1845
To Dr Ruge
I have learned from a reliable source that the Préfecture de Police are now in possession of orders against you, myself and several others, whereby we are to leave Paris within 24 hours and France within the shortest possible time.[19] Börnstein can give you further details. In case you were not yet aware of this news, I deemed it proper to inform you of it.
K. Marx
8. Engels to Marx. About 20 January[20]
Dear Marx,
If I haven't answered your letter before, it's mainly because I was waiting for the Vorwärts you promised me. But as the thing has still not arrived, I've given up waiting, either for that or for the Critical Criticism" of which I have no further news whatever. As regards Stirner, I entirely agree with you. When I wrote to you, I was still too much under the immediate impression made upon me by the book.b Since I laid it aside and had time to think it over, I feel the same as you. Hess, who is still here and whom I spoke to in Bonn a fortnight ago, has, after several changes of mind, come to the same conclusion as yourself. He read me an article, which he is shortly to publish, about the bookc; in it he says the same as you, although he hadn't read your letter. I left your letter with him,[21] because he still wished to use some things out of it, and so I have to reply from memory. As regards my removal to Paris, there is no doubt that in some two years' time I shall be there; and I've made up my mind too that at any cost I shall spend 4 to 6 weeks there next autumn. If the police make life difficult for me here, I'll come anyway, and as things are now, it may occur to these scum any day to molest us. Piittmann's Bürgerbuchd will show us just how far one can go without being locked up or thrown out.
My love affair came to a fearful end.e I'll spare you the boring details, nothing more can be done about it, and I've already been through enough over it as it is. I'm glad that I can at least get down to work again, and if I were to tell you the whole sorry tale, I'd be incapable of anything this evening.
The latest news is that from 1 April Hess and I will be publishing at Thieme & Butz's in Hagen the Gesellschaftsspiegel, a monthly in which we shall depict social misère and the bourgeois regime. Prospectus, etc., shortly.[22] In the meantime it would be a good idea if the poetical Ein Handwerker[23] would oblige by sending us material on misère in Paris. Particularly individual cases, exactly what's needed to prepare the philistine for communism. Not much effort will be involved in editing the thing; contributors enough can be found to supply sufficient material for 4 sheets a month — we shan't have much work to do with it, and might exert a lot of influence. Moreover, Leske has commissioned Püttmann to put out a quarterly, the Rheinische Jahrbücher, bulky enough to evade censorship,[24] which is to be communism unalloyed. You too will doubtless be able to have a hand in it. In any case it will do no harm if we have part of our work printed twice — first in a periodical and then on its own and in context; after all, banned books circulate less freely and in this way we'll have twice as much chance of exerting an influence. So you see we here in Germany have our work cut out if we're to keep all these undertakings supplied with material and at the same time elaborate greater things — but we shall have to put our backs into it if we're to achieve anything, and that's all to the good when you're itching to do something. My book on the English workersa will be finished in two or three weeks, after which I shall set aside four weeks for lesser things and then go on to the historical development of England and English socialism.[25]
What specially pleases me is the general recognition, now a fait accompli, which communist literature has found in Germany. A year ago it began to gain recognition, indeed, first saw the light of day, outside Germany, in Paris, and now it's already worrying the German man-in-the-street. Newspapers, weeklies, monthlies and quarterlies, and reserves of heavy artillery coming up— everything's in the best of order. It's certainly happened devilish fast! Nor has the underground propaganda been unfruitful. Every time I visit Cologne, every time I enter a pub here, I find fresh progress, fresh proselytes. The Cologne meetingb" has worked wonders. One gradually discovers individual communist groups which have quietly evolved without any direct cooperation on our part.
The Gemeinnütziges Wochenblatt which was formerly published together with the Rheinische Zeitung, is now also in our hands. It has been taken over by d'Ester who will see what can be done. But what we need above all just now are a few larger works to provide an adequate handhold for the many who would like to improve their imperfect knowledge, but are unable to do so unassisted. Do try and finish your political economy bookc, even if there's much in it that you yourself are still dissatisfied with, it doesn't really matter; minds are ripe and we must strike while the iron is hot. Presumably my English things cannot fail to have some effect either, the facts are too convincing, but all the same I wish I had less on my hands so that I could do some things which would be more cogent and effective in regard both to the present moment and to the German bourgeoisie. We German theoreticians — it may be ludicrous, but it's a sign of the times and of the dissolution of the German national filth — cannot yet so much as develop our theory, not even having been able as yet to publish the critique of the nonsense. But now it is high time. So try and finish before April, do as I do, set yourself a date by which you will definitely have finished, and make sure it gets into print quickly. If you can't get it printed in Paris, have it done in Mannheim, Darmstadt or elsewhere. But it must come out soon.
The fact that you enlarged the Critical Criticism to twenty sheets surprised me not a little. But it is all to the good, for it means that much can now be disseminated which would otherwise have lain for heaven knows how long in your escritoire. But if you have retained my name on the tide page it will look rather odd since I wrote barely IV2 sheets. As I told you, I have as yet heard nothing from Löwenberg,[3] nor anything about the publication of the book, which I most eagerly await.
