NOTES AND INDEXES
Residual editorial notes
47 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.
[12] Mitrailleuse—a multi-barrelled, high-speed gun placed on a carriage. The mitrailleuse used in the French army in 1870-71 had 25 barrels that fired in a succession with the help of a special mechanism. It could shoot in a minute up to 175 shots with carbine cartridges. However the experience of the Franco-Prussian war proved it unsuited to field conditions because of deficiencies in its construction.
[36] Engels is quoting King William's telegram about the German troops' victory over the French Army of the Rhine at Gravelotte on August 18, 1870 according to the report "Bivouac near Bezanville, Aug. 18, 9 p.m." in The Times, No. 26834, August 20. After the Battle of Gravelotte (also known in historical literature as the battle of Saint Privat) the Army of the Rhine was blockaded at Metz. Engels gives details of this battle in his Notes on the War,— XI (see this volume, p. 60).
[58] Engels has in mind the following events: Austria's victory over Piedmontese forces in the Austro-Italian war of 1848-49, during the Italian bourgeois revolution, and a number of defeats sustained bv Austrian troops when suppressing the Hungarian bourgeois revolution of 1848-49; operations of the army sent by the Tsarist government of Russia to support the Austrian Habsburgs in Hungary in 1849;and Prussian intervention in Southern Germany to put down the Baden-Palatinate uprising in 1849.
[67] This and the following articles of the Notes on the War were written by Engels in London, having moved from Manchester on September 20, 1870.
[70] The negotiations between Bismarck and Jules Favre, spokesman of the Government of National Defence, took place in Ferneres on September 19-20, 1870. Bismarck laid down the following armistice terms: the surrender of Bitche, Toul and Strasbourg, while Paris was to remain surrounded or one of its forts was to surrender, and a continuation of the hostilities at Metz. Bismarck also demanded that Alsace and part of Lorraine be ceded to Germany. The negotiations came to a halt since Favre refused to accept the above terms.
[74] "A nation in arms" was the name widely used in Prussian military literature and official documents of the time for the Prussian armed forces. The Prussian army was by no means an armed nation, as Engels repeatedly noted; on the contrary, it opposed the popular masses and was an instrument for the Prussian bourgeois-Junker state's aggressive military policy. The Prussian military system was thoroughly investigated by Engels in his work The Prussian Military Question and the German Workers' Party (see present edition, Vol. 20, pp. 37-79).
[99] A reference to the Paris peace treaties of 1814 and 1815 signed by France and the main participants of the sixth and seventh anti-French coalitions (Russia, Britain, Austria and Prussia) that defeated Napoleon. Under the first treaty (Traité de paix signé entre la France et l'Autriche et ses alliés à Paris le 30 mai 1814), France lost all the territories won by her in the 1792-1814 wars, with the exception of several border fortresses and Western Savoy. Under the second Paris Treaty (Traité de paix de Paris du 20 nov. 1815, avec les conventions spéciales), the territory of France was limited by the 1790 borders and she was deprived of strategically important points on her Eastern frontier, including the fortress Landau. p. 17, 458
[135] 135 xhe allusion is to Britain's active participation in forming the coalition of feudal-absolutist states, which unleashed a war against revolutionary France in 1792 (Britain entered the war in 1793); and also to the fact that the British ruling oligarchy was the first in Europe to recognise the Bonapartist regime in France, established as a result of Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état of December 2, 1851.
[137] On September 9, 1870, Bracke, Bonhorst, Spier, Kühn and Gralle, members of the Brunswick Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workers' Party, as well as Ehlers, a member of the Party, and Sievers, a printer, were arrested for publishing the Manifesto on war (see Note 125). By this measure, the ruling circles tried to undermine the workers' movement and to prevent any actions against the Prussian government's militarist plans. Having received news of the arrest of the Brunswick Committee from Wilhelm Liebknecht, Marx took immediate steps to give publicity to this act of tyranny on the part of the German authorities, the first in a series of open police persecutions of Social-Democrats there. The information was sent to The Pall Mall Gazette and The Echo, where it was published on September 15, and to a number of other newspapers. On September 20, 1870, at a meeting of the General Council, Marx made a report on the arrest of the members of the Brunswick Committee, stressing that there were absolutely no legal grounds for it. In October 1871, after many months of imprisonment, the members of the Brunswick Committee were brought to trial on the trumped-up charge of disturbing peace. One of the main charges was their membership of the international workers' organisation — the International, which was banned by Prussian laws. The court sentenced the members of the Brunswick Committee to various terms of imprisonment. Despite repressive police measures, the Social-Democratic Workers' Party, led by August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht, started propaganda work against Prussia's predatory plans and for an honourable peace with France.
