstanty Kalinowski, Zygmunt Sierakowski and Walery Wröblewski. The special significance of the Lithuanian risings lay in their democratic tendency and the opportunities they created for the movement to spread into Russia. Congress Poland was the part of Poland annexed to Russia by decision of the Congress of Vienna (1814-15) under the name of the Kingdom (Tsardom) of Poland.—464

[523] Engels is referring to the following passage in Kugelmann's letter to Marx of 18 March 1863: T have been repeatedly told of late that Engels' Condition of the Working Classes in England is inaccurate and one-sided, indeed that the author, himself has disowned his work as a piece of immature juvenilia. Is it true? I can't believe it.' Further on Kugelmann suggested that the book should be republished.—465

[525] On 10 February 1863 the Leipzig central committee for the convocation of a general German working men's congress requested Lassalle to set forth his views on the problems of the working-class movement. Lassalle responded by writing a pamphlet entitled Offnes Antwortschreiben an das Central-Comité zur Berufung eines Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeitercongresses zu Leipzig (Zurich, 1863). He suggested that the pamphlet be made the 'official manifesto of the movement'. Below Marx quotes from pp. 11, 23, 36 et seq. of the pamphlet.—467

[526] 52h Q n 26 March 1863 the London Trades Union Council held a meeting at St James's Hall to express the British workers' solidarity with the North American States' struggle to abolish slavery. It was chaired by John Bright, an opponent of Britain's armed intervention in the US Civil War on the side of the Southern States.—468

[527] The Independents were a Protestant trend in England. In the 1580s and 1590s they constituted the left wing of the Puritan movement and were in radical opposition to absolutism and the Church of England. During the English revolution of the seventeenth century, the Independents formed a political party which held power under Oliver Cromwell (1649-53).— 468

[529] Schulze-Delitzsch's agitation among German workers and handicraftsmen for the establishment of co-operative societies and savings banks with funds contributed by the workers themselves was an attempt to distract them from the revolutionary struggle against capital and to perpetuate the bourgeoisie's influence on the proletariat. By claiming that co-operative societies were capable of improving the workers' condition within the framework of capitalism and saving the handicraft producers from ruin, Schulze-Delitzsch was preaching the harmony of the capitalists' and workers' interests. In his pamphlet Offnes Antwortschreiben ... (see Note 525) Lassalle attacked these views and, instead, advocated universal suffrage and the reformist idea of producers' associations to be set up by workers with the aid of the state, which he regarded as a supra-class institution.—470

[530] i"he LiVOnians were the inhabitants of Livonia, a Baltic area which is now part of the Latvian and Estonian republics within the USSR. Originally inhabited by the Livs, an extinct Finno-Ugric group, Livonia was conquered by the German Knights in the thirteenth century and formed the nucleus of the Livonian Order. In the second half of the sixteenth century it became part of the Rzecz Pospolita (Poland); and in the seventeenth century, joined Sweden. In 1721, as a result of the Northern War, it was included in the Russian Empire and in 1783 was constituted a separate gubernia, Livland, within Russia.—471

[531] :i3i -phis refers to an episode of the Constitutional conflict in Prussia (see Note 408). In May 1863 a clash in the Prussian Diet between War Minister Roon and Deputy Sybel gave rise to a controversy over whether the president of the Diet had the right to interrupt speakers, in particular government Ministers. The Bismarck government was adamant on the issue, denying this right to the president. Engels pokes fun at the debate started in this connection by the deputies of the Party of Progress (see Note 371) and the draft resolution they tabled. On 15 May the Diet recognised by a majority vote the president's right to interrupt any deputy. In retaliation, the Diet was closed down by Royal decree on 27 May, ahead of time, and a restrictive decree on the press issued on 1 June.—473

[532] ,32 In April and May 1863 a sharp political struggle developed between Lassalle and the bourgeois Party of Progress (see Note 371) in connection with Lassalle's propaganda campaign preparatory to the establishment of the General Association of German Workers (see Note 536). Lassalle's stepped-up attacks on the Party of Progress were countered by sharp articles in the bourgeois press accusing him of collaboration with Bismarck.—473