Yesterday I received Vorwärts, which I haven't seen since my departure. I was greatly amused by some of Bernays' jokes; the fellow can make one laugh so heartily, which I seldom do when reading. For the rest, it is definitely bad and neither interesting nor instructive enough to induce many Germans to take it for any length of time. How does it stand now, and is it true, as I hear in Cologne, that it is to be turned into a monthly l8? We're so terribly overburdened with work here that you can expect no more than an occasional contribution from us. You over there will also have to bestir yourselves. You should write an article every 4 or 6 weeks for it and not allow yourself to be 'governed' by your moods. Why doesn't Bakunin write anything, and why can't Ewerbeck be induced to write at least something humdrum? Poor Bernays is, I suppose, by now in jug.b Give him my regards and tell him not to take this dirty business too much to heart. Two months is not an eternity, although it's dreadful enough. What are the lads doing generally? You tell me nothing about it in your letters. Has Guerrier returned, and is Bakunin writing French? What's become of the lot who used to frequent the Quai Voltaire every evening in August? And what are you doing yourself? How goes it with your situation there? Is the Fouinec still living under your feet? Not long ago, the Fouine again let fly in the Telegraph^ On the subject of patriotism, needless to say. Splendid how he rides it to death, how he doesn't care a rap, provided he succeeds in demolishing patriotism. Probably that was the substancec of what he refused to give Fröbel. German newspapers recendy alleged that the Fouine intends to return to Germany. If it's true I congratulate him, but it can't be true, else he'd have to provide himself for the second time with an omnibus with privy, and that's out of the question.
Not long ago I spoke to someone who'd come from Berlin. The dissolution of the caput mortuum" of The Free[17] would appear to be complete. Besides the Bauers, Stiraer also seems no longer to have anything to do with them. The few who remain, Meyen, Rutenberg and Co., carry on serenely, foregathering at Stehely's every afternoon at 2 o'clock, as they have done for six years past,[26]
and amusing themselves at the expense of the newspapers. But now they have actually got as far as the 'organisation of labour',b
and they will get no farther. It would seem that even Mr Nauwerck has ventured to take this step, for he participates with zeal in popular meetings. I told you all these people would become démocrates pacifiques? At the same time they have much 'acclaimed' the lucidity, etc., of our articles in the Jahrbücher? When next the devil drives I shall begin corresponding with little Meyen; one can, perhaps, derive some entertainment from the fellows even if one doesn't find them entertaining. As it is, there's never any opportunity here for an occasional outburst of high spirits, the life I lead being all that the most splendiferous philistine could desire, a quiet, uneventful existence, replete with godliness and respectability; I sit in my room and work, hardly ever go out, am as staid as a German. If things go on like this, I fear that the Almighty may overlook my writings and admit me to heaven. I assure you that I'm beginning to acquire a good reputation here in Barmen. But I'm sick of it all and intend to get away at Easter, probably to Bonn. I have allowed myself to be persuaded by the arguments of my brother-in-law' and the doleful expression on both my parents'' faces to give huckstering another trial and for [...] days have been working in the office. Another motive was the course my love affair was taking. But I was sick of it all even before I began work; huckstering is too beastly, Barmen is too beastly, the waste of time is too beastly and most beastly of all is the fact of being, not only a bourgeois, but actually a manufacturer, a bourgeois who actively takes sides against the proletariat. A few days in my old man's factory have sufficed to bring me face to face with this beasdiness, which I had rather overlooked. I had, of course, planned to stay in the huckstering business only as long as it suited me and then to write something the police wouldn't like so that I could with good grace make off across the border, but I can't hold out even till then. Had I not been compelled to record daily in my book die most horrifying tales about English society, I would have become fed up with it, but that at least has kept my rage on the simmer. And though as a communist one can, no doubt, provided one doesn't write, maintain the outward appearance of a bourgeois and a brutish huckster, it is impossible to carry on communist propaganda on a large scale and at the same time engage in huckstering and industry. Enough of that — at Easter I shall be leaving this place. In addition there is the enervating existence in this dyed-in-the-wool Christian-Prussian family — it's intolerable; I might end up by becoming a German philistine and importing philistinism into communism.
Well, don't leave me so long without a letter as I have left you this time. My greetings to your wife, as yet a stranger, and to anyone else deserving of them.
For the time being write to me here. If I have already left, your letters will be forwarded.
Your
F. E.
[Address on envelope]
À Madame Marx. Rue Vanneau N 38
Paris
9. Marx to Heinrich Heine. End of January- 1 February[27]
Dear Friend,
I hope to have time to see you tomorrow. I am due to leave on Monday.a
The publisher Leske has just been to see me. He is bringing out a quarterlyb in Darmstadt which is not subject to censorship. Engels, Hess, Herwegh, Jung and I, etc., are collaborating with him. He has asked me to solicit your cooperation — poetry or prose. Since we must make use of every opportunity to establish ourselves in Germany, you will surely not decline.
Of all the people I am leaving behind here, those I leave with most regret are the Heines. I would gladly include you in my luggage! Best regards to your wifec from mine and myself.
