NOTES AND INDEXES

Residual editorial notes

67 editorial note entries had no resolved in-text occurrence and remain here so no source note definition is discarded.

[10] At the sitting of the Frankfurt National Assembly on May 19, 1848, the liberal Deputy Raveaux proposed that Prussian deputies elected to both the Berlin and Frankfurt Assemblies should have the right to be members of both. The Berlin Assembly, i. e. the Prussian National Assembly, was convened on May 22, 1848, to draft a Constitution "by agreement with the Crown". The Assembly was elected under the electoral law of April 8, 1848, by universal suffrage and an indirect (two-stage) voting system. Most of the deputies belonged to the bourgeoisie or liberal bureaucracy.

[25]

[27]

[42] The agreement debates (Vereinbarungsdebatten) was the name given by Marx and Engels to the debates in the Prussian National Assembly, which met in Berlin in May 1848 to draft a Constitution "by agreement with the Crown" according to the formula proposed by the Hansemann-Camphausen Government. Marx and Engels labelled the Berlin Assembly, which adopted this formula and thereby rejected the principle of popular sovereignty, the "Agreement Assembly" and its deputies "the agreers".

[47]

[56] Part of this article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[63] Wends—the German name for the Labe Slavs who, in the early Middle Ages, occupied the territory between the Elbe (Labe) and the Oder (Odra). In the middle of the eleventh century, while fighting against German and Danish expansion, they formed an early feudal confederation, which existed till the first third of the twelfth century; it also comprised a group of West-Slavonian tribes living on the Baltic coast (future Pomerania), who were ethnically close to the Wends.

[77] Most Prussian fortresses capitulated to the French without a fight after the defeat of the Prussian troops at Jena and Auerstedt (October 14, 1806). The fortress of Ciistrin, for instance, surrendered to a small French detachment on November 10, 1806, and Magdeburg, with its many-thousand-strong garrison and artillery, was surrendered by General Kleist on November 8, 1806, after the first salvo fired by the French from light field mortars.

[85] The article was written a few days before a new Government which replaced the Camphausen Ministry was finally formed. The formal head of the new Government — the so-called Government of Action (June 26-September 21, 1848) — was Rudolf von Auerswald, a dignitary close to the Court; Hansemann, one of the candidates for the post of Prime Minister, remained the Minister of Finance just as he had been under Camphausen, but was the actual leader of the Government. Representatives of the Right groups, such as Milde and Gierke, entered the Ministry together with some of the former Ministers. Karl Rodbertus, one of the leaders of the Left Centre, was also a member of the Government, but he soon resigned from his post. p. Ill

[87] An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971 ("The Karl Marx Library" series), under the title "Prussia's Feudal Reforms".

[89] See Note 69.

[92] Between 1807 and 1811, the Ministers Stein and Hardenberg carried out certain agrarian reforms in Prussia. In October 1807, serfdom was abolished but all the feudal obligations of the peasants remained. In September 1811, the peasants received the right to redeem their obligations on the condition that they surrendered up to half of their land to the landlord or paid a corresponding sum of money. In 1845, the amount of the redemption payment was established at twenty-five times the value of annual feudal dues.

[96] By referring to Windischgrätz as the Tilly of Prague Engels is comparing him with Johann Tilly, the army commander of the Catholic League during the Thirty Years' War, famous for the savage way he dealt with the Protestant population of conquered towns as well as for his military pillage.

[99] This refers to the address sent by the electors of Berncastel to August Reichensperger, their deputy in the Prussian National Assembly, expressing their indignation at his conduct, and that of other deputies from the Rhine Province, during the debate on the revolution: their vote to pass on to the agenda was considered repudiation of the revolution.

[105] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[108] See Note 76.

[115] The party which formed around the daily paper Le National in the 1840s was composed of moderate republicans headed by Armand Marrast; it was supported by the industrial bourgeoisie and a section of the liberal intellectuals. The party that supported the French daily La Réforme consisted of democrats and republicans headed by Ledru-Rollin; petty-bourgeois socialists led by Louis Blanc were also associated with it.

[120] The reference is to an official poster which appeared in the streets of Paris on June 26 announcing that "the insurgents have been defeated, the struggle has ceased, and order has triumphed over anarchy".

