XIII

Chi mi darà la voce e le parole,
E un proferir magnanimo e profondo!
Che mai cosa piu fiera sotto il sole
Non fu veduta in tutto quanto il mondo;
L'altre battaglie fur rose e viole,
Al raccontar di questa mi confondo;
Perché il valor, e'l pregio della terra
A fronte son condotti in questa guerra.

(Boiardo, Orlando innamorato, Canto 27)

Now who will give me words and who the tongue,
To sing of such brave deeds in sonorous sounds!
For ne'er was strife upon this earth begun
More proudly fought on bloodier battle grounds;
Compared to this all other wars are roses
To tell of it my lyric art confounds
For on this earth there ne'er was seen such glory
Or noble valour bright as in this story.

The latest fashionable arrivals'^[1] had replenished the emigration and the time had now come when the émigrés had to attempt to "organise" themselves on a larger scale so as to make up a full dozen. As might have been expected, these attempts degenerated into bitter feuds. The paper war conducted in the transatlantic journals now reached its climax. The privations of individuals, intrigues, plots, self-praise—the great men spent their energies in such paltry activities. But the emigration had gained something, a history of its own, lying outside world history, its own political pettifoggery alongside public affairs. And the very fact that they fought each other led each to believe in the importance of the other. Beneath the façade of all these strivings and conflicts lay the speculation in democratic party funds, the Holy Grail,^[210] and this transformed these transcendental rivalries, these disputes about Emperor Barbarossa's beard, into ordinary competition between fools. Anyone who wishes to study the source material relating to this great war between the frogs and the mice^[3] will find all pertinent documents in the New York Schnellpost, the New-Yorker Deutsche Zeitung, the Allgemeine Deutsche Zeitung and the Staatszeitung, in the Baltimore Correspondent, in the Wecker and in other German-American papers. However, this display of alleged connections and imagined conspiracies, this whole hue and cry raised by the émigrés was not without serious consequences. It provided the governments with the pretext they needed to arrest many people in Germany, to obstruct the movement throughout the country and to use these wretched strawmen in London as scarecrows with which to frighten the German middle classes. Far from constituting any danger to existing circumstances these heroes of the exile wish only that Germany should be as silent as the grave so that their voice might be heard the better and that the general level of thought should decline so far that even men of their stature might appear outstanding.

The newly-arrived South German worthies, since they were not committed to any side, found themselves in an excellent position in London to mediate between the various cliques and, at the same time, to gather the mass of émigrés around the leaders as a kind of chorus. Their sturdy sense of duty impelled them not to forgo this opportunity.

At the same time, however, they could already see Ledru-Rollin where he saw himself, namely in the chair of the president of the French Republic. As the closest neighbours of France it was vital for them to obtain recognition from the provisional government of France as the provisional chiefs of Germany. Sigel especially wished to see his supreme command guaranteed by Ledru. But the only way to Ledru led over Arnold's corpse. Besides, they were still impressed by Arnold's persona and he still passed as the philosophical northern light who would illumine their South-German twilight. So they turned first of all to Ruge.

On the opposing side stood in the first instance Kinkel with his immediate entourage—Schurz, Strodtmann, Schimmelpfennig, Techow, etc.; then came the former members of parliament^[3] and deputies of Chambers, led by Reichenbach with Meyen and Oppenheim as the representatives of literature; and, lastly, Willich with his flock which, however, remained in the background. The roles were distributed as follows: Kinkel as a passion-flower represents the German philistines in general; Reichenbach as a count represents the bourgeoisie; Willich as Willich represents the proletariat.

The first thing to say about August Willich is that Gustav always felt secretly mistrustful of him because of his pointed skull signifying that the enormous overgrowth of self-esteem had stunted all other qualities. A German philistine who once caught sight of ex-Lieutenant Willich in a London pub snatched up his hat and fled exclaiming: My God, he looks just like Jesus Christ, our Lord! In order to increase the similarity Willich became a carpenter for a while before the revolution. Later on he emerged as a partisan leader in the campaign in Baden and the Palatinate.

