NOTES AND INDEXES

Notes

Residual editorial notes

114 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[28] The Schiller Institute, founded in Manchester in November 1859 in connection with the centenary of Schiller's birth, was conceived as a cultural and social centre of the city's German colony. At first Engels was critical of the society, notorious for its tendency to formalism and pedantry, and kept aloof from it. But after certain amendments were made in the Rules, he became a member of its Directorate in 1864, and later President of the Institute, devoting much time to it and exercising a considerable influence on its activities. In September 1868, while Engels was away from Manchester, the Directorate invited Karl Vogt, who was connected with Bonapartist circles and cast aspersions on proletarian revolutionaries, to give a lecture in the society. In view of this Engels held that his political reputation would be compromised if he remained President and wrote this letter to the Directorate. On October 2 the secretary, Davisson, on behalf of the Directorate approached Engels asking him to revise his decision but Engels refused. In April 1870 Engels was again elected member of the Directorate, but he did not take an active part in its work.

[30] Engels wrote this article on learning about the police ban, on September 16, 1868, on the General Association of German Workers centred in Leipzig, and on its local branch in Berlin. On October 10, however, a group of Lassalleans headed by Schweitzer restored the Association under the same name and transferred its seat to Berlin. The new Rules of the Association published in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 119, October 11, 1868, said that the Association would abide by Prussian laws and act in a peaceful, legal way. Adapting itself to Prussian law, the leaders of the Association dissolved its local branches. Marx and Engels sharply criticised Schweitzer's manoeuvres in the letters they exchanged in September and October. The same criticism is contained in Marx's letter to Schweitzer of October 13, 1868 (see present edition, Vol. 43) and in this article by Engels. In it Engels develops the views he set out in 1865 in "The Prussian Military Question and the German Workers' Party" (see present edition, Vol. 20), which he quotes extensively. In his letter to Engels dated September 29, 1868, Marx wrote that this article helped to undermine the Lassallean positions (present edition, Vol. 43).

[35] 3;' Under the influence of Sophie von Hatzfeldt a small group of Lassalleans split away from the General Association of German Workers and in 1867 formed the Lassallean General Association of German Workers. This Association, whose president was first Försterling and later Mende, had little impact on the workers and in 1872 virtually ceased to exist.

[57] short report on the activity of the IWMA since the Brussels Congress should be drawn »up and published. Jung was instructed to draw up the resume and Marx expressed his willingness to help. The resume contains chiefly the material of the General Council meetings of November 3 and 24, December 22, 1868 and January 5, 1869 and includes Marx's reports. The resolution moved by Marx and Applegarth, probably on Marx's initiative, was not entered in the Minute Book. That is probably why Marx decided to include it in this resume.

[67] Marx wrote this address to the workers of Europe and the United States following the bloody events in Belgium in April 1869. On April 20, the General Council heard the report öf Eugen Hins, representative of the Belgian Federal Council of the International, who had been sent to the spot to investigate the details of the massacre in Seraing and Frameries. Marx was commissioned to draw up an address on behalf of the General Council to denounce the atrocities committed by the Belgian authorities. He wrote it in English and French and read it out at the General Council meeting of May 4. The Council approved the address and decided to have it printed and distributed. In English it was published as a leaflet, "The Belgian Massacres. To the Workmen of Europe and the United States", in London on May 12, 1869. A copy of the leaflet has been preserved in the Minute Book of the General Council. Part of the leaflet was reproduced in The Bee-Hive, No. 395, May 8, 1869. The French text was published in the Belgian newspapers L'Internationale, No. 18, May 15 and La Liberté, May 16, 1869. The German translation by Eccarius was printed in Der Social-Demokrat, No. 58, May 21, in the Demokratisches Wochenblatt, No. 21, May 22, 1869 and in other newspapers in Germany, Switzerland and France. The address found a broad response among the people. Read at a mass protest meeting in Brussels on May 16, it was met with tumultuous applause, p. 47

[75] These words were said by Delfosse, a deputy to the Belgian Parliament, at a sitting of the Chamber of Representatives on March 1, 1848, in reply to a remark that the ideas of the French revolution of 1848 would travel round the world (see Les Annales Parlementaires 1847-1848. Chambre des Représentants. Séance du 1 e r Mars 1848, p. 950).

[88] Later, Marx wrote in the preface to his A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859): "In the year 1842-43, as editor of the Rheinische Zeitung, I first found myself in the embarrassing position of having to discuss what is known as material interests. Debates of the Rhine Province Assembly on the theft of wood and the division of landed property; the official polemic started by Herr von Schapper, then Oberpräsident of the Rhine Province, against the Rheinische Zeitung about the condition of the Mosel peasantry, and finally the debates on free trade and protective tariffs caused me in the first instance to turn my attention to economic questions" (see present edition, Vol. 29).

[99] The Crédit Mobilier (Société générale du Crédit Mobilier) was a French joint-stock bank founded in 1852 by the Péreire brothers. Closely connected with and protected by the Government of Napoleon III, it engaged in large-scale speculation. The bank was involved, in particular, in the railway-building business. It went bankrupt in 1867 and was liquidated in 1871.

[100] The strike of Rouen weavers was discussed at the Sub-Committee's meeting of January 2, 1869 and at the General Council meetings of January 5, 12 and 19, 1869. The resolution adopted on January 5 and published in The Bee-Hive, No. 379, January 16, sharply criticised the attempt of the employers of Rouen and other departments of France to expand trade "by reducing the wages of work-people already u n d e r p a i d " . Various societies were invited to send delegates to the next Council meeting "to devise the best means to frustrate the unwarrantable attempts of the French manufacturer, and to render the workmen concerned such assistance as they may need". On the General Council's aid to the Rouen weavers see Note 62.

[104] T h ^ was the slogan of the Lyons weavers during the rebellion of 1831.

[110] Cis-Leithanian Austria or Cis-Leithania—part of Austria-Hungary which included Austria proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Bukovina, Dalmatia and other lands. Trans-Leithania consisted of Hungary and Hungarian-ruled Slovakia, Transylvania, Croatia, Slavonia and other lands. These regions were named after the river Leitha that divided them.

