Notes and Indexes

Notes

Residual editorial notes

76 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[23] On June 28, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly decided to set up a provisional Central Authority (Zentralgewalt) consisting of the Imperial Regent (Archduke John of Austria) and an Imperial Ministry. This provisional Centrai Authority had neither a budget nor an army of its own, possessed no real power, and was an instrument of the counter-revolutionary policy of the German princes.

[37] Marx wrote "Cavaignac and the June Revolution" as an editorial introduction to a series of articles published under the title "Herr Cavaignac" in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 142 (second edition), No. 145 (special supplement), No. 146, No. 147 (second edition), No. 157 (supplement) and No. 158, November 14, 17, 18 and 19, December 1 and 2, 1848. These articles were reprinted (with certain changes) from the newspaper La Presse where they were published from November 7 to 11, 1848, under the general title: "M. Cavaignac devant la Commission d'Enquête sur l'insurrection du 23. juin", their author being Emile Girardin, editor of the newspaper, republican and later follower of Bonaparte.

[50] In English this article was published in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[55] This appeal gave the Prussian authorities a pretext for instituting legal proceedings against Marx, Schapper and Schneider II, who were members of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats. The trial took place on February 8, 1848, and ended with the jury returning a verdict of not guilty (see this volume, p. 520). In English the appeal was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[62] The German National Assembly which opened on May 18, 1848, in St. Paul's Church, in the free city of Frankfurt am Main, was convened to effect the unification of the country and to draw up its Constitution. Among the deputies elected in various German states late in April and early in May there were 122 government officials, 95 judges, 81 lawyers, 103 professors, 17 manufacturers and wholesale dealers, 15 physicians and 40 landowners. The liberal deputies, who were in the majority, turned the Assembly into a mere debating club. At the decisive moments of the revolution — during the September crisis connected with the signing of Prussia's armistice with Denmark to the detriment of Germany's national interests, during the October uprising in Vienna and the coup d'état in Prussia — the liberal majority helped the counter-revolutionary forces. Thus, the German National Assembly disavowed the decision of the Prussian National Assembly on refusal to pay taxes by 275 votes to 150. The decision referred to in this article was adopted by the Frankfurt National Assembly on November 20, 1848. In writing this and other articles on the debates in the Frankfurt National Assembly, Marx and Engels made use of the shorthand reports of its sittings which later appeared as a separate publication, Stenographischer Bericht über die Verhandlungen der deutschen constituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt am Main, 1848-49.

[77] Maximilian Gagern's journey to Berlin and Schleswig, made on instructions from the Government of the Imperial Regent John to take part in the armistice negotiations with Denmark in the summer of 1848, ended in a complete failure since both Prussia and Denmark ignored the representative of the impotent Central Authority. Engels compares this fruidess journey of Gagern's with that of the heroine in Johann Hermes' novel Sophiens Reise von Memel nach Sachsen which was popular in Germany at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century: after spending more than ten years on her journey she failed to reach her destination.

[82] See Note 9.

[85] The words "citizen and communist" were taken by Marx from the address of General Drigalski, commander of a division quartered in Düsseldorf, to the population. The address was published in the Düsseldorfer Zeitung No. 311, November 24, 1848. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung reprinted it immediately after this article. Drigalski said in the address: "As a communist truly devoted to God and my King, I declare hereby that for the benefit of my poor brothers of the Düsseldorf commune I shall, as long as I live here, pay yearly the sum of thousand talers by monthly instalments to the city poor fund through the Government's central treasury.... Fellow citizens, follow this example and be communists in the noble sense of this word and soon here, as everywhere else, there will be calm, peace and confidence. "Düsseldorf, November 23, 1848 Citizen von Drigalski" The state of siege in Düsseldorf was declared on November 22, 1848, the order of Spiegel and Drigalski to that effect being published in the Kölnische Zeitung No. 314 (second edition), November 23, 1848.

