30. Should the unions disaffiliate?¶
Core Argument¶
Chapter 30: Should the unions disaffiliate?¶
This chapter confronts the question of whether trade unions should sever their historic link with the Labour Party, arguing forcefully against disaffiliation as a reactionary slogan that would strengthen the right. The Labour movement has long been shaped by a conflict between revolutionary and conservative tendencies, with right-wing leaders typically dominant, acting as mediators between classes and reflecting ruling-class pressure. A leftward shift during the 1970s, driven by the Marxist Militant tendency, was reversed after defeats like the 1985 miners’ strike, and the failure to pose the question of power led to demoralisation and decline. Capitalism’s post-war boom ended with the 1973-4 recession, forcing the abandonment of Keynesianism for monetarism—a return to the deflationary policies of the 1920s and 1930s. Left reformists lack a Marxist understanding of capitalism, leading to vacillation, while right-wing leaders, backed by the establishment, remain decisive.
The trade union bureaucracy hid behind anti-union laws, which would become a dead letter if resisted. Now, a leftward shift is underway in the unions, which will eventually reflect in the Labour Party. Blair’s attempt to break the union link is an effort to prevent militancy spreading. His support for the Iraq war and pro-business policies have alienated the rank and file. A split along class lines is possible, with Blair potentially joining the Lib-Dems, which would prepare a sharp left turn in the Labour Party. Discontent is mounting, but lacks an authoritative voice, programme and perspective, which must come from within the Party and unions.
The chapter cites concrete examples: the GMB cut £2 million from Labour Party funding; the RMT reduced its contribution and dropped sponsored MPs. The RMT conference considered backing the SSP, Plaid Cymru, and the Greens, but this is rejected as offering no way forward—Plaid promotes bourgeois nationalism, and both Plaid and the Greens have voted for cuts and privatisation. In Wales, Environment Minister Alun Michael narrowly avoided reselection because local FBU and RMT branches failed to vote; their votes would have forced deselection, demonstrating the concrete importance of union branches in reclaiming Labour. Disaffiliation would strengthen Blairites by removing union influence and votes, a measure backed by Labour’s enemies. Labour still receives substantial union donations—£9.87 million in 2002—but Blair prefers funding from wealthy donors like Lord Sainsbury (£2.5m). State funding, backed by Murdoch, would further weaken union links. The fight against Blairism must be a political struggle within Labour; left candidates standing outside have failed, as shown by the pre-war ILP’s collapse. Right-wing union leaders on the NEC have kept Blair in power, voting against union policy on PFI and Ken Livingstone’s readmission. The answer is not disaffiliation but demanding accountability and removing unaccountable union representatives. There is no realistic alternative: the working class expresses itself through mass organisations, and Labour voters abstain rather than move elsewhere. Left union leaders—Bob Crow, Mick Rix, Derek Simpson, Billy Hayes—have called for reclaiming the Party.
Kevin Curran, GMB general secretary, insisted the union would not break the link but would ensure Labour lived up to union values. Tony Woodley, new general secretary of the Transport and General Union, pledged a summit of left-wing union leaders to “put the Labour in the Party”. The text argues that words must be turned into deeds by mobilising the rank and file. It claims that if unions sent 50 members into every constituency party, this would trigger reselection of sitting MPs. It cites left MP John MacDonald’s argument that only 50 FBU activists needed to join Nick Raynsford’s party to take it over. The deselection attempt against Blairite MP Oona King is noted, where five affiliated unions saved her. The text calls for a “300 Club” to sign up 300 union members per constituency, using political funds to subsidise membership fees. The unions created Labour and must now purge it of closet Tories and careerists, otherwise the ruling class will split the party as with the SDP in 1981-2. Blair will be forced out, potentially following Ramsay MacDonald’s 1931 path, propelling the