[140] Engels wrote this letter in his capacity as the General Council's Corresponding Secretary pro tern for Spain in answer to a letter from the Spanish Federal Council of December 14, 1870. Having established links with the Spanish sections of the International, Engels helped them in their struggle against Bakuninism, which developed in Spain, too. There, within the limits of the International Bakuninists had set up an organisation of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy and tried to take over leadership of the Spanish Federal Council. Despite the Bakuninists' splitting activities, the International's ideas penetrated among the workers and new sections of the International Working Men's Association were established in Spain. This letter was published in English for the first time in Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1955.
[141] The National Labour Union was founded in the USA in August 1866 at a congress in Baltimore, with the active participation of William Sylvis, a prominent figure in the American labour movement. Marx thought highly of the Baltimore congress. In October 1866, the National Labour Union established contacts with the International Working Men's Association. However, Trevellick, elected delegate to the regular congress of the International at the Chicago congress of the Union in August 1867, could not come to Lausanne. At the last sessions of the Basle Congress of the International (September 1869) the National Labour Union was represented by A. Cameron. In August 1870, at a congress in Cincinnati, Cameron made a report on his participation in the congress of the International. The Union adopted a resolution on adherence to the principles of the IWMA and a desire to join it. This decision was not implemented, however, as the Union leaders were soon carried away by the Utopian projects of currency reform. In 1870-71, many trades unions withdrew from the Labour Union and in 1872 it virtually ceased to exist. pp. 280, 575
[142] 42 This article was occasioned by the floating on the London Stock Exchange in March 1871 of Russia's loan of £12 million. This article, first published in The Pall Mall Gazette on March 16, 1871, was included in a lithographic edition of Engels' series of articles Notes on the War, which came out in Vienna in 1923, and was subsequently reprinted with the Notes on the War.
[144] 44 This letter was drafted by Engels on Marx's request in connection with a letter that was published in the French police newspaper Paris-Journal on March 19, 1871, which the editors declared to be Marx's letter to Serraillier. According to them it testified to the contradictions between the French and German members of the International. The forged letter was reprinted in the bourgeois newspapers of various countries, which joined in the campaign of slander against the International. At the meeting of the General Council of March 21, 1871, Marx exposed the communication in the Paris-Journal as a provocative forgery and said that he had already sent a refutation to the editor of The Times, which had reprinted the communication from the Paris-Journal. The item on Marx's refutation was published in The Times on March 22, 1871, but the newspaper, joining the campaign of slander against the International, published an item by a correspondent of the Bonapartist newspaper La Liberté distorting Marx's letter of March 21. At the meeting of the General Council on March 28, 1871, Marx again exposed the slanderers. He inserted the text of this piece into his letter to Paul Lafargue of March 23, 1871 (see present edition, Vol. 44) in order to make it known to the Paris members of the International.
[149] Marx's letter to the editor of Der Volksstaat contained (with minor changes in the German translation) the statement by the General Council to the editor of The Times and other papers, written by him on March 21 (see this volume, pp. 286-87). The letter to the editor of Der Volksstaat was published in German in that paper, No. 26, March 29, 1871, in Die Tagwacht, No. 14, April 1, 1871 and in Der Vorbote, No. 4, April 23, 1871. It was published in French in L'Egalité, No. 6, March 31, 1871, with the first two paragraphs in abridged form. Besides the press organs of the International, the letter was published in Die Zukunft, No. 73, March 26, 1871.
[151] This letter to De Werker was written by Marx at the request of the editorial secretary Ph. Coenen to expose the forgeries published in the Paris-Journal and reprinted in the reactionary press of various countries in order to defame the International. The editor prefaced the letter, translated from the French into Flemish with the following paragraph: "It has been known for a long time that our opponents stop at nothing to achieve their aims. Despite this we did not believe they were so impudent as to write forged letters on behalf of the members of the International. But this is what happened. Some time ago a letter by'Karl Marx' on the conduct of French workers could be read in all big newspapers. In connection with this, the Antwerp section asked Karl Marx for an explanation. Here is what the member of the General Council of the International replied."