[541] An allusion to the Brimstone Gang (see Note 65).—479

[545] In the summer of 1863 the Southerners made an unsuccessful attempt to launch a fresh offensive in Pennsylvania.—484

[554] :w4 xhe Rosicrucians were members of secret mystical societies, active in Germany and other European countries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The name is believed to derive from Christian Rosenkreutz, the reputed fifteenth-century founder of the Society. Another theory traces the name to the Society's emblem, which features ihe cross and roses.—491

[559 -] - j - n e October 1863 elections to the Prussian Diet brought another victory for the Party of Progress. On 21 November, the newly elected Chamber of Deputies enforced the repeal of the decree, imposed on 1 June 1863, abolishing the freedom of the press.—494

[560] Engels did not carry out his intention to write a pamphlet on the Schleswig-Holstein question.—496

[562] 5ft2 During Marx's young years in Trier, the address of the von Westphalens' house was 389 Neugasse (later Neustrasse). Roman antiquities—the local inhabitants were very proud of the ancient Roman architectural monuments in Trier.—499

[564] 51,4 In his letter of 16 December 1863 Freiligrath informed Marx of a demand by Williams, a London bookseller, that Liebknecht return the money he had borrowed from him, this loan having been guaranteed by Freiligrath.— 502

[565] r>h5 A n ironic reference to the resolution of the Prussian Diet recognising Friedrich of Augustenburg's right to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein (see notes 557 and 558) and urging immediate help for him. The words a 36th potentate are an allusion to the fact that the German Confederation comprised 35 (according to other data, 34) states and four free cities.—503

[566] ötiö The representatives of Prussia and Austria at the Federal Diet meeting in Frankfurt am Main in late December 1863 to consider the problem of Schleswig and Holstein were instructed to refrain from discussing the Polish question.— 503

[570] 70 Parts of this letter were first published in English in: Marx and Engels, On Literature and Art, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976 and in The Letters of Karl Marx, selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979.—507

[571] 71 The enthronement of Christian IX as King of Denmark (see notes 557 and 558) led to a controversy in Germany over the status of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. The smaller and medium-sized German states, through their representatives in the German Federal Diet, supported Friedrich of Augustenburg as claimant to the two duchies. In conformity with the London protocol of 1852, Austria recognised Christian IX's title to them. Prussia (Bismarck), while ostensibly taking a stand similar to Austria's, from the outset worked for the annexation of Schleswig and Holstein to Prussia. The so-called execution (see Note 568) failed to eliminate the inner-German differences. The Warsaw Protocol, mentioned by Marx below, was signed by Russia and Denmark on 5 June 1851. It proclaimed the indivisibility of the Danish Crown possessions, including Schleswig and Holstein.—507

[576] ,76 In the spring of 1848, Schleswig and Holstein were swept by a national liberation movement against Danish domination and for unification with Germany. The states of the German Confederation, with Prussia at the head, opened hostilities against Denmark, but it soon became clear that the Prussian government had no intention to uphold the interests of the liberation movement. The seven-month truce concluded in Malmö on 26 August 1848 nullified the revolutionary and democratic gains in Schleswig and Holstein and virtually ensured the continuance of Danish domination. The Prusso-Danish war, resumed at the end of March 1849 and carried on until 1850, ended in victory for Denmark, which retained Schleswig and Holstein. (See also Note 324.)—513

[578] Marx means the elections to the French Corps législatif of 31 May-1 June 1863.—513

[579] At the time, Garibaldi was preparing to visit England (he arrived in early April 1864) with a view to raising funds for another expedition to end Austrian domination in Venetia (see also Note 582).—513

[586] An allusion to the fact that the aggravation of the Schleswig-Holstein conflict was alleged to be the result of a purely dynastic dispute that developed after the death of the childless King Frederick VII of Denmark (see notes 557 and 558).—517

[587] In March 1864, after inheriting a small legacy from his mother, Marx and his family moved to a new house at 1 Modena Villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill, in northwest London.—517 26*

[597] Jenny, Marx's eldest daughter, was jocularly called 'the Emperor of China' in the family, her sister Eleanor was 'the Successor', and the other sister, Laura, was 'the Secretary'.— 527

[603] In this note, written on 23 May 1864, Ernest Jones expressed his regret at having failed to meet Marx on the eve of the latter's departure from Manchester. It was in Manchester that they had first met a week earlier, on Hi May, after not having seen each other for several years (see this volume, p. 526).—530

[605] At Solferino, on 24 June 1859, the Austrian army was defeated by the Franco-Italian forces.— 53 !

