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5. Encounters with Hugo Chávez

Core Argument

This chapter recounts the author’s visit to Caracas for the Second International Gathering in Solidarity with the Venezuelan Revolution, two years after the defeat of the April 2002 counterrevolutionary coup, and his meeting with President Hugo Chávez. The author approaches the Venezuelan Revolution as a revolutionary Marxist, not a sycophant, insisting that flattery is the enemy of truth and that real friends of the Revolution must offer firm criticism where mistakes are made. In his speeches, he argued that the Revolution is an inspiration but remains unfinished: it must destroy the economic power of bankers and capitalists, arm and organise the masses in action committees, and build a Marxist Revolutionary Tendency. These ideas were received with enthusiasm, reflecting Venezuela’s complete democracy, in stark contrast to the bourgeois opposition, which owns the main television channels and openly appeals for coups. Chávez has won overwhelmingly in multiple elections. The oligarchy initially tried to buy him off; when that failed, they attacked, culminating in the April 2002 coup, which was defeated by a spontaneous mass uprising. US imperialism hates Chávez because his Revolution sets an example for the oppressed masses across Latin America, giving them dignity, confidence, and hope. Yet frustration and discontent are growing, as aspirations remain unsatisfied. A central contradiction exists between those who want to press forward and those who want to apply the brakes, a tension reflected in society, the movement, the government, and Chávez himself.

The meeting with Chávez revealed him as transparently honest and dedicated to the revolution, but the movement lacked a clearly defined ideology and cadres. Chávez said he did not consider himself a Marxist because he had not read enough Marxist books, but he was genuinely interested in Marxist ideas. The author argued the revolution faced a stark choice: liquidate the oligarchy’s economic power or face defeat. Chávez had recently called for arming the people and was frustrated by sabotage from judges, opposition parliamentarians, and PDVSA bureaucrats. Reformist elements were strong at the top but weak in the rank and file, causing frustration among Chavista supporters. The conversation turned to the Hands off Venezuela campaign; Chávez was deeply moved by signatures from shop stewards and trade union leaders, contrasting them with individual academics. He expressed contempt for George W. Bush, recounting an incident where Bush’s face changed colour when confronted. Chávez gave firm support to the campaign and backed a Venezuelan edition of Reason in Revolt. He insisted on meeting Manzoor Ahmed, the Marxist MP from Pakistan, scheduling a late meeting.

The author concludes his speech by highlighting the wasted potential of productive forces due to private ownership and the nation state. A joke about sending George W. Bush to Mars on a one-way ticket, with Chávez adding “And Aznar,” was well received. Chávez spoke last for a long time, ignoring caterers’ notes about ruined food. He repeatedly referenced the author’s speech and joked about a scientist named Gibbs. Dinner began near midnight; the author unsuccessfully tried to sit with his comrade Manzoor, overruled by the head of protocol. Chávez dined with his daughter, enjoying Venezuelan music. After dinner, Chávez interviewed Manzoor about Pakistan and Afghanistan, despite apparent tiredness, while his aides looked exhausted. Manzoor gave him a shawl and vases, which Chávez valued highly, recounting the meeting on radio. The author defends writing about individuals, arguing Marxists should study those who make history, though psychological explanations for figures like Stalin or Hitler are inadequate without class analysis. Chávez’s personality positively inspires the masses, but victory requires a scientific programme and a working-class-led mass movement. Chávez said he was not yet a Marxist due to insufficient reading, but is studying Marxism.