[111] At its meeting at Elberfeld-Barmen on March 28-31, 1869 the General Association of German Workers declared its accord with the programme of the International Working Men's Association and advised its members to join the International individually (see "Vereins Theil. Für den Allgem.-Deutschen Arbeiterverein. Generalversammlung", Der Social-Demokrat, No. 47, April 21, 1869).

[120] In November 1866, John Hales proposed the reorganisation of the English branch of the International so that it would rely not on the trade unions affiliated with it, but on the new sections, formed according to the territorial principle and headed by a special Federal Council. Similar proposals were made at the end of 1869. Marx and other leaders of the Council considered the moment inopportune since this would isolate the International from the workers' mass organisations. Only after the events of 1871 (the Paris Commune), when the situation in England and in the world had changed radically and reformist trends had gained supremacy in the trade unions, did Marx and his supporters consider it advisable to form the British Federation of the International with a special Council at its head.

[121] Fhe Land and Labour League was founded in London in October 1869 with the participation of the General Council. Its Executive Committee included more than 10 General Council members. The League's programme was drawn up by Eccarius on Marx's instruction (see this volume, pp. 401-06). Along with general democratic demands, like the reform of the finance and tax system and of public education, it contained demands for the nationalisation of the land and the reduction of working hours, as well as the Chartist demands for universal suffrage and home colonisation. Marx held that the League could play a definite role in revolutionising the English working class and saw it as a means of establishing an independent proletarian party in England. However, by the autumn of 1870 the influence of bourgeois elements had grown in the League and it gradually began to lose contact with the International.

[122] This refers to the London Trades Council (see Note 38).

[123] The Anglo-Irish Union was imposed on Ireland by the British Government after the suppression of the Irish rebellion of 1798. The Union, which came into force on January 1, 1801, abrogated the autonomy of the Irish Parliament and made Ireland more dependent on Britain. One of the consequences of its introduction was, in particular, the abolition of tariffs established by the Irish Parliament at the end of the eighteenth century to protect the rising Irish industry, and this led to its total decline.

[130] This refers to Marx's works: The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850, consisting of a series of articles written between January and October 1850 specially for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Politisch-ökonomische Revue and published in il under the general title "1848-1849" (see present edition, Vol. 10), and The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, written between December 1851 and March 1852 (see notes 78 and 79).

[141] O'Donovan Rvôsa, a prominent Fenian who in 1865 had been sentenced to penal servitude for life, was nominated candidate at the by-elections to Parliament in County Tipperary (South-Western Ireland). On November 25, 1869, Rossa was elected M.P. Even though the elections were quashed, the fact of his election testified to the growing protest against English policy among the Irish masses. Engels wrote about O'Donovan Rossa's election to Parliament in his letter to Marx of November 29, 1869 (see present edition, Vol. 43).

[148] This Confidential Communication was intended for the Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workers' Party. It included the full French text of the General Council's circular letter of January 1, 1870 to the Federal Council of Romance Switzerland (see this volume, pp. 84-91). As Corresponding Secretary for Germany Marx sent it to Ludwig Kugelmann in a letter of March 28, 1870, asking him to communicate the document to Bracke and other members of the Committee. In English, the Confidential Communication was first published in Letters to Dr. Kugelmann by Karl Marx, Co-operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the USSR, Moscow-Leningrad, 1934. In this volume the document is published according to Marx's manuscript enclosed in the above-mentioned letter to Kugelmann. As compared with the circular letter of the General Council to the Federal Council of Romance Switzerland, Marx's manuscript contains certain mainly stylistic alterations and cuts.

[154] See Note 121.

[155] The reference is to the London Trades Council (see Note 38).

[163] Marx wrote this letter in reply to a request of January 12, 1870, from the International Metalworkers' Society in Hanover for help in establishing contacts with the English trade unions. The General Council appointed a delegation headed by Jung to conduct the talks. On April 12 Jung reported on a meeting on April 7 with the Council of the London Amalgamated Engineers. The latter was ready to establish contact with the engineers of Germany and France and handed over a list of questions which interested English workers. The questionnaire in Marx's letter slightly differs in wording from the English text preserved in Jung's letter to Marx of April 13, 1870 (see The General Council of the Tirst International. 1868-1870, Moscow, 1966, pp. 470-71). Marx's letter, with a short editorial and conclusion was published in German in Die Tagwacht, No. 16, May 5, 1870, and in French in L'Internationale, No. 76, June 26, 1870. The author's name was mentioned in the editorial.

[164] By the General Council's decision of November 22, 1864 The Bee-Hive was declared an official newspaper of the Association. This was announced in a supplement to the first edition of the Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association, London, 1864. However, closely connected with trade union leaders and representatives of the radical bourgeoisie, the newspaper virtually remained, as Marx wrote to Sigfrid Meyer on July 4, 1868, a narrow trade union organ far from voicing the views of the IWMA (see present edition, Vol. 43). The Bee-Hive frequently suppressed the General Council's documents, mutilated them at will and sometimes did not publish the reports of the General Council meetings at all (see Marx's letters to Engels of July 29, November 18, 1869, present edition, Vol. 43). It adopted a negative attitude to the Irish national liberation movement, justifying Gladstone's policy ( The Bee-Hive, No. 420, October 30, 1869; see also Engels' letter to Marx of November 1 ). Its policy was censured by members of the International in different countries. The question of severing all connections with The Bee-Hive was raised by Marx at a meeting of the General Council on April 26, 1870 (see this volume, p. 444). Marx was supported by other members of the Council, who instructed him to draw up a declaration for publication. In a letter to Engels of April 28, 1870 (see present edition, Vol. 43), Marx wrote that he was to prepare a resolution for the next Tuesday, i. e. for the General Council meeting of May 3. Marx drew it up at the beginning of May and sent it to several newspapers (it was published in German in Der Volksstaat, No. 38, May 11, 1870 and in Der Vorbote, No. 5, May 1870, datelined "London, May 3"). On May 3 the General Council did not discuss the question. On May 10 Marx was not present at the General Council meeting. He moved the resolution on May 17 (its text in Marx's handwriting is pasted into the Minute Book of the General Council). The General Council unanimously resolved to break with The Bee-Hive and to announce this resolution publicly to its different sections. The resolution was published in French in L'Egalité, No. 22, May 28; L'Internationale, No. 72, May 29 and in Le Mirabeau, No. 46, June 5, 1870.

