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Marxists and the National Question

Marxist Theory · 2017-10-01

Core Argument

The central thesis is that Marxists must approach the national question not through abstract formulae but through a concrete, class-based analysis that subordinates national demands to the strategic goal of international working-class unity. The article argues that the democratic right of nations to self-determination—including secession—must be defended, but that this is a tactical position aimed at undermining national antagonisms, not reinforcing them. The apparent contradiction between defending the right to form new borders and the ultimate goal of abolishing all borders is resolved by understanding that the former is a weapon to break down national distrust and clear the ground for genuine international solidarity.

The article claims that the national question is not a static problem but a dynamic process, and that Marxists must assess each national movement concretely: does it serve the interests of the working class, or does it cut across class struggle? The same national movement can shift from progressive to reactionary depending on the balance of class forces. The key is not to dismiss national aspirations with a "socialism will solve everything" formula, but to engage with them critically, raising transitional slogans—such as an independent Workers' Republic of Scotland or a Catalan Socialist Republic—that point beyond capitalism while respecting the democratic content of the national demand.

Theoretical Grounding

The analysis draws directly on the Marxist tradition developed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky, particularly the debates within the Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP) in 1903. Lenin's position against Rosa Luxemburg on the national question is the theoretical anchor: the working class of the oppressor nation must openly declare its support for the right of secession in order to win the trust of the oppressed nation's workers and isolate the bourgeois nationalists. This is not a concession to nationalism but a method for overcoming it.

The article also deploys Trotsky's insight that nationalism can be "the outer shell of an immature Bolshevism"—a formulation that allows Marxists to recognise the progressive kernel within national movements without endorsing their bourgeois leadership. This is distinguished from the reactionary nationalism of the oppressor nation, which serves to divide the working class and defend the existing state.

The theoretical framework is consistently internationalist and class-based. The criterion for assessing any national movement is whether it advances or retards the revolutionary unification of the working class. This places the analysis firmly within the revolutionary Marxist tradition, as opposed to reformist or social-democratic approaches that treat national self-determination as an absolute right or a matter of liberal principle.

Conjunctural Relevance

The article was published in July 2019, at a moment when the capitalist system was lurching from crisis to crisis—the aftermath of the 2008 financial crash, the austerity regimes imposed across Europe, and the political instability that followed. The national question was re-emerging with renewed force in multiple contexts:

  • Scotland: The 2014 independence referendum had mobilised masses of workers and youth, with the SNP outflanking Labour on the left after decades of Blairism. The article notes that the "Better Together" campaign, which united Blairites with Tories, actually fuelled Scottish nationalism. The election of Corbyn had not resolved the question, and Labour's refusal to support a second referendum was identified as a blindspot.

  • Catalonia: The 1 October 2017 independence referendum and the brutal repression by the Spanish state had revealed the backwardness of the Spanish bourgeoisie. The article highlights how Podemos's "equidistance" between Catalan and Spanish nationalism was a political error, failing to distinguish between the progressive, republican content of the Catalan movement and the reactionary, Francoist tradition of Spanish nationalism.

  • Kurdistan: The Syrian civil war, the rise of ISIS, and the imperialist scramble for influence had created a situation where the Kurdish people—the world's largest stateless nation—were being used as "small change" by the great powers. The 2017 independence referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan, called by the right-wing nationalist Barzani, had been crushed by the regional powers, confirming the Marxist analysis that genuine Kurdish independence could only be achieved through the overthrow of the reactionary regimes in Turkey, Iran, and Iraq.

  • Pakistan: The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) had emerged in 2018 as a mass movement against state repression and forced disappearances. The article notes how the Pakistani ruling class attempted to divert this promising movement into purely nationalist channels, precisely to prevent it from linking up with the struggles of other oppressed nationalities and the working class.

The article also references Northern Ireland, where the British ruling class deliberately pushed the Civil Rights movement towards sectarianism in 1968-69, and the unresolved national question in Kashmir, which continues to be exploited by both the Indian and Pakistani ruling classes.