[99] On September 6, 1839, the canton of Zurich was the scene of a putsch organised by conservatives and clericals which led to the overthrow of the liberal Government formed on the basis of the 1831 Constitution and brought the conservatives to power. This conservative Government was in turn replaced when the liberals won the elections in 1845.

[102] y j i e ^,.2^ Constitution for Tessin was approved by the people of this canton on July 4, 1830, three weeks before the July revolution in France which led to the overthrow of the Bourbons and exerted a great influence on Switzerland. December 1839 saw the revival of the liberal and radical movement in Tessin. As a result of the popular uprising on December 8 a provisional government was set up and the Great Council of Tessin was replaced by a new one with the radical Stefano Franscini at its head. The attempts of the conservative party to take the lead were finally defeated after the elections of November 15, 1840, which brought victory to the liberals.

[110] Die Jobsiade. Ein komisches Heldengedicht—satirical poem by Karl Arnold Kortum published in 1784 and repeatedly reprinted in the nineteenth century. The comic travel map attached to it was a closed labyrinth.

[111] An allusion to the uprising in Frankfurt am Main which broke out following the ratification of the Malmö armistice by the majority of the National Assembly on September 16, 1848. Next day, there was a mass meeting of protest in the suburbs of Frankfurt attended by the inhabitants of the city and the neighbouring towns and localities who demanded the dissolution of the Assembly and the formation of a new representative body. The Imperial Government called in Prussian and Austrian troops. When an uprising flared up on the following day, the poorly armed people were defeated after stubborn barricade fighting. There was popular unrest in many parts of Germany in response to the Frankfurt events.

[128] The articles "The French Working Class and the Presidential Elections" and "Proudhon" were written by Engels in early December 1848 during his stay in Switzerland and were intended for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. However, they were not published and came down to us in manuscript form. In view of the presidential elections in France scheduled for December 10, 1848, the party of the petty-bourgeois democrats, which had formed a bloc for a time with the petty-bourgeois socialists (Louis Blanc and others) and grouped round the newspaper La Réforme (its representatives in the Constituent and later in the Legislative Assembly called themselves Montagnards or the Mountain by analogy with the Montagnards in the Convention of 1792-94), nominated its leader, Ledru-Rollin, as a candidate for the presidency. The proletarian socialists,

[137] An English translation of this article first appeared in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[145] The second article in the series "The Bourgeoisie and the Counter-Revolution" (of December 11, 1848) was first published in English in the book: Marx and Engels. Selected Works in two volumes, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Vol. I, Moscow, 1950. The series was first published in full in English in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and then in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[167] A reference to the speech from the throne made by Frederick William IV at the opening of the United Diet on April 11, 1847. The King said he would 169 never agree to grant a Constitution which he described as a "written scrap of paper".

[181] The laws promulgated by the French Government in September 1835 restricted the rights of juries and introduced severe measures against the press: increased money deposits for periodicals and large fines and imprisonment for the authors of publications directed against property and the existing political system.

[192] See Note 89.

[196] In its letter of December 7 to the forthcoming First Congress of the German Workers' Associations in Berne (see Note 175), the Association in Vivis objected to a number of proposals advanced by the democratic German National Association in Zurich, suggesting in particular that the new Union should be headed by the "Hilf Dir" military association in Biel (see Note 194). The letter was discussed at the Congress sitting of December 10, 1848. The Congress directed the Central Commission, formed to exercise current leadership of the Union of Workers' Associations in Switzerland (with Engels as its secretary), to answer the letter and persuade the Vivis Association to renounce its demands and join the Union.

[197] The reference is to the German National Association in Zurich founded in April 1848, a democratic organisation of German intellectuals and workers living in Switzerland. It was influenced by petty-bourgeois democrats: Fröbel, Rüge and others. In the summer of 1848 the National Association joined the Union of Democratic German Associations founded by the First Democratic Congress in Frankfurt am Main (see Note 182). In August 1848 the National Association appealed to all the German associations in Switzerland to convene a congress and unite. Its representatives took an active part in the First Congress of German Associations in Switzerland held from December 9 to 11, 1848.