[172] This letter was written by Marx and Engels in connection with a congress of the International to be held in September 1870. Following the General Council's decision of May 17, 1870 on the convocation of the congress in Mainz, Stumpf, authorised by Liebknecht, wrote a letter to Marx on June 11 asking him to postpone the congress till October in view of the forthcoming September elections to the Imperial Diet in Germany. The next day the same request was made by the Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workers' Party to the General Council, and by Geib to Marx. Marx was definitely against the postponement and expressed his opinion on the matter in a letter to the Committee of the German Social-Democratic Workers' Party on June 27 (see this volume, p. 445). This letter of Marx and Engels was published in Der Volksstaat, No. 51, June 26, 1872 and in the book Leipziger Hochverrathsprozess. Ausführlicher Bericht über die Verhandlungen des Schwurgerichts zu Leipzig in dem Prozess gegen Liebknecht, Bebel und Hepner wegen Vorbereitung zum Hochwerrath vom 11.-26. März 1872, Leipzig, 1872. It was reprinted in the 1874 and 1894 editions of the book, the latter edition being prepared by Liebknecht on the instruction of the Committee of the Social-Democratic Workers' Party.

[180] The supposed works of Ossian, a mythical Celtic bard, were forged and published in 1760-65 by the Scottish poet James Macpherson.

[184] The History of Ireland is a fragment of a voluminous work which Engels intended to write and on which he worked at the end of 1869 and during the first half of 1870. Engels studied a vast selection of literary and historical sources: the works of antique and medieval writers, annals, collections of ancient law codes, legislative acts and legal treatises, folklore, travellers' notes, numerous works on archaeology, history, economics, geography, geology, etc. Engels' bibliography, embracing over 150 titles, is selective and includes only a few of the sources he studied. Engels presumably did not complete his preparatory work. However, the collected material comprising 15 paginated notebooks, the excerpts from books, the list of literature, notes on separate sheets and newspaper cuttings show the scale of his research into Irish history as well as his understanding of certain of its aspects. Engels studied Gaelic in order to do research into Irish sources. Marx attached great importance to Engels' work and constantly helped him with it (see their letters during this period in Vol. 43 of the present edition). The views of Marx and Engels on major problems of Irish history took shape in the course of joint discussion. The draft plan (see p. 307) shows that Engels' work was to consist of four long chapters, the last two being subdivided into sections. Engels actually succeeded in finishing only the first chapter—"Natural Conditions". The second chapter—"Old Ireland" — is unfinished. The manuscript breaks off where Engels intended to throw light on the social structure of Irish society before the English conquest in the second half of the twelfth century. Engels did not begin writing the last two chapters, which were to describe the development of the country up to the events of his own day, although he had compiled most of the required material. In a letter to Sigismund Borkheim written in early March 1872 (see present edition, Vol. 44), Engels mentioned that the Franco-Prussian War, the Paris Commune, the clash with the Bakuninists in the International, etc., interrupted his work. Engels used the results of his research in his theoretical works, such as The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (see present edition, Vol. 27) and in his letters to various correspondents. The fragment The History of Ireland (see this volume, pp. 308-14) and some preparatory material Engels collected for this work were first published in 1948 in Russian in the Marx-Engels Archives, Vol. X. In English, excerpts from the draft plan and the fragment The History of Ireland were published in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971, while The History of Ireland was published for the Irish Communist Group by Angela Clifford, 258 Liverpool Road, No. 1, August 1965. In the present edition The History of Ireland is printed according to Engels' manuscript in German. Omissions in passages from different authors are marked by dots in square brackets. Italics in the quotations are mostly by Engels unless otherwise indicated in the footnotes.

[188] E ngels presumably quoted Young according to Murphy's Ireland. Industrial, Political, and Social, London, 1870.

[189] The synopsis of Wakefield's book, which contains rich factual material on the Ireland of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, is to be found in notebooks VII, XI and XII of Engels' preparatory material on the history of Ireland (see his letters to Marx of February 22 and April 13, 1870, present edition, Vol. 43).

[1 9 0] A reference to the period of cruel reprisals against the Irish population and their wholesale expropriation, which began soon after the suppression of the Irish national liberation uprising of 1641-52 by the troops of the English bourgeois republic (see Note 229). According to the Acts of the English Parliament of 1652 and 1653, some of the Irish landowners, who were declared guilty of revolt, were to be forcibly moved to the barren province of Connaught and the swampy southern County Clare. Resettlement was carried out under pain of execution. O n the eve of the 1798 Irish uprising, Connaught, and to an even greater extent the bordering counties of the province of Ulster in the north, became the scene of widespread terrorism by English mercenaries and Protestant gangs hired by the landlords from among their menials (Ancient Britons, etc.), against the local Catholic population and its self-defence units. Under the pretext of confiscating arms from the population and billeting, soldiers committed all kinds of outrages, torturing and murdering Irish people who fell into their hands and burning down their homes. Many Catholic peasants were evicted from Ulster after receiving threatening notes reading: "Go to the devil or C o n n a u g h t " .

[192] 92 G. Boate, Natural History of Ireland, London, 1652. Engels, like Wakefield, gives an earlier date of publication.

[193] 93 The reference is to England's war against Napoleonic France and the European countries dependent on her (in 1812 England fought Napoleon in alliance with Russia, Spain and Portugal), and to the Anglo-American War which broke out that year. It was won by the United States in 1814.

[194] 94 The third volume of this publication, concluding the collection Senchus Mor (The Great Book of Old), appeared in 1873, after Engels had written the passage in this book. Senchus Mor is one of the most detailed records of the laws of the Brehons, guardians of and commentators on laws and customs in Celtic Ireland (for Engels' description of Senchus Mor, see his letters to Marx of April 29, May 8 and 10, 1870, present edition, Vol. 43).

[198] 98 The works of Giraldus Cambrensis on Ireland, Topographia Hibernica and Expugnatio Hibernica (in Engels' manuscript Hibernia Expugnata), were included in the fifth volume of the Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, mentioned by Engels, the publication of which was begun by J. S. Brewer. The fifth volume, published by J. F. Dimock, appeared in 1867.