[152] A similar letter was sent by Marx to The Daily News,which published it on April 6, 1871.
[153] Marx and Engels learned about the strike of the cigar-workers in Antwerp from the letter written by Ph. Coenen, an organiser of the International's sections in Belgium and the Netherlands, on March 29, 1871. They immediately took steps to organise international aid to the strikers. At the General Council meeting of April 4, 1871 Engels made a report on the strike, and the Council resolved, on Engels' proposal, to send letters and delegations to the British trades unions. On April 5, 1871 the General Council issued an address to the British trades unions to give assistance to the Antwerp cigar-workers; it was printed as a separate leaflet signed by Eccarius. That very day, Engels informed Ph. Coenen of this and sent a letter to Liebknecht asking him to provide assistance to the Antwerp cigar-workers, with the given item for Der Volksstaat enclosed (see Engels' letter to Coenen and Engels' letter to Liebknecht of April 5, 1871, present edition, Vol. 44). In response to the General Council's appeal, material assistance to the Antwerp cigar-workers was provided by a number of British trades unions and the workers of Brussels, where the cigar-workers also went on strike. The aid provided by the General Council to the Antwerp cigar-workers, who came out in defence of their trades union, enabled them to hold out till September 1871, when the manufacturers had to accept their terms.
[155] The resolution of the Federal Council of the Paris sections of the International expelling Tolain from the IWMA as a deserter of the working-class cause was published in the newspaper of one of the Paris sections, La Revolution politique et sociale, No. 3, April 16, 1871. The next day, this news appeared in The Times (No. 27039), The Standard (No. 14573) and other newspapers. Tolain, who was elected deputy to the National Assembly on February 8, 1871 from the Paris workers, after the proclamation of the Paris Commune remained in the Versailles Assembly the activity of which was aimed at suppressing the revolution in Paris, and refused to fulfil the Commune's demand that the workers' deputies break with that reactionary body. Even before this, the General Council, acting on the strength of reports in the London press, had a preliminary discussion on Tolain's treacherous behaviour at its meeting on April 18 and decided that it should be publicly condemned. After receiving the resolution on April 25, the General Council resumed its examination of Tolain's case and resolved to expel him from the International. In the manuscript of the General Council's resolution on Tolain's expulsion, written by Engels, some corrections are made by Marx. The resolution was published in English in The Eastern Post, No. 135, April 29; in French (translated by Engels)—in L'Internationale, No. 122, May 14; in German — in Der Volksstaat, No. 42, May 24 and Der Vorbote, No. 7, July 1871. The last paragraph of the manuscript is published only in L'Internationale, which printed the resolution over Engels' signature, as a corresponding secretary pro tem for Belgium.
[156] Engels' article "Once Again 'Herr Vogt' " is connected with Marx's Herr Vogt, published in 1860 (see present edition, Vol. 17, pp. 21-329), in which Marx exposed the petty-bourgeois democrat Karl Vogt as a paid Bonapartist agent and a disseminator of slanderous inventions about proletarian revolutionaries. The direct reason for writing the article was the appearance, in the autumn of 1870, after the collapse of the Second Empire, of Vogt's new pamphlet Karl Vogt's Politische Briefe an Friedrich Kolb, in which the author tried to camouflage his past ties with the Bonapartists. In his article, Engels also used newly-published data, confirming Marx's conclusion, made in 1860, that Vogt was a paid agent of Bonaparte. Marx wrote about this in his letter to Wilhelm Liebknecht on April 10, 1871 (see present edition, Vol. 44), that is, before Engels' article appeared. Der Volksstaat (No. 31, April 15) published the following short message, which, in the main, reproduced the text of Marx's letter to Liebknecht: "In the official Papiers et correspondance de la famille impériale, published in the report of the French government, we find, on the alphabetic list of recipients of Bonapartist money, under the letter V, literally the following:'Vogt; il lui est remis en août 1859, 40,000 Fr. (Vogt received 40,000 francs in August of 1859).'" The editor of Der Volksstaat provided this information, published on Marx's behalf, with the following comment: "The Party comrades who reproached us for ignoring Vogt's writings against the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine and were not content with our referring them to the well-known pamphlet by Marx, will surely be satisfied now. But we request our Paris friends to send us the complete register. We are certain to find many an old acquaintance on it who once dealt in Bonapartism as 'fellow-rogues' of Vogt's and now, for the same motives and with equal enthusiasm, peddle Bismarck's patriotism." Engels' article was included in his collection Internationales aus dem "Volksstaat" (1871-75), Berlin, 1894 and reprinted in Der New Yorker Volkszeitung, Sonntagsbl., No. 19, May 12, 1895.