Yours
K. Marx
10. Engels to Marx. 22 February- 7 March[28]d
Dear Marx,
After much writing here and there I have at last received your address from Cologne and at once sit down to write to you. The moment I heard of your expulsion[29] I thought it necessary to open a subscription list, so that the extra expense you have incurred thereby should be shared out communist-fashion between us all. The thing has made good progress and three weeks ago I sent fifty odd talers to Jung; I also approached the Düsseldorfers, who have collected the same amount, and in Westphalia, too, I have instigated through Hess the agitation necessary to that end. Meanwhile the subscription list here has not yet been closed. Köttgen, the painter, has been dragging his feet and thus I am not yet in possession of all the money we can expect. However, I hope everything will have come in within a few days, and then I will send you a bill on Brussels. Since I don't, by the way, know whether this will be enough to enable you to set up house in Brussels, I shall, needless to say, have the greatest pleasure in placing at your disposal my fee for my first English piece,a some of which at least I hope will soon be paid me, and which I can dispense with for the time being as my old man b is obliged to keep me primed. At least the curs shan't have the satisfaction of seeing their infamy cause you pecuniary embarrassment. The fact that you should have been compelled to pay your rent in advance is the height of turpitude. But I fear that in the end you'll be molested in Belgium too,[30] so that you'll be left with no alternative but England.
However, not a word more of the vile business. Kriege will already be with you by the time this arrives. The fellow's a capital agitator. He will tell you a great deal about Feuerbach. The day after he left here I received a letter from Feuerbach — we had, after all, written to the fellow.[31] Feuerbach maintains that until he has thoroughly demolished the religious piffle, he cannot concern himself with communism to the extent of supporting it in print, and also that, in Bavaria, he is too much cut off from the mainstream of life to be able to do so. However, he says he's a communist and that his only problem is how to practise communism. There's a possibility of his visiting the Rhineland this summer, in which case he must come to Brussels and we'll soon show him how.
Here in Elberfeld wondrous things are afoot. Yesterday we held our third communist meeting in the town's largest hall and leading inn.[32] The first meeting was forty strong, the second 130 and the third at least 200. All Elberfeld and Barmen, from the financial aristocracy to épicerie,c was represented, only the proletariat being excluded. Hess gave a lecture. Poems by Müller and Püttmann and excerpts from Shelley were read, also an article from the
Bürgerbuch on existing communist colonies.[3] The ensuing discussion lasted until one o'clock. The subject is a tremendous draw. All the talk is of communism and every day brings us new supporters. The Wuppertal communism is une vérité? indeed, already almost a force. You have no idea how favourable the soil is here. The most stupid, indolent, philistine people, hitherto without any interest in anything in the world, are beginning almost to rave about communism. How long it will still be tolerated I do not know, but the police at any rate are completely at a loss, themselves not knowing where they stand, and just at a time when the chief swine, the District President, is in Berlin. But should they impose a ban, we'll find some way round it and if we can't, we'll at least have stirred things up so mightily that every publication representing our interest will be voraciously read here. As I shall be leaving at Easter, it is all to the good that Hess should settle here and at the same time publish a monthly' at Bädeker's in Elberfeld; Kriege, I believe, has a prospectus of this.[22] In any case, as I have probably told you already, I shall be going to Bonn.d My projected journey to Paris has now fallen through, there no longer being any reason for me to go there, but anyhow I shall be coming to Brussels instead, the more so since my mother and two sisters' will be visiting Ostend in the summer. I must also pay another visit to Bielefeld and the communists there[33] and, if Feuerbach doesn't come, I shall go to him and then, provided I have the time and the money, visit England once again. As you see, I have a good deal ahead of me. Bergenroth told me that he, too, would probably be going to Brussels in a few weeks or so. Together with some Düsseldorfers, he attended our second meeting, at which he spoke. Incidentally, standing up in front of real, live people and holding forth to them directly and straightforwardly, so that they see and hear you is something quite different from engaging in this devilishly abstract quillpushing with an abstract audience in one's 'mind's eye'.
I am to request you once more on Hess' behalf — and do so on my own as well — to send Püttmann something for his quarterly.' It's essential that we all appear in the very first issue, so that the thing acquires some character. In any case, without us it will never so much as materialise.
25 February
Yesterday evening we got news that our next meeting was to be broken up by gendarmes and the speakers arrested.
26 February
Yesterday morning the chief burgomaster(1) forbade Mrs Ober-meyer to permit such meetings on her premises, and I received a tip to the effect that if the meeting was held notwithstanding, arrest and prosecution would follow. We have now of course given it up and can only wait and see whether we shall be prosecuted, though this seems hardly likely as we were wily enough not to provide a pretext, and the whole dirty business could only lead to the government's being made a terrible fool of. In any case the public prosecutors and the entire district court were present and the chief prosecutor himself took part in the discussion.
7 March
Since writing the above I have spent a week in Bonn and Cologne. The people in Cologne are now permitted to hold their meeting in connection with the Association.[34] As regards matters here,[32] a rescript has come in from the Düsseldorf government whereby further meetings are forbidden. Hess and Köttgen have protested. Won't do any good, of course, but these people will see from the tone of the protest that they can't get the better of us. Hess is once more tremendously sanguine because in all other respects everything is going so famously and we have made really tremendous progress. The good fellow is always full of dreams.
Our Gesellschaftsspiegel will be splendid, the first sheet has already been censored and everything passed. A mass of contributions. Hess is living in Barmen, in the Stadt London. It seems unlikely that Bergenroth will come to Brussels in the immediate future, though someone else will, whose name I won't mention as this letter will probably be opened. If it can somehow be managed, I too shall come to see you again in April. At the moment my chief problem is money, since the meeting caused some family ructions, after which my old man made up his mind to support me only as regards my 'studia' but not as regards communist aims of any description.
