Appendix II. 1919: Britain on the Brink of Revolution¶
Core Argument¶
In this appendix, Rob Sewell argues that Britain in 1919 stood on the cusp of a revolutionary upheaval, a direct consequence of the First World War and the galvanising example of the October Revolution. The core narrative thrust is that a wave of mutinies and strikes, driven by war-weary troops and workers, posed a genuine threat to the British state and its imperial ambitions, particularly the planned military intervention against Soviet Russia. The chapter contends that this revolutionary potential was only contained by the absence of a revolutionary party capable of providing leadership.
Sewell grounds his argument in the strategic calculations of the Allied leadership. He cites Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson’s diary, which records Lloyd George’s fear that Germany might “collapse and Bolshevism gain control,” a fear that precipitated the armistice. Churchill’s stated need to “build up the German Army” to combat Bolshevism is presented as evidence that the ruling class saw the revolutionary threat as paramount, outweighing even the defeat of Germany. The author details the imperialist carve-up of Russia into spheres of influence, with Britain eyeing the Caucasus oil fields, and Churchill’s determination to use British troops to overthrow the Soviet government.
The chapter’s key evidence is a detailed chronicle of military mutinies across Britain and France in early 1919. The first broke out in Folkestone on 3 January, where 10,000 soldiers assembled at the town hall, refusing embarkation orders. Similar protests erupted in Dover, where troops formed a Soldiers’ Union. In London, 1,500 soldiers from Park Royal marched on Downing Street, forcing General Robertson to concede to demands for better conditions and an end to the draft for Russia. The most significant action was the Calais mutiny, which began with the arrest of Private John Pantling. Rebel soldiers released him, formed a Soldiers’ Council, and organised a strike that spread to 20,000 men. The mutineers established a democratic “Calais Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Association,” issuing orders from the occupied headquarters. Sewell notes that despite mutiny being a capital offence, no soldiers were punished, as the government feared “provoking an explosion.” Only in the navy were there reprisals, after sailors on HMS Kilbride hoisted the red flag.
The chapter draws on the historical context of the post-war revolutionary wave across Europe, including the German Revolution of November 1918 and the declaration of a Soviet Republic in Hungary. It positions the British unrest as part of this international storm. The polemical target is twofold. First, it argues against the establishment narrative that Britain was immune to revolution, demonstrating the depth of the crisis. Second, it critiques the absence of a revolutionary leadership, stating bluntly that “there was no Bolshevik Party as in Russia to guide it to success.” The chapter concludes that international solidarity, in the form of dockworkers refusing to load munitions, helped save the Russian Revolution, but that the British revolutionary moment was ultimately squandered due to a lack of political direction.