Introduction¶
Core Argument¶
This chapter establishes the central theoretical framework for a Marxist analysis of revolution in the epoch of imperialism, arguing that the structural contradictions of class society render revolutions inevitable, as ruling classes never surrender power peacefully. The world has entered a new crisis of imperialism, marked by intensifying wars and class struggles, with US imperialism weakened yet the global working class numerically stronger than ever. A genuine revolution occurs when the masses overcome their sense of helplessness and intervene massively in political life to overthrow the ruling class.
The book's core polemic targets the 'theory of stages' promoted by reformists and Stalinist Communist Parties, which holds that underdeveloped countries must first complete a bourgeois-democratic revolution under national bourgeois leadership before advancing to socialism. This theory, originating in the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution, has been used to justify collaboration with the national bourgeoisie, even with dictators like Batista and Somoza. In contrast, early Latin American Marxists such as Mella and Mariátegui developed strategies aligned with Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution. The chapter argues that in the epoch of imperialism, the national bourgeoisie is too weak, servile, and tied to imperialism to lead a democratic revolution; only the workers and peasants can carry it through, and the gains can only be secured by taking the first steps towards socialism.
The decisive factor is the class nature of state power. Without a workers' state, the tasks of the national democratic revolution cannot be completed. The theory of stages, by leaving economic power in bourgeois hands, allows the bourgeoisie to sabotage the revolution and reassert imperialist dominance, as seen in Nicaragua and Venezuela, whereas Cuba's full break with capitalism succeeded. Victory requires a leadership with Marxist theoretical understanding, which has been absent in all three cases, reflecting a general crisis of leadership. Without a Marxist party, working-class consciousness remains shaped by bourgeois culture, and struggles only temporarily challenge bourgeois domination. The party must respond to working-class moods tactically while directing revolutionary forces, employing Trotsky's Transitional Programme as the method for determining action slogans.
In Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, governing parties originated in guerrilla and military organisations with top-down command, strengthened by links with Stalinist parties. These lack democratic centralism: internal democracy and freedom of criticism are essential, and factions are legitimate within a revolutionary party. Participatory, soviet-style democracy is a life-and-death requirement for popular revolution, as soviets are organs of class rule distinct from bourgeois-democratic institutions. Counter-revolutions arise from qualitative shifts in socio-political relations, not inevitable reactions, and mass political activity cannot be sustained indefinitely. The book argues for revolutionary Marxism to avoid these mistakes.