[201] An excerpt from this article was first published in English in the journal Labour Monthly, London, 1923, Vol. 5, No. 1. Another excerpt appeared in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971. An English translation was first published in full in the book: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Nene Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[202] The reference is to the manifesto published on February 10, 1848, by Pius IX, who had previously carried out a number of liberal reforms and sanctioned the formation of a secular government. In the manifesto the Pope gave the blessing of the Church to the Italian people. Although the manifesto hinted that Pius IX disapproved of the demand for a Constitution, it was interpreted as an approval of the movement for constitutional reforms which had developed after the popular uprising in Sicily in January 1848 against the rule of the Bourbons of Naples. Under the impact of the French revolution in February 1848 Pius IX was compelled to issue a decree on March 15, 1848, introducing a moderate Constitution in the Papal states.

[204] The Mountain—see Note 129. The party of the "National"—see Note 101. The dynastic opposition—an opposition group headed by Odilon Barrot in the French Chamber of Deputies during the July monarchy (1830-48). It expressed the views of the liberal industrial and commercial bourgeoisie and favoured a moderate electoral reform, regarding it as a means of preventing revolution and preserving the Orléans dynasty. The dynastic opposition was close to the monarchist pro-Orleanist bourgeois politicians headed by Thiers, whose mouthpiece was the newspaper Constitutionnel. Until February 1848 this group stood for a monarchy with republican institutions and subsequently for a republic with monarchical institutions. The legitimists—supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, which was overthrown in 1830. They upheld the interests of the big hereditary landowners.

[209] An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[217] The reference is to the popular uprising in Naples on May 15, 1848 (see Note 118).

[221] This article was first published in English in the book: Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848, Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

[224] Engels expressed this point of view more precisely in his articles written in the spring of 1853 on the prospects of the national liberation struggle of the Slavs and other peoples of the Balkan Peninsula against the oppression of the Turkish Empire. He supported the right of the Southern Slavs in the Balkans to form their own independent state (see Frederick Engels, "What Will Become of European Turkey?", present edition, Vol. 12).

[232] See Note 194.

[234] See Note 88.

[239] Ferdinand II of Naples earned the derisive nickname "King Bomba" after he had ordered the savage bombardment of Messina (Sicily) by a punitive force in September 1848 (see Note 208).

[240] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[241] The supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 197 of January 17, 1849, carried an item in the section "Neueste Nachrichten" to the effect that the leaflets addressed to the voters had been reprinted from the Neue Preussische Zeitungat the printing-press of the Kölnische Zeitung and distributed throughout the country by the citizens' associations (see Note 245), which sponsored the Kölnische Zeitung.

[243] Marx refers to the addresses to the primary electors regularly published in the Kölnische Zeitung in January 1849 (Nos. 10-18) in connection with the primary elections to the Prussian Lower Chamber fixed for January 22 (the elections were in two stages: those elected at the primary elections were to elect deputies on February 5). Some of the addresses contained direct attacks on the communists (e.g. No. 14 of January 17, 1849) and the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (first supplement to No. 15, January 18, 1849, and No. 17, January 20, 1849). Quoted below is the address "To the Primary Electors", published in the Kölnische Zeitung No. 11, January 13, 1849.

[250] Code civil (Code Napoleon)—French Civil Code published in 1804. It was introduced by Napoleon in the conquered regions of West and South-West Germany and remained in force in the Rhine Province after its incorporation into Prussia in 1815.

[255] The Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 203, January 24, 1849, carried an item "'My Army' in Cologne" dealing with the outrages committed by the Prussian soldiery. At the end of it a question was put to Colonel Engels, the second commandant of Cologne, whether he had really replied to the demands of the owners of houses destroyed by the soldiers that "in one of those houses 11 talers were stolen from a soldier" and that therefore he believed that "not enough by a long chalk has been done to these houses by the soldiers".