[162] Marx is apparently referring here to Jean Baptiste Troppmann, a murderer sentenced to death in Paris in December 1869.
[173] 173 The Party of Order—a party of the big reactionary bourgeoisie, which was formed in 1848 as a coalition of monarchist groups: the Legitimists (supporters of the Bourbon dynasty), the Orleanists (supporters of the Orleans dynasty) and the Bonapartists. From 1849 until the coup d'état of December 2, 1851, it held sway in the Legislative Assembly of the Second Republic. pp. 316, 497, 503, 521
[202] T ^ Vendôme Column—a war memorial erected in Paris between 1806 and 1810 as a tribute to the military victories of Napoleon I. It was made of bronze from captured enemy guns. On May 16, 1871, by order of the Paris Commune the Vendôme Column was destroyed as a symbol of militarism. pp. 339, 475, 501
[217] A reference to the reign of terror and bloody reprisals in Ancient Rome in the period of intensified social and political struggle in the 1st century B.C. The dictatorship of Sulla (82-79 B.C.), who was made dictator by the slave-owning nobility, was characterised by mass scale annihilation of members of the oppositional slave-owners' faction. The First and Second Triumvirates—periods of dictatorship by the most influential Roman generals, who divided power between themselves. The First Triumvirate (60-53 B.C.)—the period of the dictatorship of Pompey, Caesar and Crassus; the Second Triumvirate (43-36, formally until 31 B.C.)—of Octavianus, Antonius and Lepidus.
[228] 227 227 xhe i a s t paragraph of Marx's draft statement was edited by Engels. The Standard never published the letter. The statement was first published in English in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, On the Paris Commune, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971, pp. 242-43. 228 228 xhis statement by the General Council was drawn up by Engels in connection with the letter by George Holyoake, a leading figure in the co-operative movement, published in The Daily News on June 20, 1871, which contained attacks on the General Council's Address The Civil War in France. George Holyoake asserted that the Address aided the reactionary forces; that its authors were not thoroughly acquainted with the English working-class movement; that the English members of the General Council Odger and Lucraft neither saw nor signed the statement. He thus encouraged them to oppose it. At the General Council meeting of June 20, 1871, which was to approve this statement, Odger and Lucraft expressed their disapproval of it and demanded that their names should not be appended. In compliance with Marx's wishes, the General Council announced in this statement that the Address The Civil War in France had been drawn up by Marx. p."367
[230] Marx's letter to the editor of The Daily News was occasioned by this newspaper's publication on June 26, 1871 of letters by British clergyman John Llewellyn Davies, Benjamin Lucraft, and George Holyoake. George Holyoake again slanderously attacked the Address even after the General Council had made its statement on June 21 (see this volume, pp. 367-68). Lucraft expressed his disagreement with the propositions of the Address and declared his resignation from the General Council. Davies called upon the French Government to start legal proceedings against the General Council for the accusations contained in the Address against Thiers, Favre and others. Marx sent the letter to the editors of The Daily News and The Pall Mall Gazette. The latter published an excerpt from the letter on June 27, 1871. As the editors of The Daily News refused to publish the second part of Marx's letter, in which he exposed the British bourgeois press, the letter was also sent to The Eastern Post, which published it in full on July 1, 1871.