[203] 2()3 Triads—medieval Welsh works written in the form characteristic of the poetry of the ancient Celts of Wales, with persons, things, events, etc., arranged in sets of three. As regards their content, the Triads are subdivided into historical, theological, judicial, poetical and ethical. The early Triads were composed not later than the tenth century, but the extant manuscripts of these works date back to the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth century.

[205] Haraldsaga was written early in the thirteenth century by the Icelandic poet and chronicler Snorri Sturluson and describes the life and exploits of the Norwegian King Harald (the ninth-tenth centuries), founder of the Harfagr (Fair hair) dynasty. It is part of Snorri Sturluson's book Heimskringla covering the history of the Norwegian kings from ancient times to the twelfth century.

[206] 20(> Krâkurnâl (Song of Krâka) — a medieval Scandinavian poem, composed as the death-song of Ragnar Lodbrôk (ninth century), a Danish Viking taken prisoner and put to death by Ella, King of Northumberland. According to the legend, Krâka, Ragnar's wife, sang the song to her children to inspire them with the desire to avenge their father's death. Engels used the text of the song as given in the reader: F. E. Ch. Dietrich, Altnordisches Lesebuch, Leipzig, 1864, S. 73-80.

[211] Leges barbarorum—records of the common law of various Germanic tribes, compiled between the fifth and ninth centuries.

[218] The corn-acre (conacre) system—the subletting to the poorest peasants of small plots (up to half an acre) by middlemen on extortionate terms, which was extensively practised in Ireland. The term came into use in the eighteenth century, after the adoption of a law decreeing that corn be sown on these small-holdings.

[222] See Note 123.

[231] See Note 185.

[233] T h e Anglo-Irish Parliament, convoked at the end of the thirteenth century, was initially m a d e u p of representatives of the big barons and dignitaries of the Church of the English colony in Ireland (the Pale). With the extension of the power of the English Crown to the entire island (sixteenth-early seventeenth centuries), the Parliament became a representative body of the English and Anglo-Irish aristocracy under the English Lord Deputy. T h e competency of that Parliament was limited; according to an Act passed by Lord Deputy Poynings in 1495, it could be convoked only with the sanction of the Royal Privy Council. Under the impact of the growing national liberation movement, in the 1780s the English Government was compelled to extend the rights of the Irish Parliament (Renunciation Act). In 1801, however, the Irish Parliament was abolished under the Act ot Union.

[234] ™ See Note 214.

[236] 23b A reference to the capitulation at Limerick, an agreement signed in October 1691 between the Irish insurgents and representatives of the English command and approved by King William III. The surrender terms were honourable: the insurgents were given permission to serve either in foreign armies or in the army of William III; the people were promised an amnesty, the preservation of their property, suffrage and religious freedom. Several months before the Limerick Agreement, similar agreements were concluded during the capitulation of the insurgent garrisons in Galway and other towns. The terms of these agreements, however, were soon flagrantly violated by the English authorities.

[238] penal Code or Penal Laws—a set of laws passed by the English for Ireland at the end of the seventeenth and in the first half of the eighteenth centuries on the pretext of a struggle against Catholic conspiracies. These laws deprived the indigenous Irish, the majority of whom were Catholics, of all civil and political rights. They limited the right of Catholics to inheritance and to the acquisition and alienation of property, introducing the practice of confiscating property for petty offences. T h e Penal Code was used as an instrument for the expropriation of the Irish who still owned land. It established unfavourable lease terms for Catholic peasants, increasing their dependence on the English landlords. The ban on Catholic schools, the severe punishment meted out to Catholic priests and other measures were intended to stamp out Irish national traditions. The penal laws were abrogated, and then only in part, at the end of the eighteenth century under the influence of the growing national liberation struggle in Ireland.

[253] ' r h e Privy Council of the Lord Lieutenant (Viceroy) of Ireland consisted of high officials who headed various departments of colonial administration.

[2 5 6] See notes 232 and 237.

[265] The Catholic Committee was founded in the late 1750s. Among its members were liberal Catholic landowners, Catholic merchants, manufacturers and intellectuals whose aim was to fight for the alleviation and repeal of the penal laws against the Catholics. Originally the Catholic Committee took a very moderate and loyal stand in regard to the English authorities. But the national upsurge at the end of the eighteenth century changed its composition and tactics, and radical elements of the Irish bourgeoisie now prevailed in the Committee. Its left wing took part in the Volunteer movement and subsequently joined the revolutionary Society of United Irishmen. The efforts of the Catholic Committee to secure for the Catholics equal rights with the Protestants continued in the first decade of the nineteenth century. The Whig Club was founded in 1789 in Dublin and the Northern Whig Club in 1791 in Belfast. The composition and political tendencies of this organisation were diverse. Its Protestant leaders voiced the interests of Protestant liberal landlords and the big bourgeoisie. They stood for a compromise with the British Government and wanted to keep the national movement within strictly constitutional bounds. The committee's radical wing, on the contrary, proposed more resolute action and later formed the nucleus of the United Irishmen Society.

[267] Marx refers to the struggle for political power among British ruling political circles under George III. In 1788, after George Ill's first attack of insanity, the Prince of Wales (the future George IV) and his followers believed that the Prince would become Regent, but the King quickly recovered, and the Prince, who had hoped that the Whigs would help him pay his debts, was rejected by the head of the Cabinet, Pitt. In 1806 the latter died and the administration actually went over to Fox, a representative of the Whigs. In 1811 George Ill's health deteriorated and the question of the Regency was finally settled.

[269] At the beginning of February 1793 Britain officially began a war with the French Republic. This war was extremely unpopular in Ireland, and the United Irishmen Society issued proclamations calling on the government to conclude an honourable peace with France. The English ruling circles launched an offensive against the Irish national liberation movement. The Convention, Gunpowder and other Acts passed by the Irish Parliament in 1793 effectively deprived the Volunteer organisations and the United Irishmen of their legal ground.

