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25. Aftermath of Defeat

Core Argument

Chapter 25: Aftermath of Defeat

The defeat of the miners in 1985 was a watershed, shattering working-class confidence and leaving a profound demoralisation that echoed in the refrain, “If the miners can’t win, what chance do we have?” This despair drove many activists into passivity or rightward positions, reinforcing a shift toward class collaboration, or “New Realism,” within the unions. The Tories, buoyed by economic revival and the Falklands victory, vilified Arthur Scargill while Labour leader Neil Kinnock joined the attack. Unemployment stood at 3.2 million officially, over 4 million in reality. The TUC capitulated to Tory anti-union laws; by 1987, 29 unions representing over 80 per cent of TUC membership had appeared in court. The government rate-capped councils; only Liverpool and Lambeth resisted, but Kinnock denounced Liverpool’s Militant leadership at the 1985 party conference, leading to expulsions. The TUC dropped its boycott of government ballot funds in 1986.

In 1985-86, Rupert Murdoch broke the print unions at Wapping with secret collaboration from the electricians’ union, the EETPU, sacking 6,000 workers. Mass picketing met violent policing; 1,370 were arrested, one picket killed. The TUC refused to discipline the EETPU, and the printworkers were defeated. The P&O dispute saw the National Union of Seamen’s leadership capitulate, adding hundreds to the scrap heap. The EETPU was expelled from the TUC in 1988, but a left split, the EPIU, was a mistake, leaving the right in control. The 1987 election gave the Tories 43 per cent to Labour’s 32 per cent. The TUC shifted so far right that Scargill lost his General Council seat.

In 1989, the Tories abolished the Dock Labour Scheme. The TGWU executive called a strike ballot of 9,000 registered dockers, excluding unregistered workers. Dockers voted 74.3 per cent for action, but High Court judges granted an injunction restraining the union. The National Port Shop Stewards Committee called an immediate strike; dockers in Liverpool, Tilbury, Bristol, Newport and Lowestoft struck. TGWU general secretary Ron Todd ordered a return to work pending a Lords appeal, breaking the strike’s momentum. A later ballot produced a three-to-one majority for striking, but only after the scheme was already abolished. Employers sacked leading Tilbury shop stewards; the TGWU avoided secondary action to prevent sequestration. The strike collapsed after three weeks. The sixteen sacked stewards never regained their jobs, the union was derecognised, and redundancies followed. Casual labour returned; by 1993 Merseyside had fewer than 500 dockworkers, down from 17,000 post-war.

The defeat strengthened the right-wing union bureaucracy. Strike figures fell to an all-time low. Compulsory Competitive Tendering, personal contracts, part-time and short-term work were introduced. Seven pieces of Tory legislation between 1980 and 1993 restricted picketing, banned secondary action, abolished the closed shop, tightened strike ballots, and abolished wages councils. TUC leaders refused to break the law, fearing sequestration. Thatcher resigned in 1990 after the poll tax revolt. Labour lost the 1992 election. In October 1992, Heseltine announced thirty pit closures; 250,000 demonstrated. The TUC refused further action, allowing the government to set up a Royal Commission. More pits were later closed. Privatisation of gas, water, electricity and rail followed. Britain was forced out of the ERM on Black Wednesday; support for the Tories collapsed.