[235] Thi s Address of the General Council, drawn up by Marx, exposes the demagogical and provocative part played by bourgeois diplomacy in relation to the Paris Commune, citing as an example the activities of Mr. Washburne, American Ambassador in Paris. Marx showed that, from the start, the American diplomats joined international reaction in its struggle against the Commune. Washburne, while expressing his sympathy for the Communards, in actual fact used his position in Paris to act against the Commune. Though he stayed in Paris, he maintained constant contacts with the Versailles Government and often went to Versailles to convey information about the situation in the city. During the days of the Commune, he corresponded with Bismarck and the latter's representatives in Versailles, inciting them to armed actions. At the same time, in order to disrupt the defence of Paris, American diplomats tried to make the Communards entertain hopes that Prussia would remain neutral and act as mediator. That was the primary aim pursued by Washburne in suggesting that contacts be established with the Prussian command. When writing this Address, Marx used the letter by Mr. Reid, the Paris correspondent of The Daily Telegraph (Section I) and the communication of Serraillier, a Communard and member of the General Council (Section II). On returning to England Reid delivered lectures in support of the Paris Commune, contacted Marx and met him on July 1, 1871 (see this volume pp. 552-53). On July 4, the General Council unanimously passed a resolution to cooperate with Reid in disseminating truthful information about the Paris Commune and the General Council's Address War in France. On July 7, the The Civil Sub-Committee of the General Council, having discussed Washburne's subver-sive activities against the Commune, adopted a draft Address written by Marx. On July 11, the Address was unanimously approved by the General Council and published in London as a pamphlet. On August 1, the New York Central Committee for the United States' Sections of the International had it published in the bourgeois New York newspaper The Sun. Sorge and other members of the New York Committee supplied the Address with a preface explaining the significance of the Commune. Concerning Washburne, it stated that "he belongs to that large family of State parasites, feeding upon the public crib..."; the New York Committee called on the workers to give no credence to the information about the Commune received "through the channel of its deadly adversaries — a subsidised press" and to remember that the Commune "was a workingmen's government, and as such was hated, dreaded and calumniated by all the privileged classes and their ubiquitous mouthpieces and subordinates...". The Address "Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris" was published in 1871 in English in the American newspapers The Workingman's Advocate, August 5, 1871, The National Standard, No. 7, September 9, and in the Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, No. 20/12, September 30; in German in Der Volksstaat, No. 60, July 26, 1871; in French in La Liberté, No. 88, July 19, 1871; in Spanish in La Emancipation, No. 14, September 18, 1871. Thiers' government banned the publication of the Address in France.
[236] The Archbishop of Paris, Georges Darboy, was arrested and, among others, kept hostage by the Commune in an attempt to stop the Versaillese shooting Communards. The Commune repeatedly offered the Versailles Government to exchange all the hostages for Blanqui alone, who was arrested on March 17, 1871 (see this volume, pp. 352, 400-02, 446-49). Washburne recommended Thiers to consent, hoping that, if Blanqui were released, the position of the Blanquists in the Commune would become stronger and the contradictions that intensified in late April and early May within the Commune would be aggravated further. Thiers did not agree. After the Archbishop had been executed, Washburne in his articles and at lectures slandered the Commune on the strength of this measure, which it had been forced to take.
[243] This and other refutations (see this volume, pp. 393, 405) were written by Marx in reply to the libellous article about the International Working Men's Association published in the Berlin National-Zeitung on July 30, 1871. Excerpts from it were reprinted in several bourgeois London newspapers, including L'International, which also made new attacks on Marx. The refutation was published in full in Der Volksstaat in an item about the National-Zeitung libel on the International. The rough draft in French contains some additions in Engels' hand.
[244] This private letter and an open letter to the editor of Public Opinion (this volume, pp. 393-94) were dispatched by Marx to Engels with his letter of August 19, 1871 (see present edition, Vol. 44), in which he asked Engels to make copies of the letters and send them to the newspaper, because his own handwriting might cause misprints. This letter was first published in English in Marx/Engels, Gesamtausgabe ( MEGA). Erste Abteilung, Bd. 22, Berlin, 1978, S. 1090.
[249] 249 xhe letter was one of the numerous contributions by Marx in defence of the Paris Commune (see this volume, pp. 360, 364-74, 378, 388-99, 403-05). Marx presumably addressed it to the editor of The Examiner because, as Engels put it, it was "the only paper to behave really decently" (see this volume, p. 376) in the slander campaign initiated by the British bourgeois press after The Civil War in France had been published. The title "The Commune and Archbishop Darboy" was probably supplied by the editors of the newspaper.
