Notes

Residual editorial notes

96 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[24] 24 Engels is referring to the decisive battle of the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 (see Note 5), which took place on July 3, 1866, at Königgrätz (Hradec Krâlové), near the village of Sadowa. The batde of Sadowa ended in a crushing defeat for the Austrian troops and decided the outcome of the war.

[44] 44 Engels wrote the fourth article in the Refugee Literature series on the advice of Marx. Having acquainted himself with Tkachov's Offener Brief an Herrn Friedrich Engels. Verfasser der Artikel " Flüchtlings-Literatur" in Nr. 117 und 118 des "Volksstaat" (Zurich, 1874), Marx passed it on to Engels with the following note upon the cover: "Go to it, but in jovial fashion. So stupid, that Bakunin may have contributed. What Peter Tkachov is above all trying to tell his readers is that you had treated him as an enemy, and he therefore invents all manner of disputes that never occurred" (see Marx's letter to Engels, February-March 1875, present edition, Vol. 45). The article was printed by Der Volksstaat, Nos. 36 and 37, March 28 and April 2, 1875. Excerpts from it were published in English for the first time in the collection: K. Marx, F. Engels, On Literature and Art, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1978, pp. 114, 408-09. In full, it appears in English for the first time.

[53] 53 The corvée (labour rent)—one of the forms of feudal land rent, unpaid forced labour of the serf peasant working on the estate of the feudal landowner and using his own tools. After the abolition of serfdom in Russia in 1861, part of the peasants that earlier belonged to the landowner (the so-called temporarily bound peasants) were obliged to perform gratuitous labour for the landowner or to pay quit-rent for the use of land. In 1881 a law was passed making the redemption of the peasants' plots obligatory, and abolishing the corvée in its overt form. However, it continued to exist as a statute labour up to the 1900s.

[54] 54 On February 19, 1864 the Russian Tsar passed an edict introducing an agrarian reform in Poland: the land that was in the peasants' use was to become their own property. Some of landless peasants were returned plots taken away earlier by the landlords. The latter were compensated from the treasury for the land that passed to the peasants. Despite the tiny size of most of the new holdings, and the fact that their owners were compelled to work on the landed estates, the reform of 1864 cleared the way for the development of capitalism in Poland to a larger extent than the reform of 1861 did in Russia.

[56] 56 The truck system—a barter system introduced between employer and employed, which means the practice of paying wages otherwise than in cash (see F. Engels, The Condition of the Working-Class in England, present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 470, 471, 473, 539, 542).

[67] 67 A conference of Austrian, Prussian, Bavarian, Saxonian and other ministers held in Karlsbad in 1819 adopted decrees to fight opposition movements spearheaded against the reactionary customs and laws in the German states and advocating the unification of Germany. The Karlsbad Decrees in particular made it possible to prosecute participants in the political demonstration in Gambach (May 1832) and in the actions of revolutionary democrats, including members of the Burschenschaften (see Note 151) in Frankfurt am Main in April 1833. They were repealed by the Federal Diet (see Note 150) on April 2, 1848.

[68] 68 The Programme of the International Working Men's Association was set forth by Marx in the "Inaugural Address of the Working Men's International Association" and in the preamble to the "Provisional Rules of the Association". These documents were published for the first time by the General Council of the International in the pamphlet Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association, Established September 28, 1864, at a Public Meeting Held at St. Martin's Hall, Long Acre, London (see present edition, Vol. 20).

[72] 72 Engels is referring to the system of constitutional principles of Rzecz Pospolita introduced after the formation of this state in 1569, Rzech Pospolita was a limited monarchy headed by an elective Diet, the king and the Polish nobility enjoying unlimited rights. The most odious principle was that of liberum veto, the right of any member of the Diet to ban any of its decisions, which by the 18th century resulted in extreme political anarchy and social and economic crisis. On the first partition of Poland, see Note 9.

[77] 77 See Note 14.

[82] 82 Engels wrote this article at the moment when, in the spring of 1875, relations between the German Empire and France sharply deteriorated after the French National Assembly approved the Projet de loi relatif à la constitution des cadres et des effectifs de l'armée active et de l'armée territoriale. Resolute Russian diplomatie interference prevented a war in Europe. Attaching great importance to Engels' article, which contained a critique of German militarism from the proletarian internationalist stand, the Volksstaat editorial board intended to publish it as a separate pamphlet. However, this intention was not carried out.

[83] See Note 65.

[84] 84 In German the word Gründung is used here: a reference to Griindertum, the period of "prosperity" in Germany in 1871-73. It was made possible, to a large extent, by the war reparations of five thousand million francs and the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine under the terms of the Frankfurt Peace Treaty (1871), which concluded the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71. Railway construction and the building of heavy-industry enterprises was in full swing, accompanied by the investment of enormous capital; industrial, construction and commercial joint-stock companies were mushrooming, as were banks and social security companies. By 1873, the period of Gründertum in Germany had resulted in a crash followed by a protracted economic crisis that also affected Austria, Belgium, Britain, France, Holland, Italy, Russia and the USA, and continued up to 1879.

[95] 95 Engels' letter to August Bebel written between March 18 and 28, 1875 is closely connected with Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme (see this volume, pp. 75-99) and is traditionally published together with the latter work. It conveyed the joint opinion of Marx and Engels concerning the fusion of two German workers' parties, the Eisenachers and the Lassalleans, scheduled for early 1875. The immediate reason for the letter was the publication of the draft programme of the future united Social-Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (Programm der deutschen Arbeiterpartei) in Der Volksstaat (the organ of the Eisenachers) and the Neuer Social-Demokrat (the organ of the Lassalleans) on March 7, 1875. The draft programme was approved with slight changes by the unity congress at Gotha on May 22-27, 1875, and came to be known as the Gotha Programme. This letter was first published by Bebel, after the lapse of 36 years, in his Aus meinem Leben, Zweiter Teil, Stuttgart, 1911. In the present edition the letter is printed according to this book. It was published in English for the first time in: K. Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, Lawrence, London [1933], pp. 51-62.

[99] 99 The German People's Party, established in September 1868, embraced the democratic section of the bourgeoisie, mostly in the South-German states. The party opposed the establishment of Prussian hegemony in Germany and advocated the idea of a federative German state.