Where the Argument Continues

The article is a general theoretical exposition, not a detailed analysis of any single national question. The argument continues in several directions within the IDOM corpus:

  • Scotland: The question of Scottish independence is taken up in greater detail in other IDOM articles, particularly around the 2014 referendum and its aftermath. The slogan of an "independent Workers' Republic of Scotland" is a transitional demand that requires further elaboration in the context of rising or falling class struggle across Britain.

  • Catalonia: The article references events up to October 2017. The subsequent period—including the imprisonment of Catalan leaders, the continued repression, and the evolution of the independence movement—would require updating. The slogan "For a Catalan Socialist Republic as a spark for the Iberian revolution" is a concrete application of the method that would need to be re-evaluated as the conjuncture changes.

  • Kurdistan: The article was written before Turkey's military incursions into northern Syria in 2019 and the subsequent US withdrawal. The betrayal of the Kurds by imperialism, which the article warns about, has continued to unfold. The argument for a Socialist Federation of the Middle East remains a long-term strategic perspective.

  • Pashtun Tahafuz Movement: The article notes that nationalists were making inroads into the PTM leadership. The subsequent trajectory of the movement—whether it was successfully diverted or whether class content re-emerged—would need to be tracked in later IDOM analysis.

The broader theoretical debate—particularly the Lenin-Luxemburg disagreement on the national question—is explored in more depth in other IDOM articles and in the Marxist classics (Lenin's The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, Trotsky's The Permanent Revolution).

Connections

The article connects to several key texts and thinkers:

  • Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination (1914): The foundational text for the Bolshevik position on the national question, arguing for the right of secession while opposing bourgeois nationalism.

  • Lenin, The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up (1916): Further elaboration of the debate with Rosa Luxemburg and the Polish Marxists.

  • Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution (1930): Provides the theoretical framework for understanding how national democratic tasks can only be completed under working-class leadership.

  • Rosa Luxemburg, The National Question and Autonomy (1908-1909): The opposing position, arguing that national self-determination was utopian under imperialism and that Marxists should focus on cultural autonomy within existing states.

  • Marx and Engels on Ireland: The article references Marx's shift in the 1860s to supporting Irish separation from England as a precondition for revolution in England itself. This is drawn from Marx's letters and his analysis of the Irish question.

  • Trotsky on nationalism as "the outer shell of an immature Bolshevism": A formulation from Trotsky's writings on the national question, particularly in relation to the colonial world.

The article should be read alongside other IDOM pieces on specific national questions (Scotland, Catalonia, Kurdistan) and alongside the broader Marxist literature on the national question, particularly the Lenin-Luxemburg debate.

Key Quotes

  1. "For Marxists, the national question presents one of the most challenging and complex questions - one for which there is no 'catch-all' formula. When addressing this question, our first principle is always the goal of uniting the working class of the whole world to fight for the overthrow of capitalism."

  2. "The position of Marxists on the national question is approached precisely from the point of view of breaking down national animosity and distrust, thus clearing the decks in order to achieve real, international class unity."

  3. "Trotsky once said that nationalism can be 'the outer shell of an immature Bolshevism'. We could say this with some justice of the 'nationalism' of the thousands of left-wing Catalan firefighters, nurses and school students who bravely stood up to Spanish state repression."

  4. "The bourgeoisie in oppressed nations more generally aspire to become the main oppressors themselves!"

  5. "In Kurdistan, perhaps more than anywhere else, it can be clearly seen how - under imperialism - the struggle for self-determination of oppressed peoples is intimately tied to the international struggle of the working class for socialism."

  6. "The method of Marxism on the contrary, aims to arm the most advanced, class-conscious workers with the ideas, slogans and policies necessary to lead the rest of the class away from national, racial, and religious bigotry, tearing down the barriers that the capitalist class erect."