There's a whole lot more I should tell you if I knew of a safe address in Brussels, which in any case you must send me. Much of what has happened here could be harmful to a great many people if perused in a cabinet noir.[35] I shall stay here, then, another four weeks and leave for Bonn at the beginning of April. Anyhow, write to me again before then, so that I know how things are with you. Most of the money has been collected, though I don't yet know what it amounts to; it will be sent off directly. My manuscripta will be leaving any day now.
The Critical Criticism has still not arrived![36] Its new title, The Holy Family, will probably get me into hot water with my pious and already highly incensed parent, though you, of course, could not have known that. I see from the announcement that you have put my name first. Why? I contributed practically nothing to it and anyone can identify yourb style.
Let me know by return whether you are still in need of money. Wigand is due to send me some in about a fortnight's time and then all you have to do is dispose of it. I fear that the outstanding subscriptions will not amount to more than 120 or 150 francs.
Apropos, we here are planning to translate Fourier and, if at all possible, to produce a 'library of the best foreign socialist writers'.[37] Fourier would seem to be the best to start off with. We've found people to do the translation. Hess has just told me about a Fourier glossary brought out in France by some Fourierist or other. You will know of it. Could you send me particulars at once and, if possible, post me a copy. At the same time recommend what French writings you think suitable for translation for our 'library'. But look sharp; the matter is urgent, as we are already negotiating with a publisher/ How far have you got with your book? I must now get down to my manuscript,[38] so goodbye for the present and write directly about the points I have mentioned.
Your
F. E. Greetings to Kriege and Bürgers. Is Bernays there?
11. Engels to Marx. 17 March
[On the fourth page of the letter]
A Madame Marx. Bois Sauvage, Plaine Ste Gudule, Chez Monsieur J. B. Lannoy, Bruxelles
11
ENGELS TO MARX[28]
IN BRUSSELS
Barmen, 17 March 1845
Dear Marx,
Hess gave me your letter yesterday.[39] As regards the translations, the whole thing is not yet at all organised. I wanted Fourier — omitting, of course, the cosmogonie nonsense[40]— translated in Bonn by people there under my own eyes and my own direction and, the publisher being willing, to issue it as the first instalment of the proposed 'library'. I talked this over occasionally with Bädeker, the publisher of the Gesellschaftsspiegel, and he seemed not disinclined, although he lacks the necessary finances for a larger 'library'. But if we produce it in this form, we would doubtless be better advised to give it to Leske or somebody else equally able to spend something on it. As for translating the things myself, I simply won't have the time this summer as I have to finish the English things. The first of thema went off to Wigand this week and since I stipulated that he pay me 100 talers on receipt of the manuscript, I expect to receive money in a week or a fortnight, and be able to send it to you. Meanwhile, there are fr. 122.22 c. on Brussels due 26 March."
Herewith the remainder of the subscriptions; if the business hadn't been so dreadfully held up by the Elberfelders, who could have got at least twenty more talers out of their amis-bourgeois^ the amount would have been larger and have reached you sooner.
To return to the library, I don't know whether it would be best to produce the things in historical sequence. Since Frenchmen and Englishmen would necessarily have to take turn and turn about, the continuity of the development would be constantly interrupted. In any case I believe that it would be better here to sacrifice theoretical interest to practical effectiveness, and to start off with the things which have most to offer the Germans and are closest to our principles; the best, that is, of Fourier, Owen, the Saint-Simonists, etc.
Morelly might also appear fairly early on. The historical development could be briefly outlined in the introduction to the series. In this way, even with the arrangement as proposed, people could easily find their bearings. We could do the introduction together — you taking France and I England; this might actually be possible when I come to see you, as I intend to do in three weeks' time. At least we could discuss the matter. But at all events it seems to me essential to start off with things that make a practical, effective impact upon the Germans and save us from repeating what others have said before us. If we were to seek to give a collection of sources on the history of socialism or rather, its history as revealed in and through the sources, a considerable time would, I fear, elapse before we finished it and, moreover, the thing would become boring. Hence I propose that we only use material whose positive content — at least the major part of it — is still of use today. Since you will be providing a complete critique of politics,[5] Godwin's Political Justice as a critique of politics from the political standpoint and the standpoint of the citizen and society, would, despite the many excellent passages in which Godwin touches on communism, be excluded. And this more especially since, at the end of his work, Godwin comes to the conclusion that man must emancipate himself as much as possible from society and use it simply as a luxury article (Political Justice, II, Vol. 8, Appendix to Chapter 8), and is altogether distinctly axiti-social in his conclusions. However, it was a very long time ago that I made excerpts from the book, when many things were still not clear to me, and I must in any case look through it again, for it may well be that there's more to the thing than I found at the time. But if we include Godwin, we cannot leave out his auxiliary, Bentham, although the fellow's so tedious and theoretical.
Write to me about this and then we can consider further what is to be done. Since the idea occurred to both of us, it must be put into effect — the 'library', I mean. Hess will certainly be delighted to have a hand in it, and so will I, once I have the time — as Hess now has, having nothing to do at present save edit the Gesellschaftsspiegel.
If we're agreed on the principles, we can thrash out the details and at once get down to work during my visit, which I shall promote even more zealously with this in mind.