The partisan leader, a descendant of the old Italian condottiere, is a peculiar phenomenon of more recent wars, especially in Germany. The partisan leader, accustomed to act on his own initiative, is reluctant to subordinate himself to a general supreme command. His men owe their allegiance only to him, but he is likewise wholly dependent on them. For this reason the discipline in a volunteer corps is something rather special; according to circumstances it may be savagely strict, but mostly it is extremely lax. The partisan leader cannot always act the martinet, he must often flatter his men and win them over individually with the aid of physical caresses; the normal military qualities are of little use here and boldness must be supplemented by other characteristics if the leader is to retain the respect of his subordinates. If he is not noble he must at least have a magnanimous consciousness, to be complemented as always by cunning, crafty intrigue and covert practical baseness. In this way he not only wins over his soldiers but also captivates the inhabitants, surprises the enemy, and the originality of his character is acknowledged especially by his opponents. But all this does not suffice to hold together a volunteer corps, most of whose members either come from the lumpenproletariat or are rapidly assimilated into it. What is needed in addition is a lofty idea. The partisan leader must therefore have a nucleus of fixed ideas, he must be a man of principle who always keeps in mind his mission to redeem the world. By means of sermons delivered to his men and sustained didactic propaganda he must impart a consciousness of this lofty idea to every man individually and in this way transform the whole troop into sons within the faith. If this lofty idea is tinged with philosophy or mysticism or anything that surpasses normal understanding, if it is something Hegelian by nature (as was the case with the idea that General Willisen tried to infuse into the Prussian army^[211]), then so much the better. For this ensures that the noble consciousness will enter into each and every partisan and the deeds of the whole corps thereby attain to a speculative consecration which exalts them far above the level of ordinary unreflecting courage, and the fame of such a troop depends less on its achievements than on its messianic calling. The strength of a troop can only be enhanced if all the warriors are made to swear an oath that they will not survive the destruction of the cause for which they are fighting and would prefer to be massacred to the last man beneath the last apple tree on the frontier while singing a hymn. Of course, such a troop and such a leader inevitably feel degraded by contact with ordinary profane soldiers and they will make every effort either to keep at a distance from the army or else to shake off the society of the uncircumcised as quickly as possible. They hate nothing more than a large army and a large war where their cunning buttressed by a lofty incentive can achieve little if it disregards the normal rules of war. Thus the partisan leader must be a crusader in the full sense of the word, he must be Peter the Hermit and Walther the Pauper rolled into one. Faced with the heterogeneous elements and the informal mode of life of his corps he must always uphold virtue. He must not allow his men to drink him under the table and so he should rather drink in solitude, for instance at night in bed. If it should happen to him, as it might to any fallible human being, that he find himself returning to barracks late at night after inordinate indulgence in the pleasures of this life, he will take care [not] to enter through the main gate, but will return by a roundabout route and climb unnoticed over the wall to avoid giving offence. Feminine charms should leave him cold, but it will make a good impression if he, as Cromwell did with his non-commissioned officers, takes a tailor's apprentice into his bed from time to time. In general he cannot lead too strict and ascetic a life. Behind the

cavalière délia Ventura^[3] stand the cavalieri del dente° of his corps who live mainly from requisitions and free quarters, to which Walther the Pauper has to turn a blind eye and even for that reason Peter the Hermit has always to be at hand with the consolation that such unpleasant measures are only taken to save the country and are therefore in the interest of the victims themselves.

All the qualities that the partisan leader displays in wartime re-appear in peacetime in a modified form, but one that can scarcely be regarded as an improvement. Above all else he must preserve the core of the regiment for a new corps and must keep his recruiting officers in a state of constant activity. The core, consisting of the remnants of the volunteer corps and the general mob of emigres, is put into barracks either at government expense (as in Besançon^[212]) or by some other means. Life in the barracks must not lack spiritual consecration and it is provided by a barracks communism that invests the disdain of ordinary civilian occupations with a higher significance. As this communist barracks is no longer subject to the articles of war, but only to the moral authority and the dictates of self-sacrifice, it is inevitable that brawls should break out over the communal funds. From these disputes moral authority does not always emerge unscathed. If there is an artisans' club anywhere in the vicinity it can be employed as a recruiting base and the artisans are given the prospect of a jolly life full of adventures in exchange for the oppressive work of the present. By pointing to the higher ethical significance of the barracks for the future of the proletariat, it is even possible to induce the club to make financial contributions. In both the barracks and the club the sermonising and the patriarchal and gossipy style of personal relations will not fail to impress. Even in peacetime the partisan does not lose his indispensable assurance and just as formerly every setback spurred him on to proclaim victory on the morrow, so now he is for ever expounding on the moral certainty and the physical inevitability that it will "start" within the next fortnight. As he must needs have an enemy and as the noble man is necessarily opposed by the ignoble ones he discovers in them a raging hostility towards

Knight of fortune.— Ed. Knights of the knapsack.— Ed.

himself, he imagines that they hate him merely because of his well-deserved popularity and would gladly poison him or stab him. With this in mind he always conceals a long dagger beneath his pillow.