[107] 107 Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme, which analyses the draft programme of the future united Social-Democratic party, is a major contribution to the key theoretical issues of scientific communism and an example of uncompromising struggle against opportunism. It was written in April-early May 1875 and intended for the leadership of the Eisenachers. The manuscript Marginal Notes on the Programme of the German Workers' Party (Randglossen zum Programm der deutschen Arbeiterpartei) is prefaced by Marx's letter to Wilhelm Bracke of May 5, 1875 and forms a single whole with it. The work was sent to the leadership of the Eisenach party (specifically, to Wilhelm Bracke) on May 5. For the first time, Critique of the Gotha Programme was published by Engels in 1891, together with Marx's letter to Bracke, despite opposition on the part of the opportunist German Social-Democratic leaders. It appeared in the theoretical organ of the German Social-Democrats, Die Neue Zeit, Vol. 1, No. 18, with Engels' foreword. As is known from Engels' letter to Karl Kautsky of February 23, 1891 (see present edition, Vol. 49), he had to agree to certain changes and omissions. The Critique was published in English for the first time, according to the text in Die Neue Zeit, in The Socialist Series, number one, under the title: "The Socialist Programme. By Karl Marx", The Socialist Labour Press, Glasgow [1918].

[108] Yhe authorised French translation of Volume One of Capital was published in instalments in Paris between 1872 and 1875 (Le Capital Par Karl Marx. Traduction de M. J. Roy, entièrement revisée par l'auteur. [Vol. 1.] Paris, éditeurs, Maurice Lachâtre et Cie). After the final instalments had been published, the whole was brought together and published as a book. Since Lachâtre was prosecuted for his activity during the Paris Commune and his shop sequestered in 1875, the legal rights were passed on to A. Quest, a government official, who did his best to hold up the printing and distribution of the book.

[117] See Note 27.

[129] 129 Prussian Schnapps in the German Reichstag was written by Engels in February 1876. Its publication in Der Volksstaat and as a separate impression provoked irritation on the part of the authorities. As Engels wrote to Karl Kautsky on May 23, 1884, "'Prussian Schnapps' was a personal insult to Bismarck" (see present edition, Vol. 47).

[146] 146 Engels wrote Wilhelm Wolff in June-September 1876 for Die Neue Welt, a journal edited by Wilhelm Liebknecht. Marx himself had intended to write a short biography of Wolff, one of the most prominent German proletarian revolutionaries, to whom he dedicated the first volume of his Capital. Marx's "Biographical Notes on Wilhelm Wolff" exist, written immediately after Wolff's death (see present edition, Vol. 19, pp. 335-36). However, Marx could not carry out his plan since at that time he did not have the necessary information on the earlier period of Wolff's life. With the biographical material, Engels gives a synopsis of Wolff's series of articles on the condition of the Silesian peasants written for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in 1849. The publication of Wolff's articles was one of the steps taken by the newspaper to involve Germany's peasant masses in the revolution. The articles present a broad factual and statistical picture of the exploitation of the peasants and demand that the peasants be given back the milliard marks that the landowners had stolen from them in the form of redemption payments. His articles entitled Die schlesische Milliarde were a tremendous success with the readers. In Silesia the Peasants' Union made 10,000 copies of the issues carrying these articles and distributed them among the peasants free of charge. In 1886 Engels' Wilhelm Wolff was published as the first part of the introduction to Wolff's book Die schlesische Milliarde. Abdruck aus der "Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung" März-April 1849. Mit Einleitung von Friedrich Engels, Hottingen-Zurich, 1886; the second part of the introduction was a newly written work "On the History of the Prussian Peasants" (see present edition, Vol. 26). In that edition, Engels substantially supplemented the text of Wilhelm Wolff and omitted the chapters containing a synopsis of Wolff's articles. In the passages dealing with Wolff's articles Engels renders rather than quotes the author.

[159] This book was written by the police officials Wermuth and Stieber. The appendices to the first part, which purported to tell the history of the workers' movement for the information of police agents, reproduce some of the Communist League's documents that had fallen into the hands of the police. The second part contained a "black list" and biographical particulars of people connected with the workers' and democratic movement.

[160] 160 See Note 123.

[168] The Agreement Assembly (Vereinbarungsversammlung) was the name given to the Prussian National Assembly convened in Berlin in May 1848 to draw up a constitution and consisting mostly of liberals leaning towards a compromise with the King. Frederick William IV, who spoke at the opening of the Assembly on May 22, demanded that when working out the constitution the deputies should be "in agreement with the Crown".

[174] The agrarian bill was submitted for consideration to the Prussian National Assembly on July 11, 1848. The debate began on October 10 and was not finished due to the dissolution of the Assembly (see Note 173). See Marx's article "The Bill Proposing the Abolition of Feudal Obligations" (present edition, Vol. 7, p. 295).

[175] 175 Under the Law of 1821 the peasant was either to transfer to the landowner one-third to a half of his plot or pay its value in cash as redemption for the corvée and obligations.

[182] 182 Mediatised peers in Germany — owners of the imperial fiefs who formerly used to be in direct bondage to the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation (see Note 94), and were then subordinated to major princes, in the given case to the King of Prussia.

[183] Waiters (Heuler)—the name of the republican democrats in Germany in 1848-49 applied to the moderate constitutionalists who, in turn, called their opponents "agitators" (Wühler).

[195] 195 This letter opens a new period in Engels' work for the Italian newspaper La Plebe. He had contributed to it in 1871-72, when it was the organ of the International's sections and sided with the General Council in its struggle against the Bakuninists. At the request of its editor, Enrico Bignami, Engels resumed work for it in 1877, when La Plebe again began to appear regularly. Between late February 1877 and late March 1879 Engels wrote a number of articles on various subjects which appeared in the "Da Londra" section without a title.

[198] By the abstentionists Engels means the Italian anarchists, specifically Andrea Costa, Carlo Cafiero, Errico Malatesta and Carmelo Palladino, who did not recognise the need for political struggle on the part of the working class. They believed that the workers' participation in elections to representative bodies would only consolidate the power of the bourgeois state.

[226] See Note 84.

[227] 227 Marx wrote this letter to the Otechestvenniye Zapiski editorial board probably in November 1877, soon after the magazine had printed, in October 1877, an article by the ideologist of Russian Narodism (populism) Nikolai Mikhailovsky, "Karl Marx Before the Tribunal of Mr. Zhukovsky". Mikhailovsky's article was a reply to the review of Volume One of Marx's Capital written by the Russian bourgeois economist Yuly Zhukovsky, "Karl Marx and His Book on Capital", and printed by Vestnik Yevropy, No. IX, 1877. Marx's manuscript has come down to us in the form of a rough draft and contains many corrections and deletions. Two versions of the second part of the letter are extant, a concise and a longer one. With slight stylistic changes, the concise version repeats the more detailed one. The letter had not been posted and was found by Engels among Marx's papers after his death. Engels considered it necessary to make copies of the manuscript and enclosed one of them in his letter to Vera Zasulich in Geneva of March 6, 1884 (see present edition, Vol. 47). Marx's letter was first published in Russian in 1886 in Vestnik Narodnoi Voli, No. 5, in Geneva, and in German in the New-Yorker Volkszeitung, No. 5, May 3, 1887 and in the Sozialdemokrat, No. 23, June 3, 1887 in Zurich. The letter was published in English for the first time in: K. Marx, "The Economic Development of Russia", The Plebs, No. 5, May 1920, pp. 70-72.