[273] The Methuen Treaty was a trade treaty concluded between England and Portugal on December 27, 1703. It was signed by the English diplomat John Methuen, hence its name. It opened wide access in Portugal for English woollens, in return for which Portugal received the right to export its wines to England on favourable terms.

[275] The Declaration was published in a book by J. Mitchel, The History of Ireland, from the Treaty of Limerick to the Present Time, Dublin, 1869, Vol. I, pp. 138-39.

[282] Xhis section contains Marx's close renderings of passages from Curran's speeches and Davis' "Notices" in The Speeches of the Right Honorable John Philpot Curran, and extracts from the book (pp. 46-56).

[2 8 5] See Note 237.

[286] Right Boys (from the name of an imaginary leader known as Captain Right)—a secret peasant society that arose in 1785 in the southern counties of Ireland as a spontaneous protest by the Irish peasants against cruel oppression. The Right Boys employed the same organisational forms (special ritual, oath of loyalty) and the same methods of struggle (threatening letters, raids on estates, terrorist acts against landlords, middlemen, tax and tithe collectors, destruction of enclosures put u p on communal lands, seizure of the harvests grown on landlords' fields, etc.) as did the secret peasant societies that appeared in various localities of Ireland in the 1760s, such as Whiteboys, Steelhearts and the like. The actions of these societies often developed into local peasant revolts. The English authorities resorted to the most cruel punitive measures against them.

[2 8 7] In this section Marx renders and quotes passages from Davis' "Notices" in The Speeches of the Right Honorable John Philpot Curran, pp. 103, 128-30.

[2 8 9] See Note 265.

[292] rphis section consists of Marx's close renderings of passages from Curran's speeches and from Davis' " Memoir " and "Notices" in The Speeches..., and quotations from that book (pp. XXI, 154-56).

[2 9 3] See Note 265.

[2 9 8] See Note 223.

[303] The expedition under General Hoche was organised by the French Government (Directory) on the insistence of Wolfe Tone , a leader of the United Irishmen Society, who came to France early in 1796 to obtain military assistance for the Irish patriots. H e thought the arrival of the French landing force would be the signal for a general uprising in Ireland. The flotilla with the landing force sailed from Brest in mid-December 1796, but only a few ships reached Bantry Bay, the rest either being scattered by storms or sunk by English ships, as is stated in Marx's excerpts (see this volume, p. 280). The expedition was a failure and, towards the end of December, the surviving ships returned to Brest. In spite of this the English authorities waited with apprehension for General Hoche to resume landing operations early in 1797. However, fresh attempts to land French troops in Ireland were undertaken only later (one attempt, in the autumn of 1798, is described below, see pp. 281-82) with very weak landing forces, since support for Ireland's fight for independence was a subordinate issue in the strategy of the French bourgeois rulers, as compared with their plans for conquering colonies in the Middle East and other regions (Bonaparte's campaign in Egypt, Syria, etc.).

[3 1 0] A reference to the unification of England and Scotland into a single state — the Kingdom of Great Britain — by the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707, which abolished Scotland's parliament, allowing Scottish deputies several scores of seats in the English Parliament. However, the autonomy and rights of the Presbyterian Church were retained. The people opposed the Union, seeing it as an encroachment on their country's independence. It was, however, enforced thanks to the efforts of the Scottish aristocrats, who sought thus to secure their privileges, and of the Scottish upper bourgeoisie seeking access to enterprise in the colonies and to England's world trade.

[3 1 7] This and the next section of the manuscript consist of Marx's renderings and quotations from Elisor's book Anti-Union..., pp. 51, 54, 56-57.

[3 2 0] A reference to two major uprisings against English rule in Ireland. The first uprising started in 1315 when a detachment led by Edward Bruce, brother of Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, landed in Ireland shortly after routing the army of King Edward II of England. Many Irish clan chiefs joined him. However, although the army led by Robert Bruce came to the assistance of the Irish insurgents, the uprising was quelled in 1318. On the uprising of 1641-52 see Note 229.

[321] Yhe second part of the work is subdivided in almost the same way as the first. The only difference being that here two paragraphs are designated by the letter c): "Volunteer Organisation" and "Declaration of Irish Independence", whereas in the main part of the work the first of these paragraphs is designated by the letter b).

[3 2 2] See Note 240.

[3 2 3] See Note 264.

[3 2 6] Notes on Goldwin Smith's book Irish History and Irish Character (Oxford and London, 1861) are to be found in Notebook IV, one of those with excerpts that Engels wrote while working on The History of Ireland. Smith's book drew Engels' attention not as a source for the study of Irish history, but rather as a specimen of the Liberal falsification of this history that reflected the colonialist tendencies of the English bourgeoisie. Engels considered refutation of such chauvinistic conceptions to be one of his most important tasks, as witnessed by his sharp criticism of Smith in this and other articles, in particular by his description of this author in The History .of Ireland, Varia on the History of the Irish Confiscations, as well as in his excerpts from M. O'Conor's History of the Irish Catholics... and in his letter to Marx of November 29, 1869 (see present edition, Vol. 43). Engels set down these excerpts and critical remarks on Smith's book in November 1869. The work consists of two parts: Notebook IV begins with the first; the second follows Engels' excerpts from another book on Irish history and is entitled: "Goldwin Smith. Conclusion (passages quoted word for word and addenda)". Apart from new excerpts referring to the book as a whole, Engels quotes entire passages that were merely mentioned in the first part. In both parts there are insertions in the margin made by Engels at a later date and references to other notebooks with excerpts comparing Smith's views to those of other authors and to data obtained from other sources. In Engels' manuscript there are direct quotations from Smith's book (and from other authors) in the original English and also his own renderings of certain passages, also in English (these are given in this volume, like the quotations, in brevier but without quotation marks). Engels wrote his own remarks mostly in German (the English translation is in great primer) and in English (these are in small caps in this volume). Words doubly underlined by Engels are printed here in bold face. Italics in the quotations are by Engels. The notes were first published in English in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Moscow, 1978.