Just as the partisan leader in war will never succeed unless he assumes that the population reveres him, likewise in peace he will not indeed manage to form any lasting political associations but he will constantly suppose them to exist and from this all sorts of strange mystifications can arise. The talent for requisitioning and obtaining free quarters appears again in the form of a cosy parasitism. By contrast, the strict asceticism of our Orlando, like everything that is noble and great, is subject to terrible tempta-tions in times of peace. Boiardo says in Canto 24:

Turpin claims that the Count of Brava
Was virginal and chaste his whole life long.
Of that you may believe, Sirs, what you will—

But it is also well known that later the beautiful Angelica's eyes caused Count of Brava to lose his reason and Astolf had to go to the moon to recover it for him, as Master Lodovico Ariosto so charmingly narrates.^[3] Our modern Orlando, however, mistook himself for the poet who tells how he, too, loved so greatly that he lost his reason and tried to find it with his lips and hands on the bosom of his Angelica and was thrown out of the house for his pains.

In politics the partisan leader will display his superiority in all the methods of small-scale warfare. In conformity with the notion of a partisan he will go from one party to the next.b Mesquines0

intrigues, sordid prevarication, the occasional lie, morally outraged perfidy will be the natural symptoms of the noble consciousness. His faith in his mission and in the higher meaning of his words and deeds will induce him to declare emphatically: "I never lie!" The fixed ideas become a splendid cloak for his secret treachery and cause the simpletons of the emigration, who have no ideas at all, to conclude that he, the man of fixed ideas, is simply a fool. And our worthy slyboots could desire nothing better.

Don Quixote and Sancho Panza rolled into one, as much in love with his knapsack as with his fixed ideas, with the free provisions of the itinerant knight as much as with renown, Willich is the man

In L'Orlando furioso, Canto 34.— Ed. A pun on the word Parteigänger (partisan) the second component of which is derived from an old German word meaning "to go", "to walk".— Ed.

of the duodecimo^[3] war and the microscopic intrigue. He conceals his cunning beneath the mask of character. His real future lies in the prairies of the Rio Grande del Norte.

Concerning the relations between the two wings of the emigration we have described, a letter from Herr Goegg in the Deutsche Schnellpost in New York is very revealing:

"They" (the South Germans) "resolved to bolster up the reputation of the moribund Central Committee by attempting to unite with the other factions. But there is little prospect of success for this well-intentioned idea. Kinkel continues to intrigue, has formed a committee consisting of his rescuer, his biographer0 and several Prussian lieutenants. The committee is to work in secret, to expand, if possible to gain possession of the democratic funds, and then suddenly appear publicly as the powerful Kinkel party. This is neither honest nor just nor sensible!"

How "honest" the intentions to unite of the South Germans were can be seen from the following letter from Herr Sigel to the same newspaper:

"If we, the few men with honourable intentions, have in part also resorted to conspiracies, this is due to the need to protect ourselves against the vile perfidy and the presumptuousness of Kinkel and his colleagues and to show them that they are not born to rule. Our chief aim was to force Kinkel to come to a large meeting in order to prove to him and to what he calls his close political friends that not all that glitters is gold. The devil take the instrument" (Schurz), "the devil take the singer too" (Kinkel) (Wochenblatt der New-Yorker Deutschen Zeitung, September 24, 1851).

The strange constitution of the two factions that rebuke each other for being "North German" and "South German" can be seen from the fact that at the head of the South-German elements stood the "mind" of Ruge, while at the head of the North-German side were the "feelings" of Kinkel.

In order to understand the great struggle that was now waged we must waste a few words on the diplomacy of these two world-shaking parties.

Arnold (and his henchmen likewise) was concerned above all to form a "private society" with the official appearance of "revolutionary activity". This society would then give rise to his beloved "Committee for German Affairs" and this committee would then propel Ruge into the European Central Committee. Arnold had been indefatigable in his efforts to realise this aim since the summer of 1850. He had hoped that the South Germans would provide "that happy medium where he could dominate in comfort". The official establishment of the emigration and the formation of committees was therefore the necessary policy of Arnold and his allies.