[259] The Hungarian plains between the Danube and the Theiss.

[261] The electoral law of April 8, 1848, established a procedure of elections "to the Assembly for an agreement on a Prussian Constitution" on the basis of universal suffrage, which was, however, restricted by the system of indirect (two-stage) elections. The electoral law of December 6, 1848, promulgated immediately after the imposed Constitution, retained the two-stage elections to the Lower Chamber but gave the franchise only to "independent Prussians", which allowed the Government arbitrarily to limit the electorate.

[269] In the primary elections to the Second Prussian Chamber on January 22, 1848, the democrats in Cologne won a considerable victory: they made up two-thirds of the electors. They also won in many other towns and rural localities in the Rhine Province. This victory, which proved the correctness of the tactics pursued by the Neue Rheinische Zeitung—that of uniting all democratic forces in the elections — aroused apprehensions not only on the part of the authorities but also of the moderate liberals, whose reaction to the elections was reflected in the Kölnische Zeitung.

[271] With this article Engels began his series of reports on the Hungarian revolutionary war against the Austrian monarchy. He used army bulletins of the Austrian command published in the official Wiener Zeitung and other Austrian newspapers as his main source. In spite of the tendentious and fragmentary character of the information given in them, which Engels himself later emphasised in his letter to Marx on April 3, 1851, he managed to give a fairly exact general picture of the military developments. "At the time," he wrote in this connection to Marx on July 6, 1852, "we presented the course of the Hungarian war in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung with amazing correctness on the basis of Austrian reports and made brilliant, though cautious, forecasts." Engels also wrote about his reports on the Hungarian war in his letter to H. G. Lincoln, editor of the Daily News, on March 30, 1854, offering his services as a war correspondent. In the early 1850s Engels took up a systematic study of military science and the art of war and began to collect additional material on the Hungarian war (Memoirs of Görgey, commander-in-chief of the Hungarian army, biographies of Hungarian generals, the Kossuth Government's official periodicals etc.) with the intention of writing a special work on the history of the revolutionary wars in Hungary and Italy, but these plans did not materialise. Engels began his reports on the Hungarian events when the situation in revolutionary Hungary was extremely grave. On December 16 Windischgrätz's counter-revolutionary army marched to the south, in the direction of Buda and Pest (two neighbouring towns at the time), and captured them early in January 1849. The Hungarian revolutionary Government (National Defence Committee) headed by Kossuth and the parliament (State Assembly) moved to Debreczin. At the same time counter-revolutionary troops advanced from Galicia (General Schlick's corps), Silesia, the Banat and in other regions. The reactionary German periodicals exaggerated the successes of the Austrian army and foretold a speedy and final defeat of Hungary. Engels, on the other hand, pointed out that Hungary had defence reserves and the possibility to bring about a radical turn in the fortunes of war, which indeed happened soon afterwards.

[284] The trial of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was begun on February 7, 1849. Karl Marx, editor-in-chief, Frederick Engels, co-editor, and Hermann Korff, responsible publisher, were tried by the Cologne jury court. They were accused of insulting Chief Public Prosecutor Zweiffel and calumniating the police officers who arrested Gottschalk and Anneke, in the article "Arrests" published in the Neue Rheinische ZeitungNo. 35, July 5, 1848 (see present edition, Vol. 7, pp. 177-79). Though the legal proceedings were instituted on July 6, the trial was only fixed for December 20 and then postponed. Marx's and Engels' defence counsel was Karl Schneider II and Korff's was Hagen. The jury acquitted the defendants. Marx's and Engels' speeches were published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung as part of a detailed account of the whole trial, which also included the speeches of the Public Prosecutor (not word-for-word but abridged, with references to the publications in the Kölnische Zeitung), of all the accused and defence counsels. The account was apparently edited by Marx and Engels, and the texts of their speeches can be considered as their own, as emerges in particular from a comparison of Marx's speech with the preparatory material for it (see this volume, pp. 485-92). The emphasis in the quotations from the articles of the Code pénal is the author's. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung accounts of this trial and of another, that of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats, which was held the next day, were published as a separate pamphlet in the spring of 1849. Marx's and Engels' speeches were not reprinted in Marx's lifetime. They were published in an abridged form shortly before Engels' death in the German Social-Democratic Party papers — the Berlin Socialdemokrat No. 37, September 12, 1895, and the Sächsische Volksblatt No. Ill , September 19, 1895 — under the title "Zwei verschollene Vertheidigungsreden von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels".