[230] 230 Engels borrowed the data pertaining to the development of the socialist press in these countries mostly from the Vorwärts, No. 152, December 30, 1877, and No. 3, January 9, 1878.

[235] 235 On the financial crisis of 1873, see Note 84.

[238] Engels wrote this article for the American weekly The Labor Standard published in 1876-1900 by Joseph Patrick McDonnell, an activist in the Irish workers' movement who had emigrated to the USA. It appeared in Nos. 43-47 on March 3, 10, 17, 24 and 31,1878.

[239] 239 The reference is to the Bakuninists. See notes 30 and 38.

[254] 254 The new Swiss Factory Law of March 23, 1877 was put into force by the referendum of October 21, 1877 despite the resistance by the bourgeoisie.

[271] 271 Marx's letter "Herr Bucher" (see this volume, pp. 230-31) was reprinted from The Daily News by many German papers. A number of errors were made in the translations; this prompted Bücher to come up with his "Declaration", to which Marx replied with the given item printed in German newspapers under the title "Marx und Bucher".

[272] 272 Marx wrote this article in early July 1878 in reply to Howell's "The History of the International Association" published by a monthly review, The Nineteenth Century. Howell's article contained libellous information about the history of the International and Marx's role in it. The editorial board of the monthly refused to print Marx's reply, and it appeared in The Secular Chronicle, And Record of Freethought Progress, Vol. X, No. 5, August 4, 1878.

[273] 273 By the congress, Howell is referring to the London Conference of the International held on September 25-29, 1865; taking part in its work were members of the Central Council (later renamed the General Council) and delegates from the International's sections in France, Germany, Belgium and Switzerland. The Conference heard the report of the Central Council, approved its financial statement and the programme of the International's first congress to be held in Geneva in September 1866. The London Conference, which Marx did a great deal to organise, played an important role at the time of the International's establishment. For the minutes of the Conference see The General Council of the First International, 1864-1866. The London Conference 1865. Minutes, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974.

[290] 290 Bebel is probably referring to the official despatch "Die Frevelthat vom 2. Juni" carried by the special issue of the Neue Preußische Zeitung, No. 126, June 4, 1878, with the note: "with some corrections".

[300] The Puritans and Levellers — two political groups at the time of the English Revolution of the 17th century. The Puritans expressed the interests of the Calvinist Protestants; from the first half of the 17th century their movement was a political opposition to absolutism, the ideological banner of the Revolution. The complexity of the Puritans' social and political composition and religious convictions (by the early 17th century, two main trends, the Presbyterians and the Independents, were already clearly discernible) inevitably led to a sharp controversy within the "Puritan" parliamentary faction in the course of the Revolution. In 1645-47 a split took place among the Independents, as a result of which their Left wing, the Levellers, parted company with them. The Levellers were representatives of a radical democratic trend. They wanted to transform England into a republic with a one-House Parliament elected by universal suffrage, to remove all inequalities and introduce other democratic reforms. Attempting to get their programme accepted as the basis of the republican system, the Levellers instigated army mutinies in May and September 1649 but were defeated; after that, the movement declined. The Hébertistes, at the time of the French Revolution, a political group in the Left Jacobin camp which was named after Jacques René Hébert, one of its leaders, and took its final shape in the winter of 1793-94. The trend conveyed the social discontent of small working men, demanded that the maximum be strictly observed and that profiteering and sabotage be ruthlessly combated. In March 1794, the Hébertistes threatened to rise against the Jacobin Committee of Public Safety but failed to gain the support of the revolutionary sections. On 42-1317 March 14, 1794, most of their leaders and activists were arrested and guillotined.

[307] The reference is to the supplementary-elections to the Reichstag which were held in the Western electoral district of Breslau on February 5, 1879 because of the death of its deputy Heinrich Bürgers. The elections, which took place after the promulgation of the Anti-Socialist. Law (see Note 289), demonstrated the strength and unity of the working class. The workers nominated their own candidate Julius Kräcker, who received 7,544 votes, which, however, were not enough to get elected. (Engels wrote to Wilhelm Liebknecht on March 1, 1879: "The election in Breslau has made a splendid impression here too." See present edition, Vol. 45.) At the supplementary elections of February 27 in the Saxonian electoral district of Waldheim-Debeln, the Social-Democratic candidate won 4,322 votes.

[317] 317 On May 17, 1879 the Social-Democratic Deputy Max Kayser made a speech in the Reichstag in support of the government's project for protective customs tarriffs. Marx and Engels sharply condemned Kayser, who supported the proposal introduced in favour of the big industrialists and landowners to the detriment of the masses, as well as the licence given to Kayser by some of the German Social-Democratic leaders (see letters: Engels to Marx of August 20, Marx to Engels of September 10, Marx to Sorge of September 19, and Engels to Bebel of November 14 and 24, 1879, present edition, Vol. 45). Hirsch sharply criticised Kayser's speech in his articles "Die Zolldebatte", "Aus Breslau schreibt man der Laterne", and "Zur Kaiser'schen Rede und Abstimmung", which appeared in Die Laterne, a weekly published by Hirsch (Nos. 21 and 23, May 25 and June 8, 1879).

[319] 3i9 Engels is referring here to the German Workers' Educational Society in London (see Note 123), which he ironically calls "the local association, Freiheit". The newspaper Die Freiheit was published at the time by Johann Most on the instruction and with the means of the Society.