[124] An abridged English translation of this article was first published in the magazine Labour Monthly, London, 1923, Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 32-33. The article was published in full in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung", 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[133] The party of the National—see Note 115. The party of Thiers united bourgeois politicians with royalist tendencies supporting the Orléans dynasty and voicing their opinions in the newspaper La Constitutionnel. Before February 1848, they upheld a monarchy with republican institutions and thereafter a republic with monarchical institutions. The dynastic opposition—see Note 117.

[136] See Note 8.

[139] The Code pénal—the penal code adopted in France in 1810 and introduced into the regions of Western and South-Western Germany conquered by the French. The Code pénal and the Code civil remained in effect in the Rhine Province even after the region was annexed by Prussia in 1815. The Prussian Government attempted to reduce the sphere of its application and reintroduce the Prussian Penal Code: a whole series of laws and decrees were promulgated designed to guarantee feudal privileges. These measures, which met great opposition in the Rhineland, were annulled after the March revolution by the decrees issued on April 15, 1848.

[144] During the summer of 1848, a special detachment of armed men dressed in civilian clothes was set up in Berlin: These persons were to be used in addition to the regular police to break up street gatherings and mass demonstrations. Another of their functions was to gather intelligence. These special policemen were called "constables" by analogy with the special constabulary employed in England to disperse the Chartist demonstration on April 10, 1848.

[156] Svornost—the Czech national militia formed after the revolutionary events of March 1848 in the Austrian Empire. It was recruited mainly from among students. Its main detachment guarded the Czech Museum in Prague where the Slav Congress was in session (see Note 73). During the June uprising in Prague, this detachment was disarmed and arrested by government troops. The Austrian authorities disbanded the national militia even though it was commanded by moderate representatives of the Czech movement (Baron Karel Villâny) who disapproved of the insurgents.

[159] The first article, dated "Cologne, July 17", from the cycle "The Debate on Jacoby's Motion", was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. All the other articles in this cycle are published in English for the first time.

[163] The Customs Union (Zollverein) of the German states, which established a common customs frontier, was founded in 1834 and headed by Prussia. Brought into being by the necessity for an all-German market, the Union embraced all the larger German states with the exception of Austria.

[170] An English translation of this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

[175] On the armistice negotiations with Denmark see Note 171. The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[188] See Note 69.

[190] Under the Poor Law of 1834 the only relief available to the poor who were fit for work was admission to a workhouse. These were dubbed "Poor Law Bastilles",

[197] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973. In this article the phrase "secret treaties with Napoleon" refers to the Treaty of Tilsit signed in July 1807 by France, Russia and Prussia. In an attempt to split the defeated powers, Napoleon made no territorial claims on Russia and even managed the transfer of part of the Prussian monarchy's eastern land to Russia. He consolidated an alliance with Alexander I when the two emperors met in Erfurt in the autumn of 1808. At the same time, this treaty imposed harsh terms on Prussia, which lost nearly half its territory to the German states dependent on France, had to pay indemnities, had its army limited etc. However, Russia, as well as Prussia, had to sever alliance with England and, to her disadvantage, join Napoleon's Continental System. Napoleon formed the vassal Duchy of Warsaw on Polish territory seized by Prussia during the partitions of Poland at the end of the eighteenth century, and planned to use the duchy as a springboard in the event of war with Russia. Sharp contradictions between France and Russia led to Napoleon's campaign against Russia in 1812.

[204] This refers to the Polish national liberation uprising of November 1830-October 1831. The majority of its participants were revolutionary nobles (the szlachcics) and its leaders came from the ranks of the aristocracy. It was suppressed by Russian troops, with the support of Prussia and Austria. In spite of its defeat, the uprising was of major international significance because it diverted the forces of counter-revolution and thwarted their plans regarding the bourgeois revolution of 1830 in France and the 1830-31 revolution in Belgium.

[205] This refers to the rescripts by Frederick William IV of February 3, 1847, convening the United Diet, in which the King referred to the laws on estates representation promulgated in Prussia between the 1820s and the 1840s. The convocation of the United Diet (see Note 25) was presented by the King as implementation of his earlier promises to introduce a Constitution.