Kinkel and his associates, on the other hand, had to try and undermine everything that could legitimise the position Ruge had arrogated to himself in the European Central Committee. In reply to his appeal for a preliminary subscription of £500 sterling Kinkel had received the promise of some money from New Orleans, whereupon he had formed a secret finance committee together with Willich, Schimmelpfennig, Reichenbach, Techow, Schurz, etc. They reasoned: once we have the money we shall have the emigration; once we have the emigration we shall also have the government in Germany. Their aim, therefore, was to occupy the whole emigration mainly with formal meetings but to foil any attempt at setting up an official organisation that went beyond a "loosely organised society" and above all to frustrate all proposals to form committees. This would delay the enemy faction, block its activities and enable them to manoeuvre behind its backs.

Both factions, i.e. "the distinguished men", had one thing in common: they both led the mass of émigrés by the nose, did not inform them of their real objectives, wanted to use them merely as a foil and to drop them as soon as they had served their purpose.

Let us take a look at these democratic Machiavellis, Talleyrands and Metternichs and see how they treat each other.

Scene 1. July 14, 1851.— After "a private understanding with Kinkel to make common cause had fallen through", Ruge, Goegg, Sigel, Fickler and Ronge invited the distinguished men of all factions to a meeting in Fickler's home on July 14. Twenty-six people appeared. Fickler proposed that a "private circle" of German refugees should be formed and this should create a "business committee for the advancement of revolutionary objectives". This was opposed mainly by Kinkel and six of his supporters. After a violent debate lasting several hours Fickler's motion was passed (16 votes to 10). Kinkel and the minority declared themselves unable to participate any further and took their departure.

Scene 2. July 20.—The above majority constituted itself as an association. Joined, among others, by Tausenau, who had been introduced by Fickler.

If Ronge is the Luther and Kinkel the Melanchthon then Herr Tausenau is the Abraham a Sancta Clara of the German democrats.

If the two haruspices in Cicero could not look each other in the face without laughing^[3] then Herr Tausenau cannot catch sight of his own earnest features in the mirror without bursting into laughter. If Ruge had discovered in the Badeners people whom he impressed, Fate now had its revenge when it introduced to him the Austrian Tausenau, a man who impressed him.

At the suggestion of Goegg and Tausenau the negotiations were postponed in order to try once again to bring about a union with Kinkel's faction.

Scene 3. July 27.— Meeting in the Cranbourne Hotel. The "distinguished" emigration au grand complet? Kinkel's group appeared but not with the intention of joining the association already in existence; on the contrary, they pressed for the formation of an "open discussion club without a business committee and without definite objectives''. Schurz, who acted as young Kinkel's mentor throughout all these parliamentary negotiations, proposed:

"The present society should form itself into a private political association with the name German Émigré Club and should accept as new members other citizens from among the German refugees on the nomination of a member and after a majority vote in favour."

Passed unanimously. The club resolved to meet every Friday.

"The passing of this motion was welcomed with general applause and with the cry: 'Long Live the German Republic!!!' Everyone felt that they had done their duty by being prepared to make concessions and that they had achieved something positive serving the cause of revolution" (Goegg, Wochenblatt der [Deutschen] Schnellpost, August 20, 1851).

Eduard Meyen was so delighted with this success that he exclaimed in his lithographed report:

"The whole emigration now form a coherent phalanx up to and including Bucher and with the sole exception of the incorrigible Marx clique."

This same notice of Meyen's can be found also in the Berlin lithographed ministerial reports.0

In this way, thanks to a general willingness to make concessions and to the accompaniment of three cheers for the German Republic, the great Emigré Club, which was to hold such inspiring meetings and which was to dissolve in satisfaction a few weeks

Cicero, in his book De divinatione, quotes this remark by Cato the Elder. The haruspices were diviners in ancient Rome basing their predictions on the inspection of the entrails of sacrificial animals.—Ed.

There to a man.—Ed.

Preussische Lithographische Correspondenz.—Ed.

after Kinkel's departure for America, came into being. Its dissolution did not of course prevent it from playing an important part as a living entity in America.

Scene 4. August 1.—Second meeting in the Cranbourne Hotel.

"Unfortunately we must already report today that the expectations raised by the formation of this club have been disappointed" (Goegg, loc. cit., August 27).