[320] Hirsch received this information from Höchberg when they met in Paris (see Note 318) and conveyed it to Engels in a letter of August 23, 1879. p. 259

[343] In 1880, at Paul Lafargue's request, Engels rewrote three chapters of Anti-Dühring—Chapter I of the Introduction and chapters I and II of Part III (see present edition, Vol. 25)—into a separate popular work first printed in three issues of the French journal La Revue socialiste, in March-May 1880, and then, in the same year, as a separate pamphlet entitled Socialisme utopique et socialisme scientifique. Working on it, Engels made a number of additions and changes in the text. The translation into French was done by Paul Lafargue. A major impetus to the international currency of the work was the publication, in 1882, of the first authorised German edition entitled Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft in which Engels also made some additions. Already in Engels' lifetime, the work was translated into many European languages and gained wide currency among the workers, thus effectively promoting the dissemination of Marxist ideas. The translations were made from the French pamphlet and, mostly, from the German edition. The fourth authorised German edition of the work appeared in Berlin in 1891. Engels made a number of additions in it, which he did not include in the last edition of Anti-Dühring published in his lifetime, in 1894 (see these additions in the present edition, Vol. 25, pp. 630-42). In the publication of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific a significant place attaches to the authorised English translation, made by Edward Aveling from the fourth German edition of 1891, which appeared in London in 1892. Engels called the first English-language publication in The People, a socialist New York newspaper (August-October 1891), a "pirated" edition with its miserable English (see Engels' letter to Friedrich Adolph Sorge, October 24, 1891, present edition, Vol. 49). In the present edition, the work is reproduced from the authorised English edition of 1892 checked against the French edition of 1880 and the German edition of 1891. The English translation is practically identical to the text of the fourth German edition; the more or less significant discrepancies are indicated in footnotes.

[352] Saint-Simon's idea that the purpose of society ought to be to improve the "lot of the class that is the most numerous and the most poor" is conveyed most distinctly in his last work, Nouveau christianisme, which first appeared anonymously in Paris in 1825.

[355] The reference is to the following two works written by Saint-Simon with his follower Augustin Thierry: De la réorganisation de la société européenne, ou de la nécessité et des moyens de rassembler les peuples de l'Europe en un seul corps politique, en conservant à chacun son indépendance nationale, Paris, 1814, and Opinion sur les mesures à prendre contre la coalition de 1815, Paris, 1815. In Hubbard's edition (see Note 351), passages from the first work are to be found on pp. 149-54, and the content of both works is set forth on pp. 68-76.

[358] Robert Owen, The Revolution in the Mind and Practice of the Human Race; or, the Coming Change from Irrationality to Rationality, London, 1849. The facts from Owen's biography were borrowed from the same source.

[362] Proudhon's idea of organising a bank of exchange was first expounded in his Organisation du Crédit et de la Circulation et Solution du problème social which appeared in early April 1848, and was developed in detail in his later works. Proudhon's main idea was to replace gold and silver, as means of circulation, with bank-notes which were, in fact, impersonal bills. These notes were secured by products of labour which, as Proudhon believed, made them drastically different from the paper money issued by banks and secured by precious metals, landed estates, etc. An attempt to carry through this project was the foundation, on January 31, 1849, of the Banque du peuple (People's Bank), which, however, went bankrupt and was closed down in early April 1849.

[365] Kant's nebular hypothesis, according to which the solar system was originally formed out of a rotating nebulous mass, is expounded in his Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels, oder Versuch von der Verfassung und dem mechanischen Ursprünge des ganzen Weltgebäudes nach Newtonischen Grundsätzen abgehandelt, Königsberg and Leipzig, 1755. The book was published anonymously. Laplace's hypothesis of the origin of the solar system was set out for the first time in the last chapter of his treatise Exposition du système du monde, Vols. I-II, Paris, 4th year of the French Republic [1796]. In the sixth edition of this book (1835), the last one prepared in Laplace's lifetime and published after his death, the hypothesis is expounded in Note VII to the work. The existence in space of incandescent masses of gas similar to the original nebulous mass, which was postulated by the Kant-Laplace nebular hypothesis, was proved in 1864 by the English astronomer William Huggins, who made an extensive use of spectral analysis introduced in 1859 by Gustav Kirchhoff and Robert Bunsen. Here Engels uses the book by P. A. Secchi, Die Sonne, Brunswick, 1872, pp. 787, 789-90.

[370] See Note 322. In 1879-82, the bulk of private railways in Prussia were handed over to the state. Later, it continued buying out the railways.

[371] 3 7' See Note 341.

[372] The figures showing the total wealth of Great Britain and Ireland are cited from Robert Giffen's report, "Recent Accumulations of Capital in the United Kingdom", made at the Statistical Society on January 15, 1878 and printed by the London Journal of the Statistical Society, Vol. XLI, Part.I, March 1878, pp. 12, 21.

[373] Marx probably wrote this "Note" at the request of L'Egalité's editorial board in late March or early April 1880 as the editorial introduction to his work to be published by the newspaper (it published only the foreword and § 1 of Chapter I). The Introduction was published in English for the first time in: Marx, Engels, Lenin, On Scientific Communism, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, p. 34.

[374] Marx is referring, above all, to Proudhon's speech in the French National Assembly on July 31, 1848 (see Compte rendu des séances de l'Assemblée nationale, Vol. II, Paris, 1849, pp. 770-82). Marx devoted a special article to it entitled "Proudhon's Speech against Thiers" which was published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, No. 66, August 5, 1848 (present edition, Vol. 7, pp. 321-24).

[375] Marx drew up this questionnaire in the first half of April 1880 at the request of Benoît Malon, publisher of La Revue socialiste. It was printed on April 20 there anonymously and also appeared as a separate leaflet (25,000 copies), which was distributed throughout France. That Marx was its author was established from his letter to Sorge of November 5, 1880 (see present edition, Vol. 46). As distinct from Marx's manuscript, in the French edition the items were numbered consecutively and two more questions were added (No. 88: "Describe the action by the members of arbitration boards", and No. 101: "General observations"); besides there were some other additions. The introduction opening the questionnaire noted that it was the first serious attempt to form an opinion of the condition of the French working class, and called on all urban and agricultural workers, as well as all socialists of France, to take part in it. It said: "We hope to find support for our cause among all the urban and agricultural workers, who understand that they alone can describe the hardships they endure with the full knowledge of the matter; that they alone, and not the saviours sent by Providence, can vigorously apply remedies in the struggle against social evils from which they suffer; we count also on the socialists of all schools who, striving for a social reform, must strive for an exact and definite knowledge of the conditions under which the working class, the class to which the future belongs, works and begins to move. "These instructions of labour must be the first act which the Social-Democrats must perform in order to prepare a social renovation." The French edition of the "Questionnaire" was the basis for the Italian (La Lotta, Milan, Nos. 1, 2, 8, July 1, 2, 8, 1880), the Polish (Kwestyjonaryjusz robotniczy, 1880, supplement to Nos. 10-11 of the Rôwnosc, July-August 1880), and the Dutch (Recht voor Allen, October 30, 1880) translations. The "Questionnaire" was published in English for the first time as a leaflet, A Workers' Enquiry. By Karl Marx, London, Communist Party of Gr. Britain [1926]. In the present edition the "Questionnaire" is printed according to Marx's manuscript written in English and, in part, in French.