[209]

[210] Russia in the spring and summer of 1848. This year witnessed the rise of the peasant movement, cholera "riots" in St. Petersburg and Riga and popular revolts in some gubernias, for example, in Vladimir Gubernia. An important seat of revolutionary ferment was the Kingdom of Poland. The item was printed in the column "French Republic". It deals with the Press Bill submitted to the French Constituent Assembly at the end of July 1848 and widely discussed in the German press. The Bill provided for severe punishment for insult, in the press, of the authorities, attacks on property, religion and family principles. It was passed by the Assembly on August 9-11, 1848. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung of July 6, 1848, carried a report received from Ewerbeck, its Paris correspondent, under the heading "Bakunin". The author reported the current rumour that Mikhail Bakunin was in the secret service of Nicholas I and that George Sand was in possession of evidence to this effect. Such rumours circulated among Polish emigrants even before the 1848 revolution. On July 16, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung reprinted Bakunin's statement to the editors of the Allgemeine Oder Zeitung in which he refuted these accusations. It also carried Bakunin's letter to George Sand asking her to make a public statement testifying to the falsity of the rumour, which discredited him as a revolutionary. On August 3, Marx received George Sand's letter to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung through the Polish democrat Koscielski and immediately published it with an introductory note from the editors. In 1853 certain English newspapers accused Marx of having used the Neue Rheinische Zeitung to spread insinuations against Bakunin. Early in September 1853 Marx refuted these charges — the authors of which were emigrants hostile to proletarian revolutionaries — in statements to the editors of the Morning Advertiser and the People's Paper (see present edition, Vol. 12). In the statement to the Morning Advertiser he recalled that the Neue Rheinische Zeitung had published Bakunin's letters of self-acquittal and the relevant letter of George Sand; he also quoted the editors' introductory note to this letter. Subsequently, in his letter to Lassalle written on March 3, 1860, Marx gave the following description of this episode: "I printed in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung a denunciation of Bakunin received from two different sources in Paris, the one being a Pole I knew and the other — the Paris lithographic bulletin, which would anyway have circulated this denunciation to all papers even if /had not printed it. The fact that the accusation was made publicly was in the interest of the cause as well as of Bakunin himself. I reprinted immediately Bakunin's refutation which appeared in the Neue Oder Zeitung. Koscielski, whom Bakunin sent to Cologne in order to challenge me to a duel, examined the letters from Paris and became convinced that as an editor I was in duty bound to have the denunciation printed (it appeared as a report with no comments). Thereupon he wrote to Bakunin informing him that he could no longer represent his interests. Koscielski became one of the best and most treasured friends of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. I gave public satisfaction to Bakunin in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and made it up with him when we met in Berlin in August 1848. Subsequently (in 1851) I broke a lance defending him in the Tribune." (This refers to "Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany", an article which Engels wrote for Marx and in which he highly praised Bakunin as a participant in the Dresden uprising of May 1849.)

[221] Engels refers to the repeated promises of Frederick William III to introduce a Constitution in Prussia based on the estate principle.

[224] See Note 36.

[230] On August 6, 1848, troops of all German states were, by an order issued by the Imperial Minister of War Peucker on July 16, 1848, to take the oath of allegiance to the Imperial Regent Archduke John at the celebration parade. Frederick William IV, who himself claimed to be the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the German Confederation, cancelled the parade in Prussia appointed for August 6.

[233] Paragraph 6 of the Fundamental Rights of the German People worked out by the Frankfurt National Assembly as part of the future Constitution (it was adopted on August 2, 1848) abolished all estates privileges and all titles not connected with office.

[237] See Note 73.

[247]

[252] See Note 246.

[263] The armistice between Sardinia and Austria concluded on August 9, 1848 (see Note 247), was originally to last six weeks but was prolonged. It was annulled on March 12, 1849, but soon after hostilities were resumed the Sardinian army was defeated, Charles Albert abdicated and Victor Emmanuel II, the new King, again concluded an armistice with the Austrians on March 26.

[265] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[267] The German Workers' Association was founded by Marx and Engels in Brussels at the end of August 1847, with the aim of politically educating German workers residing in Belgium and spreading the ideas of scientific communism among them. Its best cadres were members of the Communist League and it maintained contacts with Belgian workers' and democratic associations. Its activities ceased soon after the February revolution of 1848 in France when its members were arrested and deported by the Belgian police.

[269] Under the impact of the March revolution in the German states, the Federal Diet (see Note 13) established by its special decision of March 30, 1848, the representation quota to the German National Assembly. On April 7, an amendment to this decision was approved which extended the right to vote and to be elected to political refugees who returned to Germany and were reinstated in German citizenship.