[329] Here and below Engels refers to his excerpts from the book by John Davies, Historical Tracts, London, 1786, which he wrote down on separate sheets, apparently in order to compare evidence concerning Irish customs as interpreted by Smith and other English historians with that taken directly from source. Excerpts are made from Davies' main treatise: True Causes Why Ireland was never entirely subdued and brought under obedience of the Crown of England until the Beginning of his Majesty's happy Reign (the reference is to James I, during whose reign this treatise was published, 1612). In Engels' opinion, this treatise by Davies was a very important source for the study of the Irish medieval history (see his letter to Marx of November 29, 1869, present edition, Vol. 43). Consequently, in addition to the excerpts, Engels wrote a detailed conspectus of this book (Notebook V) to which he refers in his insertions to the Notes on Goldwin Smith's work and in other material on the history of Ireland. In his excerpts, Engels gave an explanation of such Irish customs as tanistry and gavelkind, either by quoting the source or by giving his own rendering. Tanistry—a system regulating the inheritance of chieftainship of the Celtic clans and septs (tribes) in Ireland. Like many other Irish customs, it was a relic of the tribal system. According to this custom, the clan chief's successor was appointed during the lifetime of the chief from a definite family in the clan, whose members were considered the "eldest and worthiest". Gavelkind—a term borrowed from the common law of the inhabitants of Kent and applied by English jurists to the Irish rules regulating the passing of the lands of a deceased member of the clan or sept into other hands. Ever since the time when tribal relations prevailed, land was regarded by the indigenous Irish not as private property but as a temporary tenure. Thus, after the death of its owner it did not pass to his descendants but was distributed among all free male kinsmen, including his sons out of wedlock. Although the lands of the chiefs and members of the clan élite were by that time no longer parcelled out after their death, they were not regarded as their private property and were not inherited by the family but passed to a new owner in accordance with the described tanistry principle.

[336] In his synopsis of Davies' book (in Notebook V), to which Engels is here referring, he accused Smith of misinterpreting the quoted sources. Among other things, Davies wrote that indigenous Irishmen accused of murder were convicted and fined a specified sum of money in favour of the English King. From Davies' text it also followed that one Irish chief's answer concerning the sheriff was given in jest, whereas Smith quotes it to prove that the laws on the legal privileges of English colonists in Ireland are allegedly fully justified. Excerpts from Spenser's book, A View of the State of Ireland, to which Engels also refers in connection with the Kilkenny Statute, are to be found in Notebook VI of his preparatory material.

[338] See Note 189. '

[343] In this passage Engels exposes the apologetic attempts of Smith and other English historians to justify English cruelty in Ireland by references to the intolerance and fanaticism characteristic of the whole period of the religious wars (including the Thirty Years' War, 1618-48, whose main battleground was Germany), and to the persecution of the Protestants in the absolutist Catholic states of Europe.

[344] See Note 236.

[345] Engels refers to MacGeoghegan's History of Ireland. Translated by O'Kelly, Dublin, 1844 (originally published in French, in Paris in 1758). John Mitchel's History of Ireland was written as a continuation of that book (see Note 250).

[353] Engels' own title for the preparatory material to his unfinished work on the history of Ireland, included in Notebook X, is Varia zur Geschichte der iri-schen Konfiskationen. J. N. Murphy's Ireland, Industrial, Political, and Social, London, 1870, of which he made a conspectus in the previous notebook, served Engels as the main source for this work. In the Varia, however,, Engels endeavoured to disclose and generalise the historical facts relevant to the cardinal problem in the history of Anglo-Irish relations, the expropriation of the indigenous population of Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and of her conversion into a mainstay of English landlordism as a result of the plunder of Irish lands by the "new" nobility and bourgeoisie. This process, which took place in the period of English absolutism and bourgeois revolution, led to the final colonial subjugation of Ireland by bourgeois-aristocratic England. The pages in Notebook X are divided into two columns. Excerpts from Murphy's book are in the left-hand column. The right-hand column was, most probably, meant for excerpts from other sources but remained blank (except for two lines on one of the pages). However, on the basis of numerous references made by Engels to his own notebooks, as well as to works and collections of documents mentioned by Murphy, we may assume that Engels intended to collect extensive material on this subject from various sources and to supplement and, in some cases, verify data given by Murphy with evidence from other authors (Thomas Leland, Thomas Carte, John Patrick Prendergast, Matthew O'Conor and others). The pages of the notebook were numbered by Engels. At the top of each one he wrote the title of the relevant section, which sometimes repeated that given on the preceding page, adding the word "continued". The first page, entitled "15th Century", remained blank. The left-hand column is sometimes not entirely filled. Some pages are left blank merely reproducing the titles given on the preceding page. Varia was written by Engels in German and English. Direct quotations from different sources (written by Engels as a rule in English) and Engels' close renderings of passages in German or English are given in this volume in brevier, while Engels' own remarks, mostly in German, are given in great primer. Separate English words, titles, or phrases, occurring in the German text are given in small caps. The work was published in English for the first time in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971.

[358] H See Note 329.

[359] 9 See Note 278.

[362] 2 Engels' excerpts in the indicated passage describe in detail the confiscation of the lands of Irish clans in the province of Leinster during the reign of James I under the pretext of defective titles possessed by clan chiefs. The text of the corresponding passage from Carte's book is reproduced in Marx-Engels Archives, Vol. X, Moscow, 1948, p. 254, and in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971, Note 248. p. -300 3 Engels refers to the passage in his excerpts from M. O'Conor's History of the Irish Catholics, already referred to Chronology of Ireland.

[366] The Star Chamber was founded in England in 1487 by Henry VII as a special court for the trial of local barons. Under Elizabeth I it became one of the supreme judicial bodies investigating political crimes, a weapon in the ruthless struggle against the opponents of absolutism. Like the Court of High Commission, it was abolished by the Long Parliament in 1641. In Ireland, the introduction by Strafford of similar institutions (one of them was called the Castle Chamber because it convened in Dublin Castle, the residence of the Lord Deputy) mainly served the purpose of expropriation and colonisation.

