28, Dean Street, Soho, London 9th March, 1854
I regret deeply to be unable, for the moment at least, to leave London, and thus to be prevented from expressing verbally my feelings of pride and gratitude on receiving the invitation to sit as Honorary Delegate at the Labour Parliament.[60] The mere assembling of such a Parliament marks a new epoch in the history of the world. The news of this great fact will arouse the hopes of the working classes throughout Europe and America.
Great Britain, of all other countries, has seen developed on the greatest scale the despotism of Capital and the slavery of Labour. In no other country have the intermediate stations between the millionaire commanding whole industrial armies and the wages-slave living only from hand to mouth so gradually been swept away from the soil. There exist here no longer, as in continental countries, large classes of peasants and artisans almost equally dependent on their own property and their own labour. A complete divorce of property from labour has been effected in Great Britain. In no other country, therefore, the war between the two classes that constitute modern society has assumed so colossal dimensions and features so distinct and palpable.
But it is precisely from these facts that the working classes of Great Britain, before all others, are competent and called for to act as leaders in the great movement that must finally result in the absolute emancipation of Labour. Such they are from the conscious clearness of their position, the vast superiority of their numbers, the disastrous struggles of their past, and the moral strength of their present.
It is the working millions of Great Britain who first have laid down the real basis of a jfiew society — modern industry, which transformed the destructive agencies of nature into the productive power of man. The English working classes, with invincible energies, by the sweat of their brows and brains, have called to life the material means of ennobling labour itself, and of multiplying its fruits to such a degree as to make general abundance possible.
By creating the inexhaustible productive powers of modern industry they have fulfilled the first condition of the emancipation of Labour. They have now to realise its other condition. They have to free those wealth-producing powers from the infamous shackles of monopoly, and subject them to the joint control of the producers, who, till now, allowed the very products of their hands to turn against them and be transformed into as many instruments of their own subjugation.
The labouring classes have conquered nature; they have now to conquer man. To succeed in this attempt they do not want strength, but the organisation of their common strength, organisation of the labouring classes on a national scale — such, I suppose, is the great and glorious end aimed at by the Labour Parliament.
If the Labour Parliament proves true to the idea that called it to life, some future historian will have to record that there existed in the year 1854 two Parliaments in England, a Parliament at London, and a Parliament at Manchester — a Parliament of the rich, and a Parliament of the poor — but that men sat only in the Parliament of the men and not in the Parliament of the masters.
Yours truly,
Karl Marx
balanee sheet should be printed.
Mr. E. Jones then read the following fctter from Dr. Marx, of London :— .
'" 28, Dean Street, Soho, London. " 9th March, ia^4, "I regret deeply to be unable, furvthe moment at least, to leave London, and thus to be prevented Jfrora expressing verbally my feelings of pride and gratitude on receiving the invitation to sit as Honorary Delegate "at the Labour Parliament. The mere assembling of such a Parliament marks a new epoch in ihe history of the world. The news of this great fact will arouse the hopes of Lhc working classes throughout Europe and America-
" Great Britain, of all other countries, has seen devo» lopcd on the greatest scale, the despotism of Capital and the slavery of labour. In no other country have the intermediate stations between the millionaire commanding whole industrial armies and the wages-slave living only from hand to mouth so gradually been swept away from the soil. There exist here no longer, as in continental countries, large classes of peasants and artisans almost equally dependent on their own property and their own labour. A complete divorce of property from labour has been effected in Great Britain. In no other country, therefor«, the war between the two classes that constitute modern society has assumed so colossal dimensions and features so distinct and palpable.
But it is precisely from these facts that the working classes of Great Britain, before all others, are competent and called for to act as leaders in the great movement that must finally result in the absolu« emancipation of Labour. Such they are from the conscious clearness of their position, the vast superiority of their numbers, the disastrous struggles of their past, and the moral strength of their present.
It is the working millions of Great Britain who first have laid down the real basis of a new society— modern industry, which transformed the destructive agencies of nature into the productive power of man. The English working classes, with invincible energies, by the sweat of their brows and brains, have called into life the material means of ennobling labour itself, and of multiplying its fruits to such a degree at to make general abundance possible.
By creating the inexhaustible productive powers of modem industry they have fuelled the first condition of Ihc 'emancipation of labour. ihcy have now to realise its other condition. They have to free those wealth-producing powers from the infamous shackles of monopoly, and subject them to the joint control of the pro-ducers, who, till now, allowed the very products of their hand s to turn against them and be transformed into as many instruments of their own subjugation.
The labouring classes have conquered nature; they have now to conquer men. To succeed in this attempt they do not want strength, but the organisation of their common strength, organisation of the labouring classes on a national scale — such, I suppose, is the great and glorious end aimed at by the Labour Parliament.
If the LabouT Parliament proves true to the idea that called it into life, some future historian will have to record that there existed in the year 1854 two Parliaments in England, a Parliament at London, and a Parliament at Manchester — a Parliament of the rich, and a Parliament of the poor — but that men sat only in the Parliament of the men and not in the Parliament of the masters. Yours truly,
KARL MARX.
Part of the page from The People's Paper of March 18, 1854 with Marx's letter to the Labour Parliament
Endnotes
[59] Marx's letter to the Labour Parliament was read out by Jones at the evening sitting on March 10. Jones also declared that he was expecting Marx to come to Manchester the following week, obviously basing himself on Marx's promise given in a private letter to Jones (which has not been found).
[60] On Marx's election as an honorary delegate to the Labour Parliament, see Note 51.