[376] The Introduction to the French edition of Engels' Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (see Note 343) was written by Marx on about May 4-5, 1880. The manuscript contains a postscript in Marx's handwriting: "Dear Lafargue, here is the outcome of my consultations (yesterday evening) with Engels. Tidy up the language, leave the substance intact." The Introduction was initialled P.L. (Paul Lafargue) in the pamphlet. The French version of the Introduction was used as the basis for the Polish (in: Przedswit, No. 6/7, December 1, 1881, and in: Fr. Engels, Socyjalizm utopijny a naukowy, Geneva, 1882, pp. III-V) and Russian translations (in: Sotsialistiches-koye znaniye, No. 1, Moscow, 1884, pp. 89-92). In the present edition the Introduction is printed according to Màrx's manuscript checked against the 1880 edition. The main discrepancies are pointed out in the footnotes.

[380] See Note 220.

[383] After the socialist congress held in Marseilles in October 1879 set up the French Workers' Party (Parti Ouvrier Français), a group of French socialists headed by Jules Guesde addressed Marx and Engels, through Paul Lafargue, requesting them to help to draft an electoral programme of the French Workers' Party. Its preamble was formulated by Marx who dictated it to Guesde. Engels wrote to Eduard Bernstein about it on October 25, 1881: "A masterpiece of cogent reasoning, calculated to explain things to the masses in a few words" (see present edition, Vol. 46). Marx and Engels also took part in drawing up the practical section of the programme (the minimum programme; see Note 384). The programme was first published in Le Précurseur, No. 25, June 19, 1880; however, Malon adulterated some of its tenets and "introduced sundry changes for the worse", Engels wrote to Eduard Bernstein on October 20, 1882 (see present edition, Vol. 46). The preamble in L'Égalité, No. 24, June 30, 1880 was probably printed from Guesde's notes. The programme appeared also in Le Prolétaire, July 10, 1880, La Revue socialiste, No. 10, July 20, 1880, and in a number of other French newspapers. In 1880, the electoral programme was adopted as "the minimum programme" of the French Workers' Party at the Havre Congress. Its first separate edition appeared in Paris in 1883 under the title Le Programme du Parti Ouvrier. In English, the preamble was published in full for the first time in: Marx, Engels, The Socialist Revolution, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1981, pp. 252-53. \

[384] Further, L'Egalité printed the minimum programme: A. Political Programme 1. Abolition of all laws on the press, meetings and associations, and especially the law against the International Working Men's Association.— Suppression of labour-books, this registration of the working class, and all articles of the code of law which place the workers in an unequal position vis-à-vis the employer. 2. Suppression of the budget for the cults and the return to the nation of "property, movable and immovable, belonging to religious corporations and considered unalienable" (the decree of the Commune of April 2, 1871), including the industrial and commercial enterprises of these corporations. 3. Universal arming of the people. 4. The commune is the master of administration and the police. B. Economic Programme 1. Weekly day of rest on Mondays, in other words, the issue of a law forbidding the employers to demand tfiat the employees work on Mondays.— Legal reduction of the working day to 8 hours for adults.—A ban on the use of child labour under the age of 14 by private enterprises, and legal reduction of the working day to 6 hours for the ages 14 to 18. 2. The fixing of minimum wage by law determined annually in accordance with the local prices for foodstuffs. [This item was entered into the programme on Guesde's insistence; see Marx's letter to Sorge, November 5, 1880, present edition, Vol. 46.] 3. Equal wages for workers of both sexes. 4. Scientific and technical instruction for all children at the expense of society provided by the state and the commune. 5. Elimination of any interference whatsoever of the employers in the management of the workers' mutual aid societies, insurance funds, etc., restoration of the exclusively workers' management in these matters. 6. The employers' responsibility for accidents guaranteed by their paying a deposit in proportion to the number of employed workers and those dangers that the work at the given enterprise presents. 7. Workers' participation in drawing up special rules for the various workshops.—Abolition of the employers' self-usurped right to impose fines on the workers or detract from their wages (the Commune's decree of April 27, 1871). 8. Revision of all contracts pertaining to the alienation of public property (banks, railways, mines, etc.), and exploitation of all state enterprises by the workers employed there. 9. Abolition of all indirect taxes and the transformation of all direct taxes into a progressive tax on incomes exceeding 3,000 francs and on legacies exceeding 20,000 francs.

[392] The public meeting in Brussels of February 22, 1848 was held to mark the second anniversary of the Cracow uprising. Marx and Engels were present and made speeches of greeting (see present edition, Vol. 6, pp. 545-52).

[397] Dissent on issues of tactics and theory in the Narodnik Land and Freedom (see Note 308) led to its split into two organisations in 1879, People's Will and the Black Redistribution. A major theoretical problem in the Russian revolutionary movement of the time was that of the role of the village commune in the country's political and social transformation. On February 16, 1881, on behalf of her comrades, members of the Black Redistribution who later joined the Marxist Emancipation of Labour group, Vera Zasulich asked Marx to express his opinion on the prospects of Russia's historical development, and particularly the future of the village commune: "You are not unaware that your Capital is enjoying great popularity in Russia... But what you probably do not know is the role which your Capital plays in our discussions of the agrarian question in Russia and our rural commune. You know better than anvone else how important and urgent this question is in Russia..., especially for our socialist party... "You will therefore understand, Citizen, to what extent we are interested in your opinion on this question and what great service you will be rendering us by conveying your ideas on the possible future of our rural commune and the theory of the historical inevitability for all countries of the world to pass through all the phases of capitalist production." Marx wrote four drafts of his reply to Vera Zasulich's letter. Their analysis and comparison with the final version show that he went from a more detailed exposition of his views to a most laconic one. The first three drafts are published in this volume; the fourth, consisting of only two .paragraphs, which have been included into the final version posted to Zasulich on March 8, 1881 (see this volume, pp. 370-71), is not reproduced in this edition. For the first time, Marx's letter to Vera Zasulich and its drafts were published by the Marx-Engels Institute in: Marx-Engels Archives, Moscow, 1924 (in Russian translation), and Marx-Engels-Archiv. Zeitschrift des Marx-Engels-Instituts in Moskau, Vol. I, Frankfurt am Main [1925] (in the original French). However, due to the complex structure of the manuscript (see Note 298), in these editions some paragraphs were inserted in the wrong place and certain words deciphered incorrectly. The original version of the drafts, in strict accordance with the manuscript, was first published in: MEGA2, Abt. I, Bd. 25, Berlin, 1985, S. 219-42. The earlier publications in English (in: Marx, Engels, Selected Works in three volumes, Vol. 3, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970, pp. 152-61; Marx, Engels, Lenin, The Way to Socialism Bypassing Capitalism, Novosti Press, Moscow, 1980, pp. 32-34; Late Marx and the Russian Road. Marx and the Peripheries of Capitalism, London [1984]) were based on the French text in the first publication in the Marx-Engels-Archiv.