The Critical Criticism"—I think I've already told you it had arrived — is quite outstanding. Your expositions of the Jewish question, the history of materialism and the Mystèresa* are splendid and will make an excellent impact. But for all that the thing's too long. The supreme contempt we two evince towards the Literatur-Zeitung'b is in glaring contrast to the twenty-two sheets we devote to it. In addition most of the criticism of speculation and of abstract being in general will be incomprehensible to the public at large, nor will it be of general interest. Otherwise the book is splendidly written and enough to make you split your sides. The Bauers won't be able to say a word. By the way, if Bürgers reviews it in Püttmann's first volume,c he might mention the reason— namely my short ten days' stay in Paris — why I covered so little ground, restricting myself to what could be written without delving more deeply into the matter. Anyway, it looks odd, my having but 1 d/e sheets in the thing while you have over 20. You'd have done better to have omitted the piece on the 'conditions of prostitution'. It's too slight and altogether unimportant.
It's curious that another of my plans besides the library should have coincided with yours. I too intended to write a critique of Listf for Püttmann.[41] Fortunately I learned of your intention in good time through Püttmann. As I wished to discuss List practically, to develop the practical consequences of his system, I shall enlarge somewhat on one of my Elberfeld speeches (the transactions are to appear in Püttmann's publication) in which I dealt briefly with this among other things.[32] In any case I assume from Bürgers' letter to Hess and from my knowledge of your personality that you will deal with his premises rather than with his conclusions.
Just now I'm leading a real dog's life. The business of the meetings' and the 'dissolute conduct' of several of our local communists, with whom I, of course, consort, have again aroused all my old man's religious fanaticism, which has been further exacerbated by my declared intention of giving up the huckstering business for good and all — while my public appearance as a communist has also fostered in him bourgeois fanaticism of truly splendid proportions. Now put yourself in my place. Since I am going away in a fortnight or so, I don't want to cause ructions; I never take umbrage and, not being used to that, they are waxing bold. If I get a letter it's sniffed all over before it reaches me. As they're all known to be communist letters they evoke such piously doleful expressions every time that it's enough to drive one out of one's mind. If I go out — the same expression. If I sit in my room and work — communism, of course, as they know — the same expression. I can't eat, drink, sleep, let out a fart, without being confronted by this same accursed lamb-of-God expression. Whether I go out or stay at home, remain silent or speak, read or write, whether I laugh or whether I don't — do what I will, my old man immediately assumes this lamentable grimace. Moreover my old man's so stupid that he lumps together communism and liberalism as 'revolutionary', and, whatever I may say to the contrary, is constantly blaming me, e.g. for the infamies perpetrated by the English bourgeoisie in Parliament. In any case it is now the season of piety in this house. A week ago today a brother and sister of minea were confirmed, today the whole tribe went toddling off to Communion — the body of the Lord did its work; this morning the doleful expressions surpassed themselves. Pour
comble de malheurb I spent yesterday evening with Hess in Elberfeld, where we held forth about communism until two in the morning. Today, of course, long faces over my late return, hints that I might have been in jug. Finally they plucked up enough courage to ask where I had been.—With Hess.—'With Hess! Great heavens!'—Pause, intensified Christian dismay in their faces.— 'What company you keep!'—Sighs, etc. It's enough to drive one mad. You have no idea of the malice of this Christian persecution of my 'soul'. Now all my old man has to do is to discover the existence of the Critical Criticism and he will be quite capable of flinging me out of the house. And on top of it all there's the constant irritation of seeing that nothing can be done with these people, that they positively want to flay and torture themselves with their infernal fantasies, and that one can't even teach them the most platitudinous principles of justice. Were it not for my mother, who has a rare fund of humanity — only towards my father does she show no independence whatever — and whom I really love, it would not occur to me for a moment to make even the most paltry concession to my bigoted and despotic old man. But as it is, my mother is making herself ill with her constant fretting, and every time she gets particularly upset about me, she is afflicted with headaches for a week. It's more than I can bear, I must get away, and hardly know how I shall be able to stand the few remaining weeks here.[42] But they'll pass somehow.
Otherwise there's nothing new here. The bourgeoisie talk politics and go to church; what the proletariat does we know not and indeed could hardly know. The address to which you sent your last letter is still safe for the time being. This evening I hope to obtain the money, and Köttgen has just assured me that, as soon as he has more time — in a few days — he will be able to scrape up some more. But I don't altogether credit this; Köttgen is ready and willing if he has a chance to shine, but otherwise is good for nothing and does nothing. Adios.
Your E.
12. Marx to Heinrich Heine. 24 March[43]
Dear Heine,
If I write you no more than a few lines today, you must excuse me on the grounds of the multifarious vexations I have had with the Customs.
Püttmann in Cologne has requested me to ask you if you couldn't possibly send a few poems (perhaps also your German fleet?)a for the Jahrbuchb in Darmstadt, a periodical not subject to censorship. You can address the material to me. The latest date — but you'll probably have something immediately to hand— is 3 weeks hence. My wife sends her cordial regards to yourself and your wife.c The day before yesterdayd I went to the local Administration de la sûreté publique,[6] where I had to state in writing that here in Belgium I would publish nothing about current politics.
Renouard and Börnstein have had your Wintermärchen printed in Paris, New York being given as the place of publication, and have offered it for sale here in Brussels. This pirated edition is said, in addition, to be teeming with printer's errors. More another time.
