Morality and the class struggle

Marxist Theory · 2026-05-13

Core Argument¶

The article argues that morality is not a set of timeless, universal principles but a product of material social development, shaped by the level of the productive forces and the class struggle. Under capitalism, bourgeois morality functions as a weapon of the ruling class, masking exploitation behind abstract principles like "freedom" and "equality." However, as capitalism enters its period of historic decline, the hypocrisy of this moral order becomes increasingly exposed, and the masses begin to reject it. This moral crisis is not a sign of working-class degeneration but of a growing revolutionary ferment, which communists must harness by developing a class-conscious proletarian morality rooted in the struggle for socialism — not by retreating into abstract pacifism or moral purity.

Theoretical Grounding¶

The analysis is firmly rooted in historical materialism, drawing on Marx and Engels' formulation in The German Ideology that "the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas." Morality is treated as a superstructural phenomenon that reflects and reinforces the economic base, changing as modes of production change. The article explicitly rejects Kantian and utilitarian frameworks as abstract bourgeois rationalisations, following Marx's critique of Bentham in Capital.

The central theoretical reference point is Leon Trotsky's Their Morals and Ours (1938), from which the article draws its understanding of revolutionary morality as fused with revolutionary strategy and tactics. Trotsky's insistence that "a means can be justified only by its end" is deployed against both pacifist moralism and the opportunist surrender to bourgeois norms. The article also draws on Ted Grant's extension of this analysis in The Unbroken Thread, particularly his observation that amorality emerges in periods of systemic breakdown.

The argument sits within the Marxist tradition that rejects both reformist accommodation to bourgeois morality and the substitution of individual terror for mass struggle. It positions itself against the petty-bourgeois "Left" that, caught between classes, becomes a transmission belt for ruling-class ideology — a theme running from Marx through Lenin to Trotsky's critique of centrism.

Conjunctural Relevance¶

The article is explicitly anchored in the current conjuncture, using several concrete phenomena to illustrate its thesis:

The Luigi Mangione case (December 2024): The alleged killer of UnitedHealthcare's CEO attracted 41% approval among 18–29 year-old Americans. The article treats this not as a moral aberration but as evidence that masses are rejecting official morality and questioning whether profiting from denied insurance claims is worse than murder.
The Gaza genocide: The article contrasts the ruling class's invocation of "violence can never be used to address political differences" with its active arming of Israel, arguing this hypocrisy is being recognised on a mass scale. The Palestine solidarity movement's growth despite establishment smears is presented as proof that "you cannot fool all of the people all of the time."
Trumpism: The article argues that moral attacks on Trump — from "respectable" media and politicians — actually boosted his support because millions of workers correctly perceived that his accusers were themselves guilty of the same hypocrisies. This is read as a symptom of deep moral revulsion against the old order, not moral apathy.
The German ruling class: The article points to Germany's simultaneous self-positioning as a moral authority on antisemitism (due to its Nazi past) while rearming, imposing austerity, and repressing Palestine solidarity activists — a concrete illustration of bourgeois hypocrisy in action.
Sudan (2019): The revolutionary movement that overthrew Al-Bashir was defeated because its petty-bourgeois leaders refused to arm the working class on pacifist grounds, leading to greater violence under the counter-revolution. This is presented as a contemporary lesson in the dangers of abstract non-violence.

Where the Argument Continues¶

The article is self-consciously a contribution to an ongoing Marxist conversation. It does not develop a full theory of how proletarian morality is formed in practice, nor does it systematically address the relationship between morality and revolutionary organisation — though it gestures toward this in its closing emphasis on collective struggle.

The argument continues in several directions:

Trotsky's Their Morals and Ours is the foundational text, and the article functions as a contemporary application of its framework. Reading the two together is essential.
Ted Grant's The Unbroken Thread, particularly the section "Marxism versus New Fabianism," is referenced for its analysis of amorality in periods of transition.
The RCI's broader output on the current crisis of capitalism — including analyses of the Gaza genocide, the Trump phenomenon, and the decline of bourgeois democracy — provides the economic and political context for the moral crisis the article describes.
Against the Stream episodes on the Mangione case, the Palestine solidarity movement, and the question of revolutionary violence would likely develop the tactical questions the article raises but does not resolve.

Connections¶

Marx and Engels, The German Ideology: The foundational text on ruling ideas and the material basis of ideology.
Marx, Capital, Vol. 1 (Chapter on Bentham): The critique of utilitarianism as bourgeois common sense.
Trotsky, Their Morals and Ours: The essential companion text, from which the article draws its central theoretical framework.
Trotsky, Stalin: Referenced for its observations on the amorality of the Renaissance and the cynicism of declining epochs.
Ted Grant, The Unbroken Thread: For the extension of Trotsky's analysis into the post-war period.
Lenin, "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder: Though not cited, the article's treatment of individual terror versus mass struggle echoes Lenin's critique of "left" adventurism.
Engels, Anti-Dühring: For the materialist conception of morality as historically determined.

Key Quotes¶

"The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas... Morality therefore functions as a tool in the hands of the ruling class."
"When a ruling class is moving society forward, when its social order is stable and developing the productive forces, its rule 'makes sense' to all classes, even the oppressed. Likewise, its moral order makes sense."
"A means can be justified only by its end. But the end in its turn needs to be justified."
"For a communist, that which is good is that which serves to... unite the revolutionary proletariat, fill their hearts with irreconcilable hostility to oppression, teach them contempt for official morality and its democratic echoers."
"The violence used by the oppressor to keep his slave in chains is not the same as the violence used by the slave to break those chains."
"A revolutionary Marxist cannot begin to approach his historical mission without having broken morally from bourgeois public opinion and its agencies in the proletariat."