[610] Marx gave lectures on wage-labour and capital at the German Workers' Society in Brussels in the latter half of December 1847. These lectures formed the basis of his Wage-Labour and Capital, published as editorials in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Nos. 264-67 and 269, 5-8 and 11 April 1849 (present edition, Vol. 9). Later he gave up his intention to reproduce Wage-Labour and Capital as an appendix to Vol. I of Capital. He did, however, cite individual passages from it in notes to Volume I (see present edition, Vol. 35, author's notes to Part VII). In the Preface to the first German edition of Volume 1 Marx pointed out that Lassalle had borrowed many important theoretical propositions from his writings 'without any acknowledgement'.— 534

[627] h27 Médiatisation—the degrading of princes, formerly independent members of the Imperial German Confederation, to the status of subjects of a bigger German sovereign. Here the reference is to Prussia's attempts to bring Schleswig-Holstein under her hegemony.— 554

[629] N'est pas Palmerston qui veut—not everyone who wishes to be Palmerston is Palmerston. In paraphrasing the famous dictum 'N'est pas monstre qui veut' from Victor Hugo's pamphlet Napoléon le petit, Engels was alluding to the fact that in 1864 Palmerston, aged 80, was still Prime Minister of Britain.— 554

[642] From 16 February to 25 March I860, Marx stayed in Manchester discussing with Engels and Wilhelm Wolff plans for exposing the Bonapartist agent Karl Vogt, who was libelling Marx and his associates.—567

[647] This refers to the libellous campaign against Marx and his associates launched by Karl Vogt and supported by the bourgeois press. The barrister K. Hermann, who represented Vogt in his lawsuit against the Allgemeine Zeitung (see Note 22), described him as an 'abgerundete Natur' ('an intellectually mature character'). The phrase tan also mean 'potbelly', and Marx puns on it in his polemical work Herr Vogt (see present edition, Vol. 17, p. 28).— 572

[649] There were riots among Lancashire textile workers in connection with the cotton shortage caused by the Union's blockade of the Secessionist states during the US Civil War.—580

[651] These remarks refer to the continuing Constitutional conflict between Bismarck and the Prussian Chamber of Deputies (see Note 290). On 2 September the Chamber was disbanded, but at the new elections the Party of Progress, the unfavourable conditions notwithstanding, again won the majority and succeeded in getting all its leaders (Jacoby, Schulze-Delitzsch, Waldeck and others) into the Chamber. Jenny's pessimistic remarks are consonant with Marx's assessment of the developments in Germany contained in his letter to Engels of 15 August 1863, in which he says: 'Our fatherland would seem to be m a pitiful state'. —584

[652] By the circular Jenny Marx means the 'Proclamation on Poland by the German Workers' Educational Society in London', written by Marx (see Note 508). By a letter from the 'Chair' she means a letter from |. Vahlteich, secretary of the General Association of German Workers (see Note 536), to Wilhelm Wolff in his capacity of member of the committee to raise funds for the Polish uprising of 1863-64. Vahlteich expressed the Association's support for the 'Proclamation on Poland by the German Workers' Educational Society in London' and the Association's readiness to back it up with vigorous action. He also requested 50 copies of the 'Proclamation' for circulation to the Association's branches.—585, 586

[653] A sarcastic allusion to Lassalle's petitions to the Berlin Chief of Police of 3, 15 and 17 November 1863 requesting the Prussian authorities to put an end to police harassment of the General Association of German Workers and instruct the police to ensure order during the Association's meetings. The agitation of the Association, he stressed, did not conflict with the interests of the Prussian state.—586