[271] On August 26, 1848, an armistice for the term of seven months was signed between Denmark and Prussia in the Swedish city of Malmö. The armistice provided for a ceasefire between Prussia and Denmark, replacement of the provisional authorities in Schleswig by a new Government to be formed by the two contracting parties (the representatives of the Danish monarchy predominant), separation of the troops of Schleswig and Holstein, and other onerous terms for the national liberation movement in the duchies. The revolutionary-democratic reforms which had been introduced were now virtually eliminated. Though the Prussian ruling circles had waged the war against Denmark in the name of the German Confederation, they sacrificed all-German interests to dynastic and counter-revolutionary considerations when they concluded the armistice. They were also prompted by the desire to avoid complications with Russia and Britain, which supported Denmark. Nonetheless, as Engels foresaw, on September 16, the Frankfurt National Assembly approved by a majority vote the armistice concluded in Malmö.

[275] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[278] The second, third and fourth articles of this series (dated September 12, 13 and 15) were published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung under the title "Crisis!' Excerpts of the third article were first published in English in the magazine Labour Monthly, 1948, Vol. XXX, No. 9, and in the collection: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971; all these articles were published in English in full in the collections: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

[279] Decrees (ordonnances) issued by the King of France on July 26, 1830, abolished freedom of the press, dissolved Parliament and changed the electoral law, reducing the electorate by seventy-five per cent. These emergency measures taken by Charles X's Government led to the July 1830 bourgeois revolution in France as a result of which the Bourbon monarchy was replaced by the Louis Philippe liberal monarchy. On February 24, 1848, the Louis Philippe monarchy was overthrown and the Second Republic proclaimed in France.

[281] This refers to Stein's proposal accepted by the Prussian National Assembly on August 9 on the resignation of reactionary officers (see Note 273). The Assembly passed a resolution couched in rather mild terms after it had discussed the situation in the army following the shooting down on July 31 by the garrison of the Schweidnitz fortress in Silesia of the civil guard and townspeople, as a result of which 14 people were killed and 32 seriously wounded. The Minister of War was asked to warn officers to abstain from "reactionary tricks", and it was recommended that they resign from the army if they disagreed with the resolution. The Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry raised no objection because it was sure the deputies would not demand the faithful implementation of the resolution. But the Minister of War's non-observance of the Assembly's recommendations led to a conflict between the Government and the Assembly and to a ministerial crisis.

[285] This refers to the debate in the Frankfurt National Assembly in the summer and autumn of 1848 on the status of Limburg, a province of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, then part of the German Confederation. Numerous explanations on this subject were offered to the Assembly by representatives of the so-called Central Authority (the Imperial Ministry).

[286] This article was first published in English in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, and Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[288] This article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. "

[289] On September 16, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly ratified the Malmö armistice by a majority vote. This evoked profound indignation among democratic circles and the broad masses. On September 17 the citizens of Frankfurt and the surrounding neighbourhood held a mass protest meeting at which they demanded that the Assembly be dissolved and a new representative body set up. The Imperial Government countered by summoning Prussian and Austrian troops to Frankfurt. An insurrection broke out the next day, but the poorly armed people sustained a defeat despite their stubborn barricade fighting. Unrest in many parts of Germany, particularly in the Rhineland, and another attempt at a republican uprising in Baden on September 21, were an echo of the Frankfurt events. The first article on the Frankfurt uprising had no title because it was published in the supplement to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung which had no table of contents. The article was first published in English in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

[296] The Cologne authorities, frightened by the upsurge of the revolutionary-democratic movement, resorted to police persecution and on September 26, 1848, placed the city in a state of siege "to safeguard the individual and property". The military commandant's office issued an order prohibiting all associations that pursued "political and social aims", cancelled all meetings, disbanded and disarmed the civic militia, instituted courts martial and suspended publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and a number of other democratic newspapers. On October 2 the protest campaign made the Cologne military authorities lift the state of siege, and on October 3 subscription to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was resumed. However, Marx was not able to resume publication of the newspaper until October 12 because of lack of funds and because Engels and Dronke had had to leave Cologne, under threat of arrest.

[297] In English, this article was first published in an abridged form in the magazine Labour Monthly, 1948, Vol. XXX, No. 10, and in full in the collections: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung". 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, and Karl Marx, The Revolutions of 1848. Political Writings, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1973.

[299] The reference is to the holidays held in September 1848 to mark the eighteenth anniversary of the Belgian revolution of 1830.