[3 6 9] In October 1642, the participants in the Irish uprising of 1641-52 (see Note 229) formed the Catholic Confederation, a state organisation with its centre in Kilkenny and the Supreme Council as a provisional government. A struggle went on within the Kilkenny Confederation between the Anglo-Irish nobility and the high Catholic clergy, on the one hand, and the more radical elements from among the gentry expropriated by the English, and émigré officers who had returned to Ireland, on the other hand. While the former strove for compromise with Charles I, the latter stood for Ireland's independence and resolute action both against the English parliamentary forces and the English Royalists. The predominance of aristocrats, their policy of vacillation, their treaties with Charles I which put him in control of the armed forces and resources of the Confederation — all this weakened the Irish resistance and led to the defeat of the uprising.

[3 7 0] Cromwell and his followers (who had defeated the Royalist forces in England, proclaimed a republic and beheaded Charles I) organised a punitive expedition to Ireland on the pretext of destroying a Royalist stronghold. The true aim of the expedition was the colonial subjugation of the country. O n August 15, 1649, Cromwell's army landed in Ireland and commenced the brutal suppression of the Irish rebellion, which was continued by Cromwell's successors, the Republican generals. Drogheda, an ancient fortress in Eastern Ireland, was besieged by Oliver Cromwell on September 3, 1649, and taken by storm on September 12. In accordance with the Commander-in-Chief's order to show no mercy to anyone caught with arms, the three-thousand-strong Irish garrison was massacred and many peaceful citizens were killed.

[371] Soldiers' debentures—titles to plots of Irish land of definite size. They were given to soldiers of the Parliamentary army in lieu of wages. In many cases officers and profiteers bought them from the soldiers for a song.

[372] Engels refers to his excerpts from the book by J. Prendergast, Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, London, 1865. In these excerpts, Engels describes the Act of Settlement (August 12, 1652) and the Act of Satisfaction (September 26, 1653) (see Note 214). Both acts legalised the expropriation of the local Irish population in favour of the English conquerors after suppression of the 1641-52 national liberation uprising in Ireland. The English set up a special commission in Athlone (which is mentioned by Engels below) to implement the second act and compensate Irishmen found only partially guilty of revolt by allotting them land in the barren province of Connaught and in Clare County. This commission defined the size of the domains to be kept, the other one, at Lougry, allotted lands in Connaught and Clare on the instructions of a special Committee in Dublin.

[373] See Note 232.

[376] This plan is part of Engels' vast preparatory material for his History of Ireland (see Note 184). It includes Engels' own division of Irish history into periods. In English this plan was first published in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971.

[3 8 4] A reference to the trial, held in Dublin at the end of 1865, of the prominent Fenians, accused of organising an anti-government plot. T h e principal defendants were O'Leary, Luby, Kickham a n d O'Donovan Rossa, the publishers and editors of The Irish People, the Fenian newspaper suppressed by the police on September 15. Many other Fenians were also arrested on denunciation by agents provocateurs and traitors. The picked pro-English jury was hostile to the Irish rebels. The sentences were extremely severe: twenty years' penal servitude to O'Leary and Luby, fifteen years' penal servitude to Kickham and penal servitude for life to O'Donovan Rossa.

[391] Marx made these speeches to substantiate his proposal to change the venue of the congress and the subsequent withdrawal of the relevant resolution. The record of his speeches is reproduced from The Bee-Hive Newspaper because it is more detailed than in the Minute Book of the General Council.

[398] Eichhoff's pamphlet included the programme documents of the International— Inaugural Address and Rules. They were given in a new and highly accurate translation made by Eichhoff and edited by Marx. This helped to familiarise more people in Germany with these documents. Eichhoff translated the Address from the pamphlet Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association published in London in 1864. Eichhoff's translation was later reprinted in a number of German works about the International. Here, the text of the Address is reproduced from the 1864 English edition, with an account of the changes in Eichhoff's German translation. The most significant discrepancies are indicated in footnotes.

[401] See Note 90.

[410] The Geneva Congress of the International met from September 3 to 8, 1866. It was attended by 60 delegates from the Central (General) Council, the different sections of the Association and the workers' societies of England, France, Germany and Switzerland. The Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional Central Council were drawn up by Marx in August 1866, when the final preparations were being made for the Geneva Congress. They were written in English and then translated into French by Paul Lafargue. The Instructions were read at the congress as the General Council's official report. The congress became the scene of a heated debate between Marx's followers and the Proudhonists, who countered the Instructions with their own programme. Jung, Eccarius and other members of the General Council managed to have most points of the Instructions adopted as congress resolutions. The Proudhonists were only able to have their resolutions passed on matters of secondary importance. The Geneva Congress approved the Rules (based on the Provisional Rules drawn up by Marx) and the Regulations of the International Working Men's Association, and marked the end of the International's organisational period. Compared with the original English text (see present edition, Vol. 20), Eichhoff's German translation of the Instructions contains some differences in reading and abridgements.

[423] This appraisal of the Geneva strike was given by Marx — see " The Fourth Annual Report of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association" (see this volume, p. 16) and the "Report of the General Council to the Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association" (this volume, pp. 71-72).

[438] On December 2, 1852 Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was proclaimed Emperor of France under the name of Napoleon III, and this led to the fall of the Second Republic. The coup d'état which resulted in the establishment of Louis Napoleon's dictatorship, had taken place a year earlier, on December 2, 1851.

[439] See Note 5.

[443] See Note 21.

[450] This appeal was written by Friedrich Lessner in connection with the Brussels Congress of the International to be held in September 1868 and was sent to Marx for review. When returning it to Lessner, Marx wrote on August 11, 1868: "Because of spelling mistakes I have entirely rewritten the enclosed appeal" (see present edition, Vol. 43). Marx's extant manuscript is identical with the text of the appeal as published in the London newspaper Hermann, No. 502, August 15, 1868.

[455] At the General Council meeting of February 23, 1869 Marx set forth in detail the "Report on the Miners' Guilds in the Coalfields of Saxony" written by Engels in German (see this volume, pp. 39-44). A record of Marx's speech has been preserved in the Minute Book of the General Council. The newspaper report of it published in this volume is more complete and precise,

[456] The agenda of the Basle Congress of the International was approved by the General Council on June 22, 1869. As far back as February 16, the Council instructed the corresponding secretaries to write to all the Continental sections and ask them which additional subjects they would like to be brought before the congress apart from the three questions already put on the agenda by decision of the previous congress, namely Land, Credit and Education. As a result, two more items were included in the final text of the agenda: " T h e right to inheritance" introduced by the Geneva Alliance of Socialist Democracy and " The influence of trades unions upon the emancipation of the working class" (introduced by the Paris bronze-workers). The agenda of the Basle Congress was discussed in the General Council of June 29 and July 6, 13 and 20, 1869. It was published by the General Council as a leaflet, Fourth Annual Congress of the International Working Men's Association, London, 1869, and was also printed in a n u m b e r of English newspapers and in French in L'Egalité, No. 24, July 3, 1869.