[398] Yhe first and second drafts of Marx's letter to Vera Zasulich (see this volume, pp. 346-64) contain many deletions, insertions and marks for transferring passages from one page to another, etc. The first draft, the longest one, has seven large-size sheets filled in on both sides and contains many repetitions. The second draft is shorter and consists of three sheets: it is an attempt at a more concise exposition of the problem. The most significant deletions and indications for the transfer of fragments of the text are given in footnotes.

[4 0 3] Artel—an association of small producers in pre-revolutionary Russia. There were carpenters', fishermen's, masons', wood-cutters', agricultural and other artels.

[413] The third draft consists of three single and one double sheet. Marx made a fair copy of the first four pages of the draft (a rough copy of the third and fourth pages is also extant). The last paragraph on p. 4 is crossed out (it is given in the footnote on p. 368 of this volume). The next two paragraphs beginning with "The English themselves attempted" up to the words "amidst a general turmoil in Russian society" are written on the third sheet on which earlier Marx started to write a letter and where the words "3 March 1881. My dear Sir, I shall in...", written in English, are extant. The end of the draft from the words "The familiarity of the Russian peasant" is on p. 1 and the top of p. 2 of the double sheet, with a note in its left corner "II Ende", and contains many deletions. On the fourth draft, see notes 397 and 414.

[414] The final version of Marx's letter to Vera Zasulich written on March 8, 1881 includes the full text of the fourth draft consisting of only two paragraphs ("A nervous complaint ... my so-called theory" and "Hence the analysis provided in Capital ... conditions of spontaneous development"); for this reason, it has not been printed separately in this edition. Marx's letter to Zasulich was known to many Russian revolutionary Marxists, Georgi Plekhanov among them.

[4 1 5] Marx is probably referring to the request to write a work on the Russian rural commune made by the revolutionary Narodnik Nikolai Morozov in December 1880 on behalf of the Executive Committee of the People's Will (see Note 417).

[419] On March 19, 1881 Johann Most's newspaper Freiheit (No. 12) carried his article "Endlich!" devoted to the assassination of Alexander II (see Note 417), and a report entitled "England" about the attempt to explode the Lord Mayor's mansion in the London City. These publications were used as a pretext for Most's arrest by the British authorities on March 30; in June he was sentenced to 16 months' imprisonment. While criticising Most's anarchist views and his pseudo-revolutionary phraseology (see Marx's letter to Friedrich Adolph Sorge of September 19, 1879, present edition, Vol. 45), Marx and Engels still believed it necessary to rise to his defence. Most's case was used by Bismarck during the debates on socialists in the German Reichstag on March 30 and 31, 1881. This letter was written in Engels' handwriting and signed by both Marx and Engels when it appeared in The Daily News.

[420] "A Fair Day's Wages for a Fair Day's Work" is the first in the series of articles written by Engels at the request of George Shipton, Secretary of the London Trades Council and editor of The Labour Standard, the organ of British trade unions. Engels contributed to it from May to early August 1881. The articles appeared regularly, almost weekly, as unsigned editorials. All in all, eleven articles were written, with the last one, "Social Classes — Necessary and Superfluous", printed on August 6. Engels stopped contributing to the paper because of the growth of opportunist elements in its editorial board (see Engels' letters to Marx of August 11, to George Shipton of August 10, 1881, and to Johann Philipp Becker of February 10, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46).

[441] See Note 337.

[457] The reference is to the elections to the Reichstag of January 10, 1877 and July 30, 1878.

[464] On July 20, 1881 Norris A. Clowes, the New-York Star correspondent, asked Engels to write a review of the British labour movement. Being pressed for time, Engels referred him to his articles which The Labour Standard was at the time publishing as editorials (see this volume, pp. 376-409, 411-18). In response to Clowes' stated wish to enter into communication with Most, Engels advised him to write to the Freiheit editorial board. In this letter to the Freiheit, which is printed according to the manuscript, Engels informs the editorial board about this. The letter is written in German and English. This letter was first published in the original in MEGA2, Abt. I, Bd. 25, Berlin, 1985, S. 274.

[477] Engels wrote this obituary "Jenny Marx, Née von Westphalen" for Der Sozialdemokrat. It is based on the draft of his speech over Jenny's grave (see this volume, pp. 419-21). The obituary was printed in issue No. 50 on December 8, 1881. That was Engels' first contribution to Der Sozialdemokrat. On December 18, 1881 the obituary was reprinted by the Arbeiter-Wochen-Chronik (No. 51, Budapest).

[479] See Note 476.

[480] Marx and Engels wrote this Preface on January 21, 1882 at the request of Pyotr Lavrov, who was in close contact with them. On January 23, the text was sent to Lavrov (see Marx's letter to Pyotr Lavrov of January 23, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46). It was first published, in Russian, in the magazine Narodnaya Volya of February 5, 1882. The separate edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (in Plekhanov's translation) with this preface appeared in Geneva in 1882 in the Russian Social-Revolutionary Library series. In German, the Preface was first published in Der Sozialdemokrat, No. 16, April 13, 1882 (translated from the Russian text in the Narodnaya Volya magazine; see Engels' letter to Eduard Bernstein of April 17, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46). In 1890 Engels retranslated this preface from Russian into German for the new German edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party. It was this translation by Engels that served as the basis when the Preface was translated into Bulgarian, Polish, Romanian, Dutch, Italian and Czech. Later, the lost German manuscript of the Preface was found; its facsimile was printed in the Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party that appeared in 1948. The Preface appeared in English for the first time in: K. Marx, Selected Works in two volumes, Vol. 1, International Publishers, New York, 1936, pp. 135-37.

[481] The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (the translation is ascribed to Mikhail Bakunin or Nikolai Lyubavin) was printed at Chernetsky's printing office in Geneva in 1869, where Herzen's Kolokol (The Bell) was printed at that time. The translation contained a number of errors which distorted, at places, the meaning of the Manifesto.

[4 8 3] Engels wrote this article in the second half of April 1882 for Der Sozialdemokrat. He regarded it as his first official contribution to the newspaper as a staff member (see Engels' letter to August Bebel, June 21, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46). The ideas he set forth in the article were further developed in his later works, "The Book of Revelation" (1883) (present edition, Vol. 26), and "On the History of Early Christianity" (1894) (present edition, Vol. 27). This work appeared in English for the first time in: Marx and Engels, On Religion, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966, pp. 173-82.