Yours
Marx
13. Marx to Zacharius Löwenthal. 9 May
Dear Sir,
I would request you to send forthwith, in my name and at my expense — you may again draw a bill on me, including therein the postage on this letter — 3 copies of the Holy Family to Paris, to Mr Herwegh, rue Barbet-Jouy, Faub. St. Germain, Mr Heine, rue du Faub. Poissonnière No. 46, and to Mr Bernays, 12, rue de Navarin. I have had letters from various quarters complaining that no copies are to be had in Paris.
Yours faithfully
Dr Marx
14. Engels to Marie Engels. 31 May
You may draw the bill on me forthwith, but I would request you once again to send off the copies in question immediately.
[In Engels' handwriting]
Mr Herwegh, rue Barbet-Jouy, Faubg. St. Germain, Mr H. Heine, rue du Faubourg Poissonnière 46, both in Paris; similarly Mr Bernays, 12, rue de Navarin, Paris.
time
14
ENGELS TO MARIE ENGELS[28]
IN BARMEN
Brussels, Saturday, 31 May 1845
Dear Marie,
To my regret I must today inform you that I shall be unable to be present at your wedding,a the reason being the difficulties I have encountered over a passport. Last Wednesday I went to the Administration de la sûreté publiqueb and demanded a passport for Prussia. After some waiting and a lengthy discussion about my emigration and the fact that I could not obtain a passport from the Prussian envoy, I was finally informed that since I had only just arrived, I could not get a passport from him. If I had lived here a little longer, he — Mr Hody, the Directeur of the sûreté publique — would have been empowered to give me passports, but in the circumstances he could not. In any case, foreigners who settled here usually arrived with passports still valid for a year or six months, and hence his instructions were to give visas to newly arrived foreigners, but not to issue them with passports. Incidentally, if I had one or two connections, I would undoubtedly obtain a passport at the Foreign Affairs Ministry. I do indeed have such connections, namely in the person of a German doctor who had actually promised to obtain a passport for me should I run into difficulties. But this doctor was himself married only a fortnight ago and went to the Wallonian watering-places for his honeymoon.
He returned on Thursday and it was not till yesterday evening that I succeeded in seeing him; he was very willing to help, but he immediately told me that, since he was unable to go to the min-stry before this morning, I couldn't possibly get my passport until the day after tomorrow — Monday — and hence must put off my trip until Monday evening or Tuesday morning. I told him that I couldn't wait as long as that, but he again declared that it wouldn't be possible to help me obtain it any sooner; anyhow, he said, he was willing to try again. Well, this morning he sent me a note saying he had indeed made inquiries in person and would be unable to obtain a passport for me before Monday, maybe not until Monday evening. I replied at Once, telling him to spare himself further exertion, as in that case I should have to abandon my trip altogether.
As you and the others will readily understand, I would only expose myself to unpleasantness, my other circumstances being what they are, were I to attempt to cross the border without a passport — which, indeed, Mr Hody advised me against, my exit permit being valid pour sortir de la Prusse, mais pas pour y rentrer,a so it would seem that I must remain here and celebrate your wedding on my own and in my thoughts — sorry though I am for it. Anyhow you may be sure that I shall spend the whole day thinking of you and Emil,b and that my best wishes will accompany you in marriage and on your honeymoon, although I shall not have the pleasure of expressing them orally. What I wish you above all is that the love which has brought you together and has made your relationship as beautiful, humane and decent as any I have encountered, will accompany you throughout your lives, help you to surmount all adversity with ease and be the making of your happiness. I rejoice wholeheartedly over your marriage because I know that you cannot be anything but happy in your life together and that — after you have been joined together — neither of you will be disappointed in the other. You may be sure that, of the many good wishes that will be proffered you, none is more sincerely meant, none is more cordial nor warmer than mine! As you know, of all my brothers and sisters, I loved you the best and you were the one in whom I always had most confidence — so you will believe what I say, without any need for solemn asseverations and unnecessary verbiage. Once again, I wish that your love may always remain constant, and there is much else I wish you besides — what, you will be able to guess. Be happy!
Well, I hope I shall soon receive a letter from Mrs Blank, for I expect Mrs Blank to take just as much interest in me as did Miss Engels. At all events I hope that, after a happy wedding and a happy honeymoon, I shall see you both this summer at Ostend or in England, and till then, once again farewell! Warmest regards to everyone
Your devoted
Friedrich
15. Engels to Julius Campe. 14 October[28]
Dear Sir,
From your esteemed letter[44] I perceive that there is some misapprehension on your part as regards the line we would take in the work we proposed to you for publication.[45] We have no intention of defending protective tariffs any more than free trade, but rather of criticising both systems from our own standpoint. Ours is the communist standpoint, which we have advocated in the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher, the Holy Family, the Rheinische Jahrbücher, etc.,(1) and from which, too, my book The Condition of the
Working-Class in England is written. As you will appreciate, this altogether precludes the submission of our work to the censor, and hence we cannot agree to the same. Should you, however, desist from this and be otherwise inclined to accept the work, we would beg you to be so good as to let us know before we enter into other commitments.