[292] The trial of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats took place on February 8, 1849. Karl Marx, Karl Schapper and the lawyer Schneider II were summoned to the Cologne jury court, accused of incitement to revolt in connection with the Committee's appeal of November. 18, 1848, on the refusal to pay taxes (see this volume, p. 41). They were acquitted. One of the responses to the trial in the revolutionary press was Marx's article published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on February 10 (see this volume, pp. 340-41). Marx's speech was included in the general account of the trial published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Nos. 226 and 231-33 at the end of February 1848; the account also contained the incriminated appeal of November 18, the report of the speech of Public Prosecutor Boiling, and speeches of the other defendants. In the spring of 1849 this account was published as a separate pamphlet, which also included the account of the trial of February 7 against the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (see Note 284). It was not reprinted in Marx's lifetime. In 1885 it was published as a pamphlet, Karl Marx von den Kölner Geschwornen Prozess gegen den Ausschuss der Rheinischen Demokraten wegen Aufrufs zum bewaffneten Widerstand, Hottingen, Zürich, with a preface by Engels, in the "Social-Democratic Library" series, and reprinted with the other pamphlets of the series in 1887. It was also put out in 1895 in Berlin. Marx's speech in abridged form or extracts from it were published in Social-Democratic periodicals of the time (Der Socialdemokrat Nos. 24 and 26, June 11 and 23, 1885; the Polish journal Walka Mas No. 517, I-III, 1886) and as a supplement to the Russian edition of The Poverty of Philosophy issued in Geneva. An English translation of Marx's speech was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[303] Tchaikists (or tchaikashî)—Austro-Hungarian infantry who served on small sailing vessels and rowing boats (tchaikas) in the Military Border Area making pontoon bridges and transporting troops along the Danube, Theiss and Sava. They were recruited mainly from the Serbs inhabiting the Tchaikash Area in Slavonia. From 1764 they formed a special battalion. „

[304] The war between the Serbs and the Magyars began in May 1848 over the conflict between the Hungarian Government and the Serbian national movement which demanded autonomy for the Voivodina. The movement was not homogeneous in its social composition and political tendencies. Liberal bourgeois (Stratimirovich and others) and more reactionary landowners prevailed in it, which made it possible for the Austrian ruling circles to use it against the Hungarian revolution. On the other hand, the Hungarian revolutionaries, by refusing to meet the national demands of the Serbs and other Slav nationalities incorporated in the Hungarian state, contributed to making them side with the Habsburgs. It was only on July 28, 1849, i.e. on the eve of its fall, that the Hungarian Republic officially proclaimed the equality of all nationalities inhabiting Hungary. Having consolidated their domination to a considerable degree with the help of the Croats, Serbs of the Voivodina etc., the ruling classes of the Austrian Empire, far from fulfilling their promises and granting autonomy to the Slav and other peoples of the multinational state, pursued a still more rigid policy of centralisation, abolishing all remnants of self-government in the national regions.

[305] The reference is apparently to the Limes Romanus, a system of fortifications built along the frontiers of the Roman Empire, mainly during the rule of Emperor Hadrian (117-138). Remnants of the Limes Romanus still survive. Part of it ran through Western Hungary and the South-Slav border regions of the Austrian Empire.

