5. The Northern Star on the Meeting in London on November 29, 1847 to Mark the 17th Anniversary of the Polish Insurrection of 1830
The anniversary of the Polish Insurrection of 1830 was celebrated on Monday last, the 29th of November, by a public meeting, at the German Society's Hall, Drury Lane.
The meeting had been called by the society of Fraternal Democrats, in conjunction with the Democratic Committee for Poland's Regeneration. The room was crowded with natives of England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Germany, Belgium, and Poland.
Mr. John Arnott was elected president. Having stated the object of the meeting, the Chairman called on Mr. Stallwood to move the first resolution.
Mr. Stallwood, after recounting the heroism of the brave Poles at Warsaw, and their unbounded devotion to the cause of liberty, and eulogising the "Cracow manifesto"[364] as a model for democratic creeds, moved the first resolution as follows:—
"That we regard the dismemberment of Poland as an atrocious crime worthy of the everlasting execration of the human race. That we remember with grateful admiration the heroic efforts made by the Polish people in 1830-31 for the recovery of their country's independence. That we honour the sacred memories of the martyrs who have perished in the glorious struggle to redeem their nation from slavery; and that we sympathise with all the victims of oppression at present suffering in dungeons, chains, and exile."
The Chairman then introduced Mr. Ernest Jones, to second the resolution. Mr. Jones said: To-night, seventeen years ago, Poland woke from her death-sleep, for her death-struggle; to-night, seventeen years ago, she strained her bleeding limbs on the Russian rack, and burst her cords; to-night, seventeen years ago, she rose from a province into a nation! (Cheers.) Warsaw was silent. Russia never less expected insurrection — when the flame burst forth. Mr. Jones then gave a vivid description of the progress and triumph of the insurrection in Warsaw, particularly dwelling on the circumstance, that until the populace were armed, the issue was doubtful. Then the effect was electrical, and in a few hours, Constantine, the mighty prince, had passed the barrier of Mockstow, with his 11,000 Russians, and spent the night a shivering outcast, beneath a leafless tree. (Applause.) The speaker then alluded to the subsequent course of the insurrection, and expressed his belief that it would have been successful, had it been an insurrection of the people, instead of the aristocracy — had it been based on a manifesto, like the glorious one of Cracow. (Cheers.) But still we need not despond — Poland is ready for a fresh struggle — we have an army of martyrs to canonise — we have an army of heroes to come — and the aspect of Europe forebodes their triumph. The speaker then showed how every country in Europe was on the brink of internal change, analysed the secret weakness of the great powers, and, after a forcible and stirring allusion to Ireland, concluded by calling on his hearers to prepare for the approaching struggle at home and abroad. Mr. Jones' speech was one of great force and eloquence, and excited enthusiastic applause.
M. Michelot, in an energetic speech, delivered in the French language, supported the resolution, which was carried unanimously.
Carl Schapper rose, amidst great applause, to move the second resolution, and said: Citizens, when men struggle onwards for truth and liberty in a great cause, though they may not at first succeed, they must ultimately prevail — and such men were worthy of all honour — and hence he said honour to the brave Poles. (Loud cheers.) Honour to those who died before Warsaw — honour to those who died by the hand of the public executioner — honour to those who perished in the mines of Siberia, and to those who fell at Cracow, and to all the martyrs for liberty. (Great applause.) In July 1830, France had her revolution, and in the November following, the cry for universal liberty prevailed, and many wished Poland free from Russia, but did not wish Polish serfdom abolished; and he verily believed, had it not been for this desire on the part of the Polish nobles to perpetuate the slavery of the masses, the revolution would have succeeded, and the whole Slavonic race would now have been free. (Loud cheers.) But the Polish proletarians asked, "What is it to us if Poland be free from Russian domination, whilst I am subject to the knout of the Polish noble?" (Hear, hear.) Well, the revolution failed and Poland's sons emigrated, carrying the seeds of freedom with them to Germany, to France, to England, and other nations, and returned with renewed spirit to the Polish soil in 1845; and issued their famous and ever glorious manifesto of democratic sentiments from the Republic of Cracow. (Great applause.) But, alas, the effort was futile, the bad seed sown in 1830 produced a bad harvest, the tyrants were enabled to employ the peasantry against the patriots,[365] and the revolt was crushed, and the black spirit of Metternich again gloated in the blood of the fallen martyrs of Poland. (Hear, hear.) But happily fraternity was fast spreading, the principles of political and social equality were abroad. (Loud cheers.) Look at Switzerland.