[255] The London Conference (September 17-23, 1871) marked an important stage in the struggle waged by Marx and Engels for establishing a proletarian party. In conformity with a resolution of the Congress of Basle (1869), the next congress of the International Working Men's Association was to be held in Paris. However, the persecution of the International's sections by the police in France by orders of the Bonapartist government compelled the General Council to shift the next congress to Mayence (Germany) (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 132). The outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war made the congress impossible; nor was it possible to hold it in the atmosphere of severe reprisals against the members of the International during the civil war in France, especially after the suppression of the Paris Commune. Under these conditions, the majority of national federations suggested that the congress be postponed and the General Council be empowered to convene it at its own discretion. At the same time, the need to take account of the experience of the Paris Commune and adopt collective decisions so as to strengthen the ideological unity and organisation of the International, the urgent tasks of the struggle against the Bakuninists and other sectarian elements, who had stepped up their splitting activities, as well as other tasks, demanded the convocation of a conference of representatives of the International from all countries. At its meeting on July 25, 1871, the General Council, at Engels' suggestion, resolved to convene a closed conference of the International Working Men's Association in London on September 17. The majority of the federations agreed with this proposal. Marx and Engels carried out tremendous preparatory work. At the meetings of the General Council on August 15 and September 5, 12 and 16, the questions concerning the organisation and the agenda were discussed and the draft resolutions were adopted. Twenty-two delegates with votes and ten delegates with voice but no votes took part in the work of the Conference. The countries unable to send delegates were represented by the corresponding secretaries. Marx represented Germany, Engels, Italy. In all, there were nine closed sessions. The minutes of the Conference and the other related material were first published, in Russian, in the book The London Conference of the First International, 17-23 September, 1871, Moscow, 1936. In this volume, the Conference resolutions, along with the accounts of the statements by Marx and Engels, which have reached us as written down by Engels, are published in the main text. Marx's speeches, recorded by Rochat and Martin, are published in Appendices (see pp. 613-21).
[260] 2 6 0 See Note 259. Published in English for the first time in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works, Moscow, 1968, p. 314.
[282] Resolution XVI—"Alliance de la Démocratie socialiste"—was moved by Marx at the seventh session of the London Conference on September 21, 1871. After the question had been discussed in the commission (see this volume, pp. 411-12 and Note 256), this session heard Marx's report on the Alliance and Bakuninists' splitting activities in Switzerland and then passed Resolutions XVI and XVII.
[285] Marx wrote the drafts of The Civil War in France, which are preparatory versions of this work, between mid-April and May 23, 1871; after this, he started work on the final version of The Civil War in France as an Address of the International Working Men's Association. Newspaper clippings and excerpts in Marx's notebook relating to the last week of the Paris Commune were used not in the second draft, but in the final text of the Address itself. The manuscript of the first, more sizable draft, which seems to have survived in full, fills eleven sheets, 22 pages altogether. Judging by Marx's pagination (it is not on all sheets), the Second Draft consisted of 13 sheets, of which only 11 have survived. The missing sheets apparently contained item 4, which preceded extant item 5: "Opening of the civil war. 18 March Revolution. Clement Thomas. Lecomte. The Affaire Vendôme". The last three unnumbered pages (see this volume, pp. 545-51) contain, in the main, a new version of separate passages of the Second Draft. Marx marked a large part of the text of the First and Second Drafts with vertical and oblique lines, by which he usually indicated the passages included in the final version of a text. Words and sentences crossed out by Marx by horizontal lines are not reproduced in this edition (in some cases, the crossed out passages that are of imprortance are reproduced in the footnotes). Both manuscripts have numerous marks in the margins, parentheses, square brackets, etc., that Marx made for himself. They are not reproduced in the present edition. When Marx quotes or mentions the decrees and proclamations of the Commune, he often gives the dates according to their publication or reports of them in London newspapers. The drafts were not published in Marx's and Engels' lifetime and for a long time after their death. Some excerpts from the First Draft were published first, in Russian, in the USSR in Pravda, Nos. 72 and 76, March 14 and 18, 1933; both drafts were first published in full in the USSR in 1934 in the language of the original (English), and in a Russian translation in Marx/Engels Archives, Vol. Ill (VIII), by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CC CPSU.