[306] In the battle at Grokhov (Grokhuv) on February 25, 1831, the Polish insurgent troops halted the offensive of the Tsarist army commanded by Diebitsch which had been sent to suppress the Polish insurrection of 1830-31 (see Note 258).

[311] An allusion to the trials of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats which took place on February 7 and 8, 1849 (see this volume, pp. 304-39).

[314] An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Russian Menace to Europe, London, 1953.

[325] See Engels' articles "The State of Germany", "German Socialism in Verse and Prose", his speech "On Poland", "Three New Constitutions" and "A Word to the Riforma" (present edition, Vol. 6, pp. 15-33, 235-73, 389-90, 540-44 and 553-55).

[330] The minutes of the First United Diet (see Note 89) cite the "Uebersicht von den Resultaten der Finanzverwaltung in den Jahren 1840 bis einschliesslich 1846" presented by the Prussian Government (see Der Erste Vereinigte Landtag in Berlin 1847, 1. Teil, Berlin, 1847). Marx probably bases his calculations on data from this survey. Some inaccuracies in the tables cited in this article are corrected on the basis of the book Preussens Erster Reichstag, 7. Th., Berlin, 1847.

[338] Magyarisers—a group of influential aristocratic landowners in Croatia, Slavonia, the Serbian Voivodina and other ethnic regions who advocated Magyarisation of the population in these areas. The narrow selfish interests of this group had nothing in common with the Hungarian revolution. They proved to be a cause of the Hungarian Government's nationalist mistakes.

[342] As a result of the popular uprising Pius IX was compelled to give his consent to the establishment of a temporal Ministry and the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal suffrage on November 16, 1848. The subsequent development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution led to the election of the Constituent Assembly on January 21, 1849, which on February 9 deprived Pius IX of his temporal power and proclaimed a republic. The Roman Republic existed until July 3, 1849, when it was crushed by foreign intervention. In English this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[343] 3 3 According to the convention in 1753 the 20-gulden or conventional system of money circulation was introduced in Austria and Bavaria: 20 guldens were to be coined out of one Cologne mark of pure silver (approximately 234 grams). Since then silver and gold money was called conventional money (CM.). By the beginning of the nineteenth century metal money was practically replaced by paper money, called "Vienna currency", and the coining of metal money almost ceased. But the conventional system was still preserved. As the amount of paper money in circulation increased, especially during the 1848-49 revolution, the rate of the conventional money constantly rose, which prompted the population to hoard gold and silver coins.

[344] Urbar duties (Urbariallasten)—duties of the feudal-bound peasants registered in the Urbars, inventories of feudal land possessions. Beginning with the thirteenth century they also included taxes and other incomes as provided by law. p. 416

[345] In June 1848, at the time of the conflict between the Croatian nationalists and the Austrian Government which refused to meet their demands, the Sabor (Diet) meeting in Agram (Zagreb) (see Note 228) vested the Croatian Ban Jellachich at first with dictatorial powers. However, Jellachich, who represented the Croatian nobility, quickly came to terms with the Austrian Court and used his dictatorship to suppress the peasant movement in Croatia. The Austrian Government, which had dismissed Jellachich from the post of Ban during the conflict, reinstated him at the beginning of September 1848 and appointed him commander of the imperial troops in Hungary. Placing Croatian formations at the service of the Austrian reaction, Jellachich took part in the counter-revolutionary campaign against Hungary and in suppressing the popular uprising in Vienna.

[348] Peterwardein border guards, like Serezhans, Ottochans and other South-Slav army formations, guarded the Austro-Turkish border (the so-called Military Border Area). They were named after their respective regimental or company districts and communities (see also Notes 81, 112 and 218).

[350] Cavalry units in the Austrian army included not only squadrons but larger tactical formations — divisions which usually consisted of two squadrons.