[366] (Great applause.) And liberty would progress in spite of the old bloodless spider of the Tuileries. (Groans for "the spider".) The Swiss Radicals had beaten Louis Philippe and Guizot. Then came the beautiful Lord Palmerston, who said, "Let us have the thing settled amicably." "Ay," responded the helpless old spider of Paris, "that's just what I wanted." (Laughter.) And not a single regiment had entered Switzerland, the old spider dared not send them. (Loud cheers.) Well, this was the progress of democracy. Who were the conspirators now? Why, Metternich, the bloodless old spider in France, Lord Palmerston, and the Jesuits. (Loud cheers.) But the people would very quickly put down their conspiracy. (Great cheering.) He had some glorious news for them, a Democratic Society,[367] that is a Society of Fraternal Democrats, had been established in Brussels, and that society had sent a deputy, the learned Dr. Marx, to represent them at this meeting. (Great applause.) Citizen Schapper here read the following document:—
" To the Members of the Society of Fraternal Democrats "Assembling in London
"We, the undersigned members of the committee of the Democratic Society, established at Brussels, for advancing the Union and Fraternity of all Nations, have the honour to delegate to you, Dr. Charles Marx, vice-president of this committee, for the purpose of establishing relations of correspondence and sympathy between the two societies. M. Marx has full power to act in the name of this committee for the purposes above mentioned. "We present to you our fraternal salutations.
"Mellinet (General), honorary president. "Jottrand, president. "Imbert, vice-president. "Picard, secretary. "George Weerth. "Lelewel. "Brussels, Nov. 26th, 1847."
The above address was received with enthusiastic applause. C. Schapper after highly complimenting the great Polish patriot Lelewel, and the grey-haired veteran—"the child of the French Republic"—General Mellinet, concluded by proposing the following resolution:—
"That in pledging all the aid in our power to the Polish patriots, we desire to express our unqualified dissent from the aristocratic spirit which so fatally influenced thç struggle of 1830. We recognise in the Cracow Manifesto of 1846 the manifestation of Polish progress, embracing the broad principles of political democracy and social justice, on which alone can be founded veritable liberty and public happiness."
T. Lucas in seconding the resolution, expressed his pleasure in meeting so many of his brother democrats. Certain he was that when the English democrats (the Chartists) obtained their liberty, they would be enabled to say to "the old spider in Paris", and all other tyrants "thus far shall ye go but no farther". (Cheers.) The resolution was then unanimously adopted.
Dr. Marx, the delegate from Brussels, then came forward, and was greeted with every demonstration of welcome, and delivered an energetic oration in the German language, the substance of which was as follows — He had been sent by the Democrats of Brussels to speak in their name to the Democrats of London, and through them to the Democrats of Britain, to call on them to cause to be holden a congress of nations — a congress of working men, to establish liberty all over the world. (Loud cheers.) The middle classes, the Free Traders, had held a congress, but their fraternity was a one-sided one, and the moment they found that such congresses were likely to benefit working men, that moment their fraternity would cease, and their congresses be dissolved.[368] (Hear, hear.) The Democrats of Belgium felt that the Chartists of England were the real Democrats, and that the moment they carried the six points of their Charter, the road to liberty would be opened to the whole world. "Effect this grand object, then, you working men of England," said the speaker, "and you will be hailed as the saviours of the whole human race." (Tremendous cheering.)
Julian Harney moved the next resolution as follows:—
"That this meeting rejoices to learn of the establishment of a Society of Fraternal Democrats in Brussels, and responding to the alliance offered by that society, receives its delegate, Dr. Marx, with every feeling of fraternal regard; and this meeting hails with exultation the proposition to hold a Democratic Congress of all ations, pledging itself to send delegates to that Congress whenever
summoned by the Fraternal Democratic Societies of London and Brussels."