[491] This work was written by Engels in late August-early September 1882. He had promised it to Der Sozialdemokrat on August 9 (see Engels' letter to Eduard Bernstein of August 9, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46). It was printed in issue No. 37, with Engels' signature, on September 7 under the title "Der Vikar von Bray. Aus dem Englischen von Friedrich Engels". Two drafts of the translation of the song are extant. The text of the song with a footnote quoting several lines from Engels' conclusion in Der Sozialdemokrat, was also reprinted by the Vorwärts, Zurich, 1886, pp. 369-71. Here is Engels' translation of the English song: Zu König Karls Zeit, da noch war Loyalität zu finden, Dient' ich der Hochkirch ganz und gar, Und so erwarb ich Pfründen. Der König ist von Gott gesetzt— So lehrt' ich meine Schafe — Und wer ihm trotzt, ihn gar verletzt, Den trifft die Höllenstrafe. Denn dieses gilt, und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. Jakob nahm auf dem Throne Platz, Das Papsttum kam zu Ehren: Da galt's, die Katholikenhatz Ins Gegenteil zu kehren. Für mich auch, fand ich, paßten schon Roms Kirch' und Priesterorden; Kam nicht die Revolution, War' ich Jesuit geworden. Denn dieses gilt und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. Als König Wilhelm kam, der Held, Und rettete die Freiheit, Hab' ich mein Segel umgestellt Nach dieses Windes Neuheit. Der Knechtsgehorsam vor'ger Zeit, Der war jetzt bald erledigt: Der Tyrannei gebt Widerstreit! So wurde nun gepredigt. Denn dieses gilt und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. Als Anna wurde Königin, Der Landeskirche Glorie, Das hatte einen andern Sinn, Und da ward ich ein Tory. Für unsrer Kirch' Integrität, Da galt es jetzt zu eifern, Und Mäßigung und Laxität Als sündhaft zu begeifern. Denn dieses gilt und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. Als König Georg bracht' ins Land Gemäßigte Politik, mein Herr, Hab' nochmals ich den Rock gewandt, Und so ward ich ein Whig, mein Herr. Das war es, was mir Pfründen gab Und Gunst bei dem Regenten; Auch schwor ich fast alltäglich ab, So Papst wie Prätendenten. Denn dieses gilt und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. Hannovers hoher Dynastie— Mit Ausschluß von Papisten — Der schwör' ich Treu, so lange sie Sich an dem Thron kann fristen. Denn meine Treu wankt nimmermehr— Veränd'rung ausgenommen — Und Georg sei mein Fürst und Herr, Bis andre Zeiten kommen. Denn dieses gilt und hat Bestand, Bis an mein End' soil's wahr sein: Daß wer auch König sei im Land, In Bray will ich Vikar sein. The work was published in English in part for the first time in: K. Marx, F. Engels, On Literature and Art, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976, pp. 429-31.

[494] In 1077, the Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV travelled to Canossa (a castle in Northern Italy) to beg forgiveness of Pope Gregory VII, with whom he had engaged in political struggle. Since that time, the phrase "to go to Canossa" has come to mean a humiliating capitulation. On May 14, 1872, at the time of the Kulturkampf (see Note 27), Bismarck declared in the Reichstag: "We shall not go to Canossa" (see Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Deutschen Reichstages, Vol. 1, Berlin, 1872, p. 356), thus emphasising his determination to fight to the last against the Catholic clergy. However, in the late 1870s-early 1880s, in order to bring together all reactionary forces, he reconciled with the Catholic clergy and repealed nearly all the laws passed during the Kulturkampf period.

[495] Engels wrote The Mark in mid-September-the first half of December 1882 as an appendix to the German edition of the pamphlet Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (see Note 343). The piece was highly appreciated by Marx, who read the manuscript (see Marx' letter to Engels, December 18, 1882, present edition, Vol. 46). In it Engels made use of some of the materials he had collected when researching the history of ancient Germans (see present edition, Vol. 26). In 1883 this essay was reprinted by Der Sozialdemokrat, Nos. 12-17 on March 15-April 19, and also published separately and entided Der deutsche Bauer. Was war er? Was ist er? Was könnte er sein? (see Note 510). Together with Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, it was published in German four times in Engels' lifetime. The German edition was used when translating it into Danish, Dutch and Polish. In 1892 The Mark appeared in English, also as an appendix to Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, in Edward Aveling's translation with Engels' special introduction. Engels wrote in this introduction: "The Appendix, 'The Mark', was written with the intention of spreading among the German Socialist Party some elementary knowledge of the history and development of landed property in Germany. This seemed all the more necessary at a time when the assimilation by that party of the working people of the towns was in a fair way of completion, and when the agricultural labourers and peasants had to be taken in hand" (see present edition, Vol. 27). In the present edition, the text is printed according to the authorised English edition of 1892 checked against the fourth German edition of 1891, which Engels read himself. The principal discrepancies are pointed out in footnotes.

[503] The Schöffen courts were introduced in a number of German states after the 1848 revolution, and throughout Germany in 1871. At the time they consisted of a Crown judge and two jurors (Schöffen) who, as distinct from ordinary jurymen, not only gave their verdict of guilty or not guilty but also fixed the penalty; their members were specially selected from among the ruling classes.

[520] Engels wrote this article at the request of Eduard Bernstein for Der Sozialdemokrat on about March 18, 1883, immediately after Marx's funeral. He also included in it condolences from various persons and organisations, as well as Liebknecht's speech at the funeral. The publication in Der Sozialdemokrat was reprinted in part (the letter and the telegrams from Paris were omitted) in the Hungarian Arbeiter-Wochen-Chronik, No. 13, April 1, 1883, and in full in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, No. 82, April 5, 1883. An incomplete publication of this obituary appeared as a supplement to Marx's biography printed by the New York Pionier. Illustrierter Volks-Kalender für 1891, pp. 44-45. The article was published in English for the first time in Reminiscences of Marx and Engels, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow [1956], pp. 348-53.

[526] This article was written by Engels at the request of the editors of Der Sozialdemokrat. It appeared there in Nos. 19 and 21 on May 3 and 17, 1883. Part I of the article was reprinted by the New Yorker Volkszeitung, No. 120, May 19, 1883; Part II (minus the first three paragraphs) appeared in the Hungarian Arbeiter-Wochen-Chronik, No. 22, June 3, 1883. The letter to Philipp van Patten was translated from Der Sozialdemokrat into Polish (published in Przedswit, No. 18, Geneva, May 31, 1883) and into English (Bulletin of the Social Labor Movement, New York, June 1883). An excerpt from Part I of the article was published in English in: K. Marx, F. Engels, The Socialist Revolution, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1981, pp. 262-63).