Yours very truly
F. Engels First published in: Marx and Engels, Printed according to the typescript Works, First Russian Edition, Vol. XXV, Moscow, 1934 1846
16
Endnotes
[19] Marx, Ruge and Bernays were expelled from France for contributing to the newspaper Vorwärts! The French authorities issued the expulsion decree on 11 January 1845, under pressure from the Prussian Government. Hearing about this, Marx hastened to warn Ruge despite the ideological conflict between them (the postmark on the envelope shows that the letter was written on 15 January). The expulsion decree was handed to Marx together with the order to leave Paris within a week. Marx prepared to leave for Brussels on 3 February (see this volume, p. 21).—15
[20] January 1845 (see this volume, p. 16), Marx intended to write a critical 20 xhe letter is not dated. The postmark shows that it was sent on 20 January review of Stirner's Der Einzige und sein Eigenthum at the end of December 1844 and originally wanted to publish it in the monthly Vorwärts! There is no information on whether this plan materialised. It is only known that two years later Marx and Engels scathingly criticised Stirner's book in their German Ideology (see present edition, Vol. 5, pp. 117-443).—14, 18 1845, but its contents prove that Engels wrote it over several days. An excerpt from this letter was published in English for the first time in: Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1955; published in English in full for the first time in Letters of the Young Engels. I838-1845, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976.—15
[21] This letter of Marx has not been found.—16
[23] Ein Handwerker (An Artisan) was the pseudonym under which Lebenslieder, a cycle of poems by J. F. Martens, was published in Vorwärts/ on 24 August, 4 September and 20 October 1844, and the article 'Über Handwerksunterricht' on 25 December.—16
[24] Under the press laws existing in a number of German states, only publications exceeding 20 printed sheets were exempted from preliminary censorship. The size of the Rheinische Jahrbücher exempted it from censorship, but the police of the Grand Duchy of Hesse nevertheless confiscated the first volume of the journal which was published in Darmstadt in August 1845 and banned its publication altogether. The second volume was published in Belle-Vue, Switzerland, at the end of 1846.—16 20*
[25] On Engels' intention to write a book on the social history of England (it was also to deal with the history of English social thought) see Note 15.—17
[17] 'The Free'—a Berlin group of Young Hegelians formed early in 1842. Among its prominent members were Edgar Bauer, Eduard Meyen, Ludwig Buhl and Max Stirner (pseudonym of Kaspar Schmidt). Their criticism of the prevailing conditions was abstract, devoid of real revolutionary content and ultra-radical in form. The fact that 'The Free' lacked any positive programme and ignored the realities of political struggle soon led to differences between them and the representatives of the revolutionary-democratic wing of the German opposition movement. A sharp conflict arose between 'The Free' and Marx in the autumn of 1842, when Marx had become editor of the Rheinische Zeitung (see present edition, Vol. 1, pp. 393-95). During the two years which had elapsed since Marx's clash with 'The Free' (1843-44), Marx's and Engels' disagreement with the Young Hegelians on questions of theory and politics had deepened still more. This was accounted for not only by Marx's and Engels' transition to materialism and communism, but also by the evolution in the ideas of the Bauer brothers and their fellow-thinkers. In the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung Bauer and his group renounced the 'radicalism of 1842' and, besides professing subjective idealist views and counterposing chosen personalities, the bearers of 'pure Criticism', to the allegedly sluggish and inert masses, they began spreading the ideas of moderate liberal philanthropy. It was to the exposure of the Young Hegelians' views in the form which they had acquired in 1844 and to the defence of their own new materialistic and communistic outlook that Marx and Engels decided to devote their first joint work The Holy Family, or Critique of Critical Criticism. Against Bruno Bauer and Co. (present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 3-211).—13, 19
[26] Engels' reference is to the Berlin confectioner who owned a shop in the Gendarmenmarkt where 'The Free' used to have their meetings.—19
[27] The letter has no date. The approximate date of its writing is established on the basis of Marx's mentioning in it his imminent departure from Paris due to the expulsion decree issued against him by the French authorities (see Note 19), and also his meeting with the publisher Leske during which he probably concluded the contract for publishing his Kritik der Politik und Nationalökonomie (for the text of the contract see present edition, Vol. 4, p. 675) which was signed on 1 February 1845. This letter was first published in English in full in The Letters of Karl Marx. selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliff, New Jersey, 1979.— 21
[29] On Marx's expulsion, see Note 19. Soon after his arrival in Brussels from Paris Marx was followed by his wife Jenny Marx and daughter Jenny (born on 1 May 1844). It was with great difficulty that Jenny Marx had managed to get the money for the journey.— 21
[30] Engels' apprehensions proved to be well founded. When Marx arrived in Brussels the Belgian authorities demanded that Marx should undertake not to publish anything concerning current politics in Belgium. Marx was compelled to undertake such an obligation on 22 March 1845 (see present edition. Vol. 4, p. 677 and this volume, p. 31). The Prussian Government, too, did not leave Marx in peace and pressed for his expulsion from Belgium. To deprive the Prussian authorities of the pretext for interfering in his life, Marx officially renounced his Prussian citizenship in December 1845.—22
[31] Feuerbach's letter to Engels and that of Marx and Engels to Feuerbach have not been found.— 22
[33] The socialist circle in Westphalia and the Rhine Province, with which Engels maintained close contacts and whose members were Otto Liming and Julius Meyer, was mentioned in the report of the Prussian police superintendent Duncker to the Minister of the Interior Bodelschwingh of 18 October 1845. This report contains the following remark concerning Engels: 'Friedrich Engels of Barmen is a quite reliable man, but he has a son who is a rabid communist and wanders about as a man of letters; it is possible that his name is Frederick.'—23
[34] This refers to the General Association for Relief and Education founded in Cologne in November 1844 (see Note 14).—24