The mover of the resolution then proceeded to address the meeting at considerable length, on the Polish insurrection of 1830, the progress of Chartism; the prospect of an energetic movement in this country for the obtainment of the Charter, the importance of the Society of Fraternal Democrats, and the vast utility Q! the suggested Democratic Congress of all nations. His remarks were enthusiastically cheered.
Mr. Stallwood seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously.
Three thundering cheers were then given for the glorious Lelewel, three for the heroic General Mellinet, and three for the democrats of Brussels.
Charles Keen moved the fourth resolution as follows: "That recognising the brotherhood of all men, we consider it our duty to struggle for the triumph of democratic principles in all countries, and believing that the establishment of the 'People's Charter' would enable the people of Great Britain to afford aid to the Polish cause, more effective than the paper 'protests' hitherto employed by the British government, we hail with joy the prospect of an energetic effort on the part of the British people to obtain the legislative recognition and parliamentary enactment of their long-withheld rights and franchises."
The speaker said they taught Universal Brotherhood, because they felt the evils resulting from the want of it. Very true, at churches and chapels on a Sunday, they were told that "we are all brethren", but should it rain on their leaving such churches or chapels, and they were to attempt to get into some of their wealthy brethren's carriages, what a row there would be. (Loud laughter.) Yet, ten minutes before those very same men would have been responding to the sentiment, "All men are brethren." (Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding this, Fraternity was a great truism, and before any great lasting and practical good could be accomplished, it must be universally acknowledged, ay, and practised too. (Loud cheers.) They had met to celebrate the Polish Revolution, and the question was, what could they do to aid Poland? Without power — nothing. Let them get the Charter and they would have power. (Cheers.)
Citizen Engels (from Paris), in seconding the resolution said — Fellow Citizens, this commemoration of the Polish Revolution is not only an advantage to Poland, but to the whole world, as it causes the principles of democracy to be spread far and wide. (Hear, hear. He, as a German, had great interest in Polish success, as it would much hasten liberty in Germany, and freedom Germany had resolved to obtain sooner or later. (Loud cheers.) And he firmly believed that no one nation could become free without benefitting all others. He had resided for some time in England, and was proud to boast himself a Chartist "name and all". (Great cheering.) Who were now their chief oppressors? Not the aristocracy, but the wealth takers and scrapers, the middle classes. (Loud cheers.) Hence, it was the duty of the working classes of all nations to unite and establish freedom for all. (Rapturous applause.)
Citizen Tedesco (from Brussels, who addressed the meeting in the French language in most eloquent terms, which the following abstract does anything but justice to), said the men of Belgium looked on the English democrats as a leading party, and trusted they would obtain that great measure, the People's Charter. He was delighted with the spirit that prevailed. He should return to Brussels, and relate the good and enthusiastic feeling with which the proletarians of this country were imbued, and their determination to proceed until they had obtained their Charter, and sure he was, that that measure would carry with it a fair day's wages for a fair day's labour. (Hear, hear.) And give such an impulse to the cause of progress, that the whole continent would follow, and universal liberty be established. (Loud cheers.)
Colonel Oborski, a Polish exile, said, at the outbreak of the Polish Revolution, two hundred non-commissioned officers had kept three Russian regiments at bay, and when some of the regiments found it was against Poland they were fighting, they turned their arms and fought against their oppressors. Although Old Poland was dead, Young Poland would arise, and become far mightier than her ancestor. (Loud cheers.) He yet hoped to see Poland the first battlefield for liberty. With grateful thanks to the English people he would shout "Hurrah for Democracy!" (Great applause.)
Citizen Engels here said, that he had but recently come from Paris, and that the real democrats in that city were in favour of a Congress of Nations. (Loud cheers.) The resolution was then carried unanimously.