[4 5 7] Marx spoke twice on landed property during the discussion of the Basle Congress programme at the General Council meeting of July 6, 1869 (see this volume, p. 391). Although the Brussels Congress of 1868 had adopted a resolution by a majority vote in favour of common property, this question was again put on the agenda of the Basle Congress on the insistence of a minor group of advocates of small private property in land headed by Proudhonist Tolain. In his first speech Marx replied to the General Council member Milner who had spoken in defence of the natural right of man to land when trying to substantiate the Brussels Congress resolution on land. In his second speech Marx opposed the French anarchist Elisée Reclus who was present at the meeting as a guest and who declared that since the peasants did not attend the International congresses they should not be cared for. By a majority vote the General Council confirmed the correctness of the resolution on landed property adopted by the Brussels Congress. Marx's speeches have been preserved in the Minute Book as written down by Eccarius. They were also published in brief in the Bee-Hive (No. 404, July 10, 1869) report of the General Council meeting of July 6, 1869. In English they were first published in full in The General Council of the First International. 1868-1870, Moscow, 1966.

[460] 4,,u A mistake in Eccarius' entry: the reference is here to Saint-Simon's followers, not to Saint-Simon, who died in 1825 (see Note 94).

[463] Harriet Law's proposition moved at the General Council .meeting of August 17, 1869 meant the transfer of the Church's property and income to schools.

[468] This category of taxpayers included people deriving their income from trade and those of the free professions.

[469] A reference to the workhouses, where all needy people were sent after the passing of the Poor Law of 1834. This law abolished relief for all the poor, who liad until then lived in parishes. Because of the prison regime in the workhouses, people called them "Bastilles for the poor". '/2 20-733

[471] See Note 2.

[472] T h e amnesty was granted to the participants in the Hungarian national liberation movement following the re-organisation of the Austrian Empire into Austria-Hungary in 1867. This amnesty was the result of Austria's defeat in the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 and the growth of national contradictions within the multinational Austrian state.

[473] See Note 117.

[475] This expression was current in the Irish workers' press of the time and meant England's 700-years oppression of Ireland (see The Irishman, Nos. 13 and 20, September 25 and November 13, 1869).

[477] See Note 116.

[482] Marx had in mind Cobbett's Weekly Political Register. In it William Cobbett and other English radicals sharply criticised the policy of the English Government, notably its police measures in Ireland.

[483] y h e British authorities brutally put down the Irish national liberation movement in 1798 (see Note 229). Marx compares this act with those during the revolution of 1849 in Hungary.

[485] On November 23, 1869, during the debate of the draft resolution of the General Council of the International on the English Government's policy towards the Irish prisoners, Odger, a trade union leader, proposed to delete the word "deliberately" from the sentence "Mr. Gladstone deliberately insults the Irish nation". At the next meeting on November 30, 1869, he made new attempts to subdue the revolutionary and anti-government tone of the resolution.

[488] These eight articles by Marx's daughter Jenny were written for the French republican newspaper La Marseillaise and dealt with the problems raised in Marx's article " The English Government and the Fenian Prisoners" (see this volume, pp. 101-07). The third article was written together with Marx (see his letter to Engels of March 19, 1870, present edition, Vol. 43). All articles, except the second, were signed: J. Williams (see Marx's letter to Engels of March 5 and Engels' letter to Marx of March 7, 1870, present edition, Vol. 43). Jenny Marx's authorship is confirmed by Marx's letter to Engels of March 10. These articles received a widespread response. The sixth article was also published in English in The Irishman, No. 45, May 7, 1870 under the heading "Agrarian Crime in Ireland (Translated from the Marseillaise)". Passages from Jenny's fifth article were quoted in the article " The Irishman in Paris" in The Irishman, No. 40, April 2, 1870. In English, these articles were first published in full in Marx and Engels, Ireland and the Irish Question, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971.

[501] Lawyer Laurier made this speech on March 25, 1870, at the trial of Prince Pierre Bonaparte, who was accused of assassinating the journalist Victor Noir. Ehe speech was published in the French newspaper La Marseillaise, No. 97, March 27, 1870.

[502] 50- Ecc arius wrote this letter on the instructions of the General Council after it discussed, on April 19, 1870, Hume's letter and the memorial in which he suggested that special representatives should be appointed for various nationalities in different countries. The Minutes of the General Council meeting for April 19 contain the following resume of Marx's speech on the subject: "Citizen Marx disagreed with the memorial as the different nationalities were represented on the Council and the rest must be left to the correspondents of the Association. The letter pointed out that the trade union movement tended to assume the form of secret societies in the Linited States. Ehis was confirmed by a letter from the German correspondent of New York who appealed to the Council to interfere by trying to dissuade Hume and 19-733 Jessup from taking part in it." The Council decided that the Secretary should solicit further information on the question (see The General Council of the First International. 1868-1870, Moscow, 1966, p. 226). Eccarius' letter has been preserved in the form of a clipping from an American newspaper (presumably The Democrat) pasted into the Minute Book of the General Council, in the Minutes for May 24, 1870.

[5 0 4] Marx spoke about The Bee-Hive at the General Council meeting of April 26, 1870, to substantiate his resolution on it (see this volume, p. 126).

[5 1 0] T h e reference is to the congress of the Romance Federation held at La Chaux-de-Fonds from April 4 to 6, 1870 (see Note 175). The Alliance of Socialist Democracy made vigorous preparations for the congress and, as a result of various manoeuvres, managed to send 21 delegates representing 13 minor and often fictitious sections (about 700 members), while the Federal Council failed to secure full representation of all its sections and had only 19 delegates from 23 sections (about 1,500 members).