Without first obtaining a majority decision, Kinkel introduced six Prussian refugees and six Prussian visitors to the Great Exhibition into the club. Damm* (President, former President of the Baden Constituent Assembly) expressed his astonishment at this treacherous infringement of the statutes.

Kinkel explained:

"The club is only a loosely organised society with no other purpose than for people to get to know each other and to have discussions that are open to everyone. It is therefore desirable for visitors to attend the meetings of the society in large numbers."

Student Schurz attempted to cover up quickly for his Professor's lack of tact by moving an amendment to permit the admission of visitors. Motion passed. Abraham a Sancta Clara Tausenau rose and put the following two important motions with a perfectly straight face:

" 1 . A commision" ("the" committee) "should be set up to give a detailed report every week on current affairs, particularly in Germany. These reports are to be preserved in the archive of the society and published at an appropriate time. 2. There should be a commission" ("the" committee) "to deposit in the archive all possible details concerning violations of the law and acts of cruelty towards the supporters of democracy committed by the servants of the reaction during the last three years and at the present time."

Reichenbach opposed this vigorously: "He saw suspicious motives lurking behind these innocuous proposals and also the wish to use the election of these commissions as a device to give the meeting an offical character not desired by himself or his friends."

Schimmelpfennig and Schurz: "These commissions could arrogate powers unto themselves that might be of a conspiratorial nature and gradually lead to an official committee."

Meyen: "I want words, not deeds."

According to Goegg's account, the majority seemed inclined to accept the motions; Machiavelli Schurz proposed an adjournment. Abraham a Sancta Clara Tausenau being good-natured agreed to the proposal. Kinkel expressed the opinion that

"the vote should be postponed until the next meeting chiefly because his group appeared to be in the minority that evening and he and his friends would be unable in the circumstances to regard the vote as binding on their conscience ".

Adjournment agreed.

Scene 5. August 8.—Third meeting in the Cranbourne Hotel. Discussion of the Tausenau motions.— Ignoring the agreement, Kinkel-Willich had brought along the "rank and file refugees", le menu peuple? so as to "bind their conscience" this time.—Schurz moved an amendment proposing voluntary lectures on current affairs, and in accordance with a pre-arranged plan Meyen immediately volunteered to speak on Prussia, Schurz on France, Oppenheim on England and Kinkel on America and the future (since his immediate future lay in America).— Tausenaus proposals were rejected. He declared emotionally that his only wish was to sacrifice his just anger on the altar of the fatherland and to remain within the bosom of his allies. But the Ruge-Fickler faction at once assumed the outraged indignation of beautiful souls who have been swindled.

Intermezzo.— Kinkel had at last received £160 sterling from New Orleans and together with other renowned celebrities he was supposed to invest it for the revolution. The Ruge-Fickler faction, already embittered by the recent vote, now learned of this. They had no time to lose, action was essential. A new emigration swamp came into being and its idle stagnant existence was decked out with the name of the "Agitation Union". Its members were Tausenau, Frank, Goegg, Sigel, Hertle, Ronge, Haug, Fickler and Ruge. The Union immediately announced in the English press:

"Its aims are not to discuss but to work, it would produce not words but works" and above all it appeals to like-minded comrades to send money contributions. The Agitation Union appoints Tausenau to be its executive leader and its agent in its external business. It also recognises Ruge's position in the European Central Committee" (as Imperial Administrator) "as well as his previous activity on behalf of and in the name of the German people."' It is easy to recognise the prototype, comprising Ruge, Ronge and Haug, in the new combination. Thus after the struggles and the efforts of so many years Ruge had finally reached his goal: he was acknowledged to be the fifth wheel on the central coach of democracy and had a clearly—all too clearly—defined part of the people behind him, consisting of eight men in all. But even this pleasure was poisoned for him as his recognition was purchased at the cost of an indirect slight and was agreed to only on the condition imposed by the peasant Fickler that Ruge should henceforth cease to "broadcast his rubbish to the whole world". The coarse Fickler regarded as "distinguished" only those writings by Ruge which he had not read and did not need to read.