[306] Thiers' work published in the newspaper La Constitutionnel in September and October 1848, was later printed in pamphlet form under the title De la propriété, Paris, 1848.

[308] The Direct Commission of Mainz was founded in 1819 by decision of the Carlsbad conference of German states (see Notes 152 and 199) to investigate "tricks of the demagogues", i.e. for the struggle against the opposition movement in the German states. The Commission, whose members were appointed by the individual governments of the German states, was authorised to hold direct inquiries and make arrests in all the states of the German Confederation,

[313] On events of August 23 in Vienna see Note 264. On October 5, 1848, it became known in Vienna that Austrian troops were to be sent to suppress the Hungarian national liberation movement and that a battalion of grenadiers had received marching orders. This news caused general indignation and a popular uprising on October 6 and 7.

[321] The Deutsche Volkszeitung for April 17, 1848, published a report from Paris which censured the German communists' negative attitude towards Herwegh's plan.

[341]

[343] All the three receipts are in Engels' handwriting. The address "To All Workers of Germany" on behalf of the Mainz Workers' Educational Association was drafted by the emissary of the Communist League who arrived from Paris, member of the Central Authority Karl Wallau, and Communist League member Adolf Cluss. The address was published in several democratic newspapers. On April 8, 1848, on their way to Cologne, Marx and Engels stopped at Mainz where, together with the local communists, they discussed the further plan of action aimed at preparing ground for a mass party of the German proletariat with the Communist League forming its nucleus. On December 1, 1845, Marx, then residing in Brussels, asked officially to be relieved of his Prussian citizenship with the intention of depriving the Prussian authorities, who were making attempts to get him expelled from Belgium, of any opportunity to interfere in his affairs. After the March revolution of 1848 in Germany Marx returned to his homeland and applied for Prussian citizenship. He wrote his application to the police office on the second day after his arrival in Cologne. The rough copy of the application has also survived. The fair and the rough copy of the application are written in an unknown hand; the signature, place and date are in Marx's handwriting. The fair copy differs considerably in some places from the rough one, which mentions Marx's intention to publish the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Apparently Marx thought better about informing the police of this. On April 18 Marx was summoned to Police Inspector Hiinermund who wrote an account of Marx's statement. From the text of the account (see next document) it is evident that Marx declined once again to reveal to the police his plans to publish a newspaper. Subsequent events showed that Marx had good reason not to trust the police. The Cologne regional police office deliberately delayed answering his application and, after the publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, it firmly rejected it. In a report to the Minister of the Interior, the regional police office described the editors of the newspaper as very dangerous revolutionaries who were striving to overthrow the existing system. Oberpräsident of the Cologne Province Eichmann called Marx the "soul" of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, stressing that he was "the most prominent figure among the republicans of Cologne". The Prussiani Government did their best to induce the Cologne police to take measures against the activities of the editor-in-chief of the revolutionary newspaper. This was why Marx was refused Prussian citizenship (see this volume, pp. 407-10). This document is not included among those kept in the police archives, connected with granting Marx Prussian citizenship. Apparently it was given back to Marx. This document reflects events prior to the publication of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung and gives new information on the situation in which Marx and his followers were campaigning for the foundation of a truly revolutionary proletarian organ. Before his arrival in Cologne, Marx, who was already planning this publication, got to know from Georg Weerth's letter that Hess and Anneke, members of the Cologne communities of the Communist League, intended to found a democratic newspaper of the same title. An announcement of the publication of a new paper printed in the Kölnische Zeitungon April 7, 1848, above their signatures showed that it was going to be an ordinary local petty-bourgeois

[350] This protest was made on August 11, 1848, at a general meeting of the Cologne Democratic Society. The meeting was presided over by Marx (see this volume, p. 562). '

[354] This excerpt was in the retrospective review signed PBS and published in the supplement to the Wiener Zeitung. The author of the review wrote with overt hostility about the "encroaches" of the Left organisations, criticising "a certain association" — this refers to the Vienna Democratic Association — because it let foreign politicians "drastically criticise" the measures of the Austrian Government and breed "distrust". Having cited Marx, the author exclaims: "For me these words are unforgettable as they reflect all the chasm, all plans of this party."

[365] On September 11, 1848, soldiers of the 27th Regiment billeted in Cologne clashed with citizens supported by the democratic part of the civic militia.