[35] Cabinets noirs (secret offices or black offices) were established under the postal departments in France, Prussia, Austria and a number of other countries to deal with the inspection of correspondence. They had been in existence since the time of the absolute monarchies in Europe.—25
[36] The Holy Family by Marx and Engels was published about 24 February 1845.—25
[37] The projected publication in Germany of the. 'Library of the Best Foreign Socialist Writers' was also discussed by Marx and Engels in their subsequent letters (see this volume, pp. 27-28). Engels mentioned it in the third article of his series 'Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany' published in May 1845 in The New Moral World. In early March 1845 Marx drew up a list of authors to be included in the 'Library' (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 241 and 667). This list shows that 'Library' was intended to be an extensive publication in German of works by French and English Utopian socialists. The project was not realised because of publishing difficulties. The only work completed was 'A Fragment of Fourier's on Trade' compiled by Engels and published with his introduction and conclusion in the Deutsches Bürgerbuch für 1846 (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 613-44).—25
[3 8] Here Engels has in mind Marx's Kritik der Politik und National-Ökonomie and probably his own work on the social history of England (see notes 5 and 15).—25
[39] Marx's letter mentioned here has not been found. Judging by this letter of Engels, Marx expressed there his thoughts about the 'Library of the Best Foreign Socialist Writers'.— 26
[40] Engels means the translation of Charles Fourier's unfinished work Section ébauchée des trois unités externes published posthumously in the journal La Phalange for 1845. The same journal published Fourier's manuscripts on cosmogony. Excerpts from his first work in Engels' translation made up the core of the latter's 'A Fragment of Fourier's on Trade' (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 613-44).—26
[5] Engels is referring to Kritik der Politik und National-Okonomie, a work which Marx planned to write. Marx began to study political economy at the end of 1843 and by spring 1844 he set himself the task of writing a criticism of bourgeois political economv from the standpoint of materialism and communism. The draft 'Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844' (see present edition. Vol. 3), written at that time, have reached us incomplete. Work on The Hoh Family forced Marx temporarily to interrupt his study of political economy until December 1844. In February 1845, just before his expulsion from Paris, he signed a contract for his Kritik der Politik und Nationalökonomie with the publisher Leske (see Note 27). In Brussels Marx continued to study the works of English, French, German, Italian and other economists and added several more notebooks of excerpts to those compiled in Paris, although his original plan for the book was not carried out.—6, 27, 94, 105, 532
[41] This letter adds new aspects to the intention of Marx and Engels to criticise in the press List's book Das nationale System der politischen Oekonomie (see Note 16). Judging by the publisher Leske's letter to Marx of 14 May 1845, at the latter's request conveyed to him by Püttmann, Leske had sent Marx the book he needed for this purpose: K. H. Rau, Zur Kritik über F. List's nationales System der politischen Oekonomie, Heidelberg, 1843 (see MEGA2, Abt. III, Bd. 1, S. 465). However, the intention of Marx and Engels to criticise List in Püttmann's Rheinische Jahrbücher did not materialise.—28
[42] Engels left Barmen for Brussels early in April 1845.—30
[43] This letter was first published in English in full in The Letters of Karl Marx, selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by Saul K. Padover, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliff, New Jersey, 1979.—30, 207,
[6] The Hoh Family by Marx and Engels was published not in Hamburg by Hoffmann and Campe, but in Frankfurt am Main by Z. Löwenthal, founder of the Literarische Anstalt publishing house (owned by Joseph Rütten since the autumn of 1844).— 7
[44] Julius Campe's letter to Engels mentioned here has not been found.—34
[45] The available sources do not allow us to establish what publication is meant here. It can only be supposed that it was connected with the intention of Marx and Engels to write a critical work against List (see notes 16 and 41). Many years later Engels recalled in his letter to Hermann Schlüter of 29 January 1891 that in the forties or some years later they simulated a dispute in which Marx defended free trade and Engels protective tariffs. This recollection may have been a late reflection of that intention.—34
[22] Engels took part in preparing the publication of the Elberfeld journal Gesellschaftsspiegel, in drawing up its programme and in compiling the prospectus published in the first issue in the form of the editorial address (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 671-74). The prospectus reflected Engels' intention that the journal should expose the evils of the capitalist system and defend the interests of the workers by criticising half-measures and advocating a radical transformation of the social system. But at the same time, not a few abstract philanthropic sentiments in the spirit of 'true socialism', emanating from Hess, found a place in the prospectus. Dissatisfaction with the position adopted by Hess was apparently one reason why Engels refused to become one of the editors. Under the editorship of Hess the journal very soon became a mouthpiece of the reformist and sentimental ideas of 'true socialism'.—16, 23
[3] August 1844. On 13 December 1844 Bernays was sentenced to two months' imprisonment and a fine.—4 '* Engels left Germany in November 1842 and lived for nearly two years in England, working in the office of a Manchester cotton-mill of which his father was co-proprietor.—4
[28] The first English translation of this letter was published in Letters of the Young Engels. 1838-1845, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1976.—21, 26, 32, 34
[32] The meetings in Elberfeld on 8, 15 and 22 February 1845 were described by Engels in the third article of the series 'Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany' published in The New Moral World in May 1845 (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 237-42). Engels' speeches at the first two meetings were published in the Rheinische Jahrbücher zur gesellschaftlichen Reform (ibid., pp. 243-64). Further meetings were banned by the police.— 22, 24, 28