Julian Harney again came forward and read extracts from the defence of Louis Mieroslawski, one of the chiefs of the insurrection of 1846, and now lying in the dungeons of Berlin under sentence of death.[369] The reading of the said extracts excited great sensation in the meeting. J. Harney then said, he had been particularly gratified by the remarks of his friend Engels. He was glad to see that the feeling of fraternal sympathy for the Poles was strong amongst the Germans. He was sure that if once the Germans obtained their liberties, they would hasten to perform a great act of national reparation, by undoing the work which the Austrian and Prussian despots helped Catherine to accomplish — the destruction of Poland. He knew that if Frenchmen were free, if they had broken down that disgraceful despotism which had prostrated their country to the lowest depths of shame, their first thought would be the liberation of Poland. (Cheers.) The next time France marched in the direction of Moscow it would not be with an Emperor for her leader. It was a maxim of Napoleon's "that a political blunder was worse than a political crime". He was guilty of both crime and blunder of the worst character; when on reaching Warsaw on his march to Russia, he refused to proclaim the restoration of Poland. Had he proclaimed the republic of Poland to the full extent of its ancient boundaries, he would have re-created the soul of a nation, and twenty millions of people would have formed his army of reserve — an army animated by an unconquerable spirit of enthusiasm and devotion to their emancipator. But no, Napoleon though the scourger of kings was the tyrant of the people; though the most deadly enemy of "divine right", he was not less the enemy of popular sovereignty. He desired to dictate terms to the Northern Autocrat,[3] but for himself, not for Poland, and the other nations trampled under that autocrat's iron heel. His selfishness found the reward it merited. When flying before the avenging lance of the Cossack, and the still more dreadful shafts of the icy tempest and the snow-storm, with their auxiliaries, famine and pestilence; then Napoleon found Poland no rampart of defence, behind which he might have thrown himself to give his stricken hosts time to breathe, and turn upon their pursuers. He had refused to recall Poland to life, and so when he needed her living arm to save him from the blows of the Muscovite, that arm was not. But the coming republic would repair the political crime of the Emperor, and the day was nigh at hand when France would be a Republic and the people of England have their Charter. (Great applause.) The speaker concluded by moving a vote of thanks to the chairman.0
Carl Schapper seconded the vote of thanks, which was supported by Mr. Isaac Wilson, who expressed how much more pleased he was with the proceedings he had just witnessed, than he was with those of a meeting held some fortnight since under the presidency of Dr. Bowring, at the Crown and Anchor, at which he was necessitated to
[3] Alexander I.—Ed. John Arnott.—Ed.
move an amendment. (Cheers.) The vote of thanks was then carried by acclamation.
The chairman having acknowledged the compliment, three cheers were given "for the heroic martyr Mieroslawski"; three for the
"Réforme and the French Democrats"; three for "The Northern Star and the German Brussels Gazette"[3]; and three dreadful groans for the Times, Journal des Débats, and Austrian Observer* The Marseillaise Hymn was then sung in splendid style by Citizen Moll, and closed these interesting proceedings.
[3] Deutsche-Brüsseler-Zeitung. Reported erroneously in The Northern Star as "Universal Gazette".—Ed.
Österreichischer Beobachter.—Ed.
Endnotes
[364] The Manifesto issued by the National Government set up on February 22, 1846 in the course of the national liberation uprising in the Cracow republic (see Note 55) called upon the people to fight resolutely for national independence, proclaimed democratic rights, the abolition of feudal services, and the transfer of land allot-ments to the peasants.
[365] See Note 286.
[366] The reference is to the victory of the progressive forces in the civil war in Switzerland (see Note 172) and to the failure of the Sonderbund's attempts to secure military interference by the European powers in its own interests.
[367] See Note 194.
[368] Marx counterposes the proposal to call an international democratic congress (on the preparations for it, see Note 206) to the International Congress of Economists held in Brussels from September 16 to 18, 1847 (see this volume, pp. 274-90 and Note 113).
[369] In 1845 Ludwik Mieroslawski, in his capacity as a member of the "Centralisation" (the governing body of the Polish Democratic Society), was sent to Posen to organise an uprising in the Polish lands. He was arrested by the Prussian authorities shortly before the scheduled time of the uprising (February 1846) and sentenced to death. The sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. He was set free after the revolution began in Germany in March 1848.
[3] The Jacobin revolutionary government headed by Robespierre fell as a result of the coup of 9-10 Thermidor (July 27-28), 1794. 5 8 12 ing an armed uprising of the plebeian masses against the bourgeois regime of the Directory and establishing a revolutionary dictatorship as a transitional stage to "pure democracy" and "egalitarian communism". The conspiracy was disclosed in May 1796. At the end of May 1797 its leaders were executed.