Scene 6. August 22.—The Cranbourne Hotel. Firstly, there was a "diplomatic master-stroke" (vide Goegg) on the part of Schurz: he proposed the formation of a general refugee committee to comprise six members taken from the different factions together with five co-opted members of the already existing Refugee Committee of the Willich Artisan Association. (This would have given the Kinkel-Willich faction a permanent majority.) Agreed. The elections were carried out but rejected by the members of the Rugean part of the state, which meant the complete collapse of the diplomatic master-stroke. How seriously this refugee committee was meant to be taken can be seen from the fact that four days later Willich resigned from the Committee of Artisans and Refugees, which had only had a nominal existence for a long time, following upon repeated, wholly disrespectful revolts on the part of the "rank and file refugees" which had made the dissolution of the committee an inevitability for a considerable time.

Question concerning the emergence in public of the Agitation Union. Motion: that the Émigré Club should have nothing to do with the Agitation Union and should publicly dissociate itself from all its actions. Furious attacks on the "agitators" Goegg and Sigel junior (i.e. senior, see below^[3]) in their presence. Rudolf Schramm declared that his old friend Ruge was a minion of Mazzini and a "gossipy old woman". Et tu, Brute! Goegg retorted, not as a great orator but as an ordinary citizen, and he launched a bitter attack on the ambiguous, slack, perfidious, unctuous Kinkel.

When Goegg referred to the public announcement of the Agitation Union in the English papers, Kinkel rose majestically and said that

"he already controlled the whole American press and had taken steps to ensure his control of the French press too".

The motion of the German faction was passed and provoked a declaration from the "agitators" that the members of their Union could no longer remain within the Émigré Club.

Thus arose the terrible gulf between the Émigré Club and the Agitation Union which gapes through the whole history of the modern world. The most curious fact about it is that both creatures only survived until their separation and now they vegetate in the Kaulbachian battle of the ghosts^[213] that is still waged in German-American meetings and papers and will apparently continue to the end of time.

The whole meeting was all the more stormy as the undisciplined Schramm went so far as to attack Willich as well, claiming that the Emigré Club brought itself into disrepute by its connections with that knight. The chairman, who happened to be the timorous Meyen, had already lost control several times in despair. But the debate about the Agitation Union and the resignation of its members brought the tumult to a climax. To the accompaniment of shouts, drumming, blustering, threats and raging the edifying meeting went on until 2 a.m. when the landlord turned off the gas and so plunged the heated antagonists into darkness. This brought all plans to save the nation to a sad end.

At the end of August the chivalrous Willich and the cosy Kinkel made an attempt to smash the Agitation Union by putting the following proposal to the worthy Fickler:

"He should join with them and their closer political friends in forming a finance committee to manage the money that had come in from New Orleans. This committee should continue to function until it was possible to set up a public finance committee of the Revolution. However, the acceptance of this offer would imply the dissolution of all German revolutionary and agitation societies that had existed hitherto."

The worthy Fickler rejected the idea of this "imposed, secret and irresponsible committee" with indignation.

Thus instead of achieving the hoped-for destruction of the Agitation Union this attempted seduction enabled Tausenau to declare that the breach between the two mighty parties of Emigration and Agitation had now become irreparable.

Endnotes

[1] Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany was written after Charles Dana, one of the editors of the New-York Daily Tribune, had suggested to Marx, early in 1851, that he contribute to the newspaper. Being engaged in economic research, Marx asked Engels, on August 14, 1851, to write "a series of articles about Germany, from 1848 onwards". Engels agreed, and in the course of thirteen months he wrote 19 articles about the German revolution of 1848-49. He intended to write one more, concluding article, but it did not appear in the Tribune and most probably was not written at all. Engels used as the main source of reference a file of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, apart from some additional material given him by Marx, whom he constantly consulted and who read every article before mailing it. The series of articles, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany, was printed in the New-York Daily Tribune over the signature of Karl Marx, the paper's official correspondent. It was only in 1913, when the correspondence between Marx and Engels was published, that it became known that the articles had in fact been written by Engels. Daring Marx's and Engels' lifetime the work was never republished, apart from the first two articles, which were reprinted in the New-Yorker Abendzeitung, a newspaper of the German refugees in the United States, at the end of October 1851. The first separate edition of this work in English was prepared in 1896 by Marx's daughter, Eleanor Marx-Aveling; the same year a German translation appeared. In this and a number of later editions Marx was given as the author. In the New-York Daily Tribune the articles were printed under the general heading: Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution, and numbered in Roman figures. In the 1896 English edition Eleanor Marx-Aveling provided subheadings which are preserved in this edition.

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