[534] Engels' letter to Philipp van Patten of April 18, 1883 was written in English (see present edition, Vol. 47). In this volume, it is reproduced from the original checked against the German translation by Engels published in Der Sozialdemokrat. The discrepancies are indicated in the footnotes.

[539] Bakunin's Statehood and Anarchy appeared anonymously in Geneva in 1873 and was received by the Bakuninists as a programme document. Marx's work on this book was closely associated with the ideological and political struggle waged by Marx and Engels and their followers against anarchism, a struggle which went on even after the Bakuninists' defeat at the Hague Congress and the expulsion of the leaders of the Alliance from the International (see notes 30 and 38). Marx's Notes on Bakunin's Book form an original critical and polemical work combining the analysis of the ideas of Bakunin, the ideologist of anarchism and, at that time, the principal opponent of Marxism, and profound criticism of anarchist doctrines with the development of the basic propositions of scientific communism on the state, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the alliance of the working class with the peasantry. This work is part of a thick notebook of Marx's manuscripts, entitled Russica II, 1875, which contains synopses of works by Russian authors. The manuscript of the Notes amounts to 24 large-size sheets. Marx wrote direct quotations from Bakunin's book in Russian or in German translation, or gave brief rendering in German of separate passages. Marx's own text consists of laconic comments and lengthier insertions. In the present volume all passages from Bakunin's text are in small type; the words and passages translated from the Russian are placed in « », and those from the German are in " ". Wherever Marx finds one or several equivalents to the Russian word in German or other languages these have been translated into English. Marx's own remarks are in long primer. The italics in the quotations are Marx's unless otherwise stated in the footnotes.

[548] Wilhelm Liebknecht did not want to break organisationally with the petty-bourgeois People's Party (see Note 99) which he and Bebel had helped found in 1866, but he opposed participation of class-conscious workers in democratic organisations. On the other hand, he suggested that the democrats should join the workers' party. Marx and Engels always disapproved of Liebknecht's inconsistent and conciliatory policy (see, for instance, Marx's letter to Kugelmann of June 24, 1868, and Engels' letter to Kugelmann of July 10, 1869, present edition, Vol. 43).

[551] The Vendôme Column was erected in Paris between 1806 and 1810 as a tribute to the military victories of Napoleon I. On May 16, 1871, by the order of the Paris Commune, the Vendôme Column was destroyed as a symbol of militarism.

[589] &89 See Note 378.

[598] The reference is to the resolution on the League of Peace and Freedom adopted by the Brussels Congress of the International on September 12, 1868 in connection with the League's invitation to attend its congress in Berne in September 1868. The invitation was sent to the International on the initiative of Bakunin who, being a member of the League's Central Committee, sought to establish his authority over the International Working Men's Association (see The General Council of the First International, 1868-1870. Minutes, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974, pp. 297-98).

[600] The reference is to the beginning of the talks on a truce held in Versailles on October 30 between Thiers, representative of the Government of National Defence, and Bismarck. The news about the betrayal that was being prepared and the capitulation of Metz that followed prompted the revolutionary action of Paris workers on October 31. Bismarck used the inaction of the French command during the talks, which allowed him to play for time, and on November 6 he broke off the talks.

[604] The book which prompted Marx's notes was the second edition of Adolph Wagner's Allgemeine oder theoretische Volkswirtschaftslehre, erster Theil: Grund-legung, published in Leipzig and Heidelberg in 1879 as the first volume of Lehrbuch der politischen Oekonomie by Adolph Wagner and Erwin Nasse. It has been possible to date these notes by Marx's mention in his manuscript (see this volume, p. 550) of Rudolph Meyer's Briefe und Socialpolitische Aufsaetze von Dr. Rodbertus-Jagetzow which appeared in Berlin after January 1881. In English, this work was first published in: K. Marx, Texts on Method. Translated and edited by Carver, Oxford, 1975, pp. 179-219.

[611] Apart from Marx and Engels, former Communards and other participants in the meeting spoke at the celebration held by the German Workers' Educational Society in London (see Note 123). Friedrich Lessner, a veteran of the German and international workers' movement, sent a greeting. An account of the meeting was featured by the Neue Social-Demokrat of Berlin, No. 20, February 18, 1876. The report published in this volume was drawn up on February 12 by Carl Scharr and printed by Der Volksstaat, No. 24, February 27, 1876, in the section "Aus England". Besides his own speech, Engels translated into German Walery Wrôblewski's speech, indicating the milestones of his career. Wrôblewski's speech was also included by the editorial board into the report on Engels' speech. Serious factual errors were made in the account of Marx's and Engels' speeches. A report of the meeting was also carried by the Russian periodical Nabat published in Geneva, No. 4, 1876. It differed substantially from the text in Der Volksstaat, and also contained a great number of factual errors.

[618] 616 Marx's interview with the correspondent of The Chicago Tribune took place in the first half of December 1878. Despite the several inaccuracies of the correspondent, this document has some biographical interest. The German translation of the text of the interview was published, slightly abridged, in the New Yorker Volkszeitung, No. 10, January 10, 1879 and reprinted by Der Vorbote, No. 2, January 11, 1879. The Socialist of Chicago (No. 18, January 11) reprinted the last part of the interview. The publication in Der Vorbote was used for the Danish translation, which appeared in the Social-Demokraten, Copenhagen, Nos. 84 and 85, April 9 and 10, 1879.

[624] See Note 110.

[632] In this letter, addressed to Victoria Adelaide Mary Louisa, the eldest daughter of Queen Victoria and wife of the Prussian Crown Prince, the future German Emperor Frederick III, the British politician Mountstuart Elphinstone Grant Duff gives an account of his talk with Marx, which took place on January 31, 1879 at the Devonshire Club. The author first published excerpts from the letter in his Notes from a Diary, 1873-1881, London, 1898, pp. 103-06. Grant Duff took pains not to disclose the name of his addressee. Despite the fact that the author did not always faithfully reproduce Marx's ideas, the letter is undoubtedly of interest as additional material throwing light on Marx's views of the revolutionary future of Russia and Germany, and also as evidence of the fear provoked in ruling quarters by the growth of the working-class movement and the prestige of its leader, Karl Marx. The letter was published in full for the first time in an article by Andrew Rothstein "A Meeting with Karl Marx" (The Times. Literary Supplement, July 15, 1949, p. 464).

[637] Marx and his family took a rest at Ramsgate between early August and September 13, 1880.