[351] Cumans—descendants of Polovtsi (Kumans), a Turkic nationality. They appeared on the territory of Hungary in the ninth century together with the Magyars, but the bulk settled there in the thirteenth century, fleeing from the Mongolian yoke after the battle on the Kalka River. Jazyges (Iazyges, Jaszok)—descendants of the Sarmatian tribes. They first appeared on the territory of Hungary about the eleventh century. Cumans and Jazyges, who had been granted land by the Hungarian kings, formed two independent districts between the Theiss, Danube and Gran. For their special services to the Hungarian Crown a large part of the population were granted nobility. Palatin, the imperial governor in Hungary, was their supreme judge and ruler.

[352] The Treaty of Pressburg (Bratislava) signed on December 26, 1805, between Austria and Napoleonic France put an end to the war of the Austrian monarchy against Napoleon within the third anti-French coalition (Britain, Austria, Russia and Sweden). The signing of the treaty was preceded by the capitulation of the Austrian army at Ulm (October 17-20) and the defeat of the Austrian and Russian forces at Austerlitz (December 2).

[353] In this article Engels pays special attention to the condition in Transylvania at the turning-point of the revolutionary war in Hungary. In January and February 1849 the Hungarian revolutionary troops checked the Austrian offensive on almost all the fronts and, harassing the Austrians by repeated attacks and continuous fighting, prepared for the decisive battle in April 1849. In Transylvania as in other national regions which were part of Hungary at the time, the struggle was waged in the conditions of sharp national contradictions. The majority of its motley population — Rumanians, Hungarians including Szeklers, and Germans, mostly from Saxony — were Rumanian peasants exploited by the Hungarian landowners and Austrian officials. Though the advanced part of the Rumanian bourgeoisie and intelligentsia welcomed the Hungarian revolution of 1848, the Austrian agents using social and national antagonisms organised an uprising of the Rumanians against revolutionary Hungary in September 1848. The Rumanian legions under Colonel Urban fought against the Hungarians together with the Austrian troops of Baron Puchner. However, the Polish refugee Bern, appointed commander of the Hungarian army in Transylvania in December 1848, prevented Puchner from entering Hungary via Transylvania and during January-March 1849 managed to inflict several serious blows upon the counter-revolutionary forces in Transylvania proper. A small contingent of Russian troops sent to Puchner's aid by Lüders, the commander of the Tsarist expeditionary corps in Wallachia, failed to stop Bern's advance and by the end of March the latter had practically driven the enemy out of Transylvania. Bern's success was furthered by his desire to reconcile the national contradictions between Hungarians and Rumanians notwithstanding the resistance of the representatives of the Hungarian Government, who expressed the interests of the Hungarian nobility. (Later Engels specially emphasised this in his article "Bern" written for the New American Encyclopedia.) The Rumanian democrat Balcescu also called for joint action by the Rumanians and Hungarians against the Habsburgs. Janku, the leader of the insurrectionary movement of the Rumanian poor peasants, held similar views. However, the Hungarian revolutionaries among the bourgeoisie and the nobility realised too late that co-operation with the downtrodden nationalities was necessary. This made it possible for the Austrian ruling circles to use the Rumanian national movement in Transylvania, headed by the clerical-aristocratic clique, as a weapon against revolutionary Hungary. After the suppression of the Hungarian revolution in Transylvania, the Austrians established a regime of ruthless national oppression there despite all their demagogic promises, p. 432

[355] See Note 170.

[356] See Note 303.

[357] Arians—a trend in Christian religion which was widely spread among several German tribes in the fourth and fifth centuries. Arian heresy was condemned by the official church in 381.

[360] 362 363 365 The original text of the speech from the throne made by Frederick William IV at the inaugural sitting of the Prussian Diet was published in a special supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 233, February 28, 1849. In the text of the speech published after this article in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung No. 234, March 1, 1849, this passage was changed as follows: "To my greatest regret a state of siege had to be proclaimed in the capital and its immediate environs to restore the rule of law and public safety. Corresponding proposals will be presented to you, gentlemen, without delay." Below in the article the speech from the throne is cited from the latter publication.