[288] The attempts by the Normand millowners to reduce the wages of textile workers in order to compete more effectively with British manufacturers caused a big strike at Sotteville-lès-Rouen in late 1868 and early 1869. Meeting the strikers' request for support, the General Council of the International organised collection of funds for the strikers through the London and French trades unions. As Marx noted in the Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association (see present edition, Vol. 21), the strike, despite its defeat, promoted the organisation and unity of the workers in the Normand textile industry and led to the establishment of trades unions in Rouen, Elbeuf, Darnétal and other towns. It also consolidated an alliance between the English and French workers.
[310] On June 20, 1789, in response to Louis XVI's attempt to frustrate a regular sitting of the States-General, which had proclaimed itself the National Assembly, the deputies of third estate who gathered in the Salle des Paumes (Tennis Court) at Versailles took an oath to stay there till the Constitution was adopted. The Tennis Court oath was one of the events that marked the prologue to the French Revolution. pp. 497, 538
[313] Phalanstère—palaces in which, according to the French Utopian socialist, Charles Fourier, members of producer and consumer associations were to live and work in an ideal socialist society. Icarie—an Utopian communist country in Etienne Cabet's Voyage en Icarie (1840), subsequently the name of communist colonies in America.
[315] L'Association générale des Défenseurs de la République (the General Association of the Defenders of the Republic)—a bourgeois-democratic organisation founded in Paris in February 1871; its aim was to struggle for the Republic. It supported the Commune and condemned the policy of the Versailles Government. The quoted decision was published in the Journal officiel (Paris), No. 129, May 9, 1871.
[316] 16 The Constitution of 1793 was the Constitution of the First French Republic adopted by the Convention during the Jacobins' revolutionary dictatorship.
[329] The excerpts made by Marx and partly by Engels from the Minute Books of the General Council for 1869-71, which have survived, end on September 5, 1871. They were made during the preparations for the London Conference of the International and were to serve as material for the General Council's report to the Conference on the work of the International from 1869 to 1871. Related to them are excerpts from the minutes for June 1870-April 1872, made by Marx a year later, at the end of August 1872, on the eve of the Hague Congress of the International (see present edition, Vol. 23). Markings in the manuscripts testify that Marx and Engels used them in the course of their work on the International's documents. The square brackets are Marx's. The abbreviated words are written in full, without mentioning it. Published in English for the first time in The Hague Congress of the First International, September 2-7, 1872. Minutes and Documents, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976, pp. 643-54. The minutes are published in full in The General Council of the First International. 1868-1870, Moscow, 1966 and The General Council of the First International. 1871-1872, Moscow, 1968.
[349] The Lanci Tenure Reform Association was founded in July 1869 under the auspices of John Stuart Mill. Its aim was to revive the class of small farmers by leasing small plots of waste land to the unemployed.
[357] First published in English in The General Council of the First International. 1870-1871. Minutes, Moscow, 1967, pp. 317-19.
[358] First published in English in The General Council of the First International. 1870-1871. Minutes, Moscow, 1967, p. 320.
[379] In their speeches on the republican movement in England, Marx and Engels summed up the discussion of this issue at the General Council meeting on March 28, 1871 in connection with the report of the General Council deputation to the republican meetings. The deputation included Hales, Weston, Jung and Serraillier; its report said that Serraillier's speech at the meeting in the Wellington Music Hall on March 22 (see Note 352) was well received and that a resolution expressing support for the Paris workers was passed unanimously. It was also noted that the meeting adopted a very moderate, bourgeois republican resolution moved by Odger. During the discussion, the General Council members criticised the position taken by Odger and other trade union leaders, confining the programme of the republican movement to the slogan of a bourgeois republic in France. First published in English in The General Council of the First International. 1870-1871. Minutes, Moscow, 1967, pp. 165-66.
[388] Published in English for the first time in The General Council of the First International. 1870-1871. Minutes, Moscow, 1967, pp. 189-90, 192.
[402] Marx spoke against Odger, in connection with his shift to the position of bourgeois republicanism, open renunciation of the International's principles and slanderous attacks on the General Council and the Paris Commune.
[406] Marx spoke about the trades unions during the discussion on the draft resolution submitted by Delahaye at the fifth session of the London Conference on September 20, 1871 (see Note 271).