The myth of Maos anti-imperialism

Marxist Theory · 2026-05-13

Core Argument¶

The article argues that Mao Zedong's regime was not genuinely anti-imperialist in a communist sense, but rather pursued a narrow nationalist foreign policy dictated by the material interests of the Chinese bureaucratic caste that emerged from the 1949 revolution. The central claim is that Mao's China consistently subordinated the struggle against world imperialism to the defence of its own geopolitical position and bureaucratic privileges, frequently collaborating with reactionary and even US-backed regimes when it suited those interests. The article contends that Mao's theoretical contributions — particularly the "Theory of Three Worlds" and his advice to colonial revolutionaries to collaborate with the "national bourgeoisie" — were not innovations but continuations of Stalinist class collaborationism, and that they led to disastrous consequences for communist movements in Indonesia, Burma, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Chile, and elsewhere.

Theoretical Grounding¶

The analysis draws on the Leninist theory of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, and the Bolshevik position that the fight against imperialism is inseparable from the fight against capitalism. It invokes Lenin's insistence that only the dictatorship of the proletariat — and international working-class unity — can offer genuine national liberation. The article situates itself within the Trotskyist tradition's critique of Stalinism, specifically the theory of the degenerated and deformed workers' states, and the analysis of bureaucratic rule in the USSR and China. It draws on the first four Congresses of the Communist International as the benchmark of revolutionary Marxist theory, and contrasts Lenin's internationalism with Stalin's "socialism in one country" — which it identifies as the theoretical root of Mao's nationalism. The article also engages with the Menshevik-Stalinist "stageist" theory of revolution, which holds that backward countries must pass through a capitalist stage before socialism, and contrasts this with the Bolshevik position that the working class must strive for hegemony from the outset.

Conjunctural Relevance¶

The article is published in October 2024, a moment when the People's Republic of China has fully restored capitalism and emerged as a major imperialist competitor to the United States. The argument connects directly to the current conjuncture in several ways:

Geopolitical realignment: The article traces a direct line from Mao's rapprochement with Kissinger and US imperialism in the 1970s to China's current position as a global capitalist power. It notes that the CCP still refers to Kissinger as "an old friend of the Chinese people," illustrating continuity in the bureaucracy's outlook.
The fate of the deformed workers' states: The article argues that "socialism in one country" was always an illusion, and that without political revolution and international revolution, these bureaucracies would eventually restore capitalism. This is presented as having been borne out by events in China, the USSR, and Eastern Europe.
Lessons for contemporary anti-imperialist strategy: The article directly addresses communists today who look to Mao as a guide, arguing that Mao's class collaborationist advice led to the massacre of 1.5 million Indonesian communists, the betrayal of the Vietnamese revolution at Geneva, and the Chinese embassy shutting its doors to Chilean refugees fleeing Pinochet. It insists that the only viable anti-imperialist strategy is socialist revolution led by the working class, organised internationally.
The question of the Communist International: The article concludes by arguing that the task of refounding a revolutionary International — which the Revolutionary Communist International claims to be undertaking — is the necessary response to the bankruptcy of Stalinist nationalism.

Where the Argument Continues¶

The article is part of a broader corpus of Marxist analysis that develops these themes in greater depth:

Against the Stream episodes and other IDOM articles on the history of the Chinese Revolution, the Sino-Soviet split, and the theory of the deformed workers' state would provide the theoretical framework for the characterisation of Mao's China offered here.
The article's critique of "stageist" theory and the "bloc of four classes" connects to the broader Marxist debate on the nature of revolution in backward countries, which is developed in Trotsky's Permanent Revolution and in the writings of the Fourth International.
The analysis of the Indonesian Communist Party's destruction is a case study that could be explored in dedicated articles on the Indonesian genocide and the role of Maoist advice.
The article's treatment of the Sino-Soviet split as a conflict between two nationalist bureaucracies, rather than a genuine ideological struggle, is a position that requires further elaboration on the nature of the Soviet Union under Khrushchev and Brezhnev.
The argument that the Chinese bureaucracy ultimately restored capitalism is a claim that connects to the broader Marxist analysis of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR and China, developed in the works of Ted Grant and the Revolutionary Communist Tendency.

Connections¶

Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism — The theoretical foundation for the article's understanding of imperialism.
Lenin, Theses on the National and Colonial Questions (Second Congress of the Comintern) — The article directly cites Lenin's warning about the reactionary nature of the national bourgeoisie.
Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution — The theoretical alternative to Stalinist stageism, arguing that the working class must lead the revolution even in backward countries.
Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed — The analysis of the degeneration of the Soviet Union and the rise of the bureaucracy, which provides the framework for understanding the Chinese bureaucracy.
Ted Grant, The Unbroken Thread — The article cites this as a source of genuine communist theory after the Second World War, continuing the tradition of the first four Congresses of the Comintern.
IDOM articles on the Chinese Revolution, the Sino-Soviet split, and the theory of the deformed workers' state — These would provide the detailed historical and theoretical context for the claims made here.

Key Quotes¶

"If Mao was genuinely communist in his outlook, then at the earliest possible moment, he would have striven to form an international organisation of communists with the fullest support that the CCP, now governing a continent-sized country, could muster. This was what Lenin and Trotsky did with the Communist International... This was never done in China, nor was it even considered."
"For Mao, the CPB were not comrades in the struggle for international socialism, but small change in the pursuit of China's national interests. Needless to say, this is a far cry from the communist internationalist ideas of Marx and Lenin."
"The 'Theory of Three Worlds' ushered in an era of China's rapprochement and cooperation with capitalist governments and would pave the way for the future opening up to foreign capital and the restoration of capitalism in China under the CCP's watch."
"Mao's theoretical distortions stem not from a consistent communist theory, but from Stalinism's insistence on collaborating with the bourgeoisie and appeasing imperialism. This policy attempts to create a quiet life for the bureaucracy to enjoy the privileges that it accrued from its administrative role in the planned economies."
"In the long run, unless world imperialism was overthrown, these deformed workers' states would themselves succumb. 'Socialism in one country' was an illusion. Ultimately, these bureaucracies would not be satisfied with merely enjoying privileges and high incomes at the expense of the planned economy. They would ultimately strive to turn themselves into the owners of the means of production."
"Only by taking full political and economic power from their local ruling class, and fighting to spread the socialist revolution worldwide, can the oppressed peoples of the world end imperialist domination and achieve true national liberation. And we must at all times highlight the class question and build internationalist class solidarity."