[364] On March 21, 1848, Frederick William IV, frightened by the barricade fighting in Berlin, issued an appeal "To my people and the German nation" (see Note 210) in which he promised to set up a representative institution based on the estates, grant a Constitution, make Ministers responsible, introduce jury courts etc.

[367] See Note 348.

[370] 3 ° The reference is to the failure of the counter-revolutionary General Laugier, supported by the Piedmont ruling circles and the Austrians, to interfere with the development of revolutionary events in Tuscany and prevent the abdication of Grand Duke Leopold II and the proclamation of a Tuscan republic. On January 30, 1849, the Grand Duke fled to Siena, and later to Gaeta, the residence of Pius IX. On February 18, a republic was proclaimed at a popular meeting (official introduction of the republican system was postponed till the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, which never took place due to sabotage by the moderate wing of the movement).

[374] A major part of the urban population in Transylvania was made up of Germans (Saxons) who constituted about 16 per cent of the region's total population.

[378]

[379] This note was probably written as a rough draft (many words and sentences are crossed out in the manuscript) of a report for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, but no item on this subject appeared in the newspaper. The occasion for writing this note was a clash of the Workers' Association (see Note 179) and the democratic organisations in Cologne with the police and military authorities who wanted to prevent the people's procession on the occasion of the release from prison on December 23 of Gottschalk, Anneke and others acquitted by the jury after six months of imprisonment. The acquittal was seen by the masses as a victory of the democratic movement, which they wanted to celebrate by procession. The authorities prohibited this procession and it did not take place.

[381] The extant part of the draft of a speech at the trial of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung held on February 7, 1849 (see Note 284), refers to that part of Marx's speech in which, on the basis of a legal analysis of the relevant articles of the French Code pénal, he refutes the accusation levelled ät the newspaper's editors of insulting Chief Public Prosecutor Zweiffel and calumniating the police officers. To what extent Marx used this draft in the speech itself can be seen by comparing it with the published text (see this volume, pp. 304-17). The manuscript of the draft has come down to us in an incomplete and rough form, indecipherable in some places.

[383] Engels wrote this petition when he arrived in Berne about November 9, 1848, as a political refugee. On the reasons for his departure to Berne see Note 3. The warrant for his arrest and trial, mentioned in the petition, was issued by the Cologne judiciary, who, on the demand of the Imperial Minister of Justice, instituted proceedings against him and a number of other persons for their speeches at the public meeting in Cologne on September 26, 1848. Later, the judicial authorities found it expedient to annul the case, and this was officially announced at the end of January 1849, when Engels, who had returned to Germany, was summoned before the examining magistrate (see this volume, p. 516).

[387] The trial of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung fixed for December 20, 1848, was postponed and was heard on February 7, 1849 (see this volume, pp. 304-22 and Note 284).

[393] According to the decree of December 5, 1848, the elections of electors were fixed for January 22, and the election of deputies to the Second Chamber of the Prussian Diet for February 5, 1849.

[395] -r.ne p a s S p 0 r t which Engels produced to obtain a residence permit for the canton of Berne was issued by the Government of the French Republic on March 30, 1848. At that time Marx and Engels were preparing to go to Germany, intending to take a direct part in the German revolution. On April 6 they left Paris for their native country.

[396] Lieutenants Adamski and Niethake took part in the September events in Cologne and in November 1848 were elected to the People's Committee (see Note 384). When the threat of arrest arose, they fled to Belgium, but were arrested there and deported to France. On December 14, after their voluntary return to Germany, they were court-martialled. On May 29, 1849, the court martial deprived Adamski of his commission and sentenced him to nine months' imprisonment in a fortress.

[397] The banquet in Mülheim on the Rhine described here was one of the first democratic banquets arranged in the Rhine Province to mark the anniversaries of the February revolution in France and the March revolution in Germany. Considering these banquets as a form of revolutionary education of the masses, Marx and Engels took part in some of them.