Structured Analytical Summary¶
Core Argument¶
The central thesis is that the COVID-19 pandemic did not create capitalism's crisis but dramatically accelerated and deepened contradictions that were already well advanced. The "recovery" from the pandemic downturn is not a return to health but a transition to a new phase of instability characterised by rising inflation, exploding debt, and intensifying class struggle. The article claims that the combination of inflation eroding real wages and a working class that feels emboldened by tight labour markets is a "finished recipe for class conflict" — and that this conflict will express itself primarily on the industrial front rather than through electoral or reformist channels. The "new normal" is not a temporary disruption but a protracted period of economic turbulence, geopolitical tension, and insurrectionary movements, which together signal not the end of the world but the end of the present form of society.
Theoretical Grounding¶
The analysis draws on classical Marxist crisis theory, particularly the understanding that capitalism can always find a way out of a crisis — as Lenin put it — but the question is "at what price?" The article deploys this insight to argue that the massive state spending and cheap credit that resolved the immediate pandemic downturn have simply displaced the crisis into new forms: public debt, inflation, and the coming reversal of monetary policy. This is a concrete application of Marx's analysis of the contradictory nature of capitalist crisis management — each "solution" sows the seeds of the next crisis.
The piece also draws on Trotsky's analysis of the relationship between unemployment and class struggle, arguing that falling unemployment in a context of rising prices creates the subjective conditions for militancy. This is a refinement of the mechanical view that crisis automatically produces struggle; instead, the combination of objective pressure on wages and subjective confidence from labour market tightness is the specific conjuncture that produces explosive potential.
The analysis of the state — particularly the crisis of political regimes in Italy, Britain, and the US — draws on the Marxist understanding of the capitalist state as an instrument of class rule that becomes discredited in the eyes of the masses when it can no longer deliver even minimal legitimacy. The article identifies a growing gap between the political class and the conditions of millions, which is the classical terrain for a crisis of hegemony.
Conjunctural Relevance¶
The article was written in February 2022, and its predictions have been substantially borne out. The inflation figures cited — 50% in Turkey, 9% in Russia, 7% in Spain, 5% in Britain — proved to be underestimates of the trajectory. The warning that global debt at 355% of world GDP and $11tn in annual interest payments represented a "timebomb" has been vindicated by the subsequent interest rate hiking cycle that has strained both public finances and the banking system.
The analysis of the Ukraine crisis as a reflection of inter-imperialist rivalry — with NATO encroachment on Russia's sphere of influence, Russia's military modernisation, and the divisions within Europe over energy dependence — was published weeks before the full-scale invasion. The article correctly identified that Putin was "upping the stakes" to negotiate, while not excluding a "short, limited intervention," and that the economic consequences of sanctions would slow the world economy.
The characterisation of the working class passing from the "political front to the trade union front" — from Corbynism to industrial militancy — has been confirmed by the wave of strikes in Britain, the US, and across Europe in 2022-2023. The observation that only 11% of US workers are unionised but 65% approve of unions, with 78% among 18-29 year-olds, correctly identified a reservoir of militancy that has since expressed itself in the largest strike wave in decades.
The analysis of China as a potential source of instability rather than a locomotive — citing the Evergrande crisis, the wealth gap, and Xi Jinping's centralisation of power — anticipated the property sector crisis and the slowing growth that has defined China's post-pandemic trajectory.
Where the Argument Continues¶
The article is a strategic overview that necessarily leaves many threads undeveloped. The most significant open question is the political form the coming struggles will take. The article correctly predicts that reformist parties like Podemos, Syriza, and Mélenchon will fail and shift right, but it does not develop the concrete programme and strategy that a revolutionary Marxist current must offer when these movements emerge. This is addressed in other IDOM articles on the transitional programme and the role of the revolutionary party.
The analysis of the Ukraine crisis as a reflection of inter-imperialist rivalry is developed further in subsequent IDOM articles that analyse the war's economic consequences, the NATO-Russia dynamic, and the position Marxists must take — neither supporting NATO nor Putin, but building working-class internationalism.
The article's treatment of the pandemic as an ongoing factor — noting Omicron 2 and the WHO warning — is necessarily provisional. Later IDOM articles track the evolution of the pandemic and its economic after-effects in more detail.
The question of how the Marxist tendency should concretely intervene in the strike wave and youth radicalisation — building fractions in unions, producing agitational materials, recruiting from the radicalised layers — is the subject of ongoing strategic discussion in the International Marxist Tendency's internal bulletins and Against the Stream episodes.
Connections¶
This article sits within a broader corpus of IDOM analysis from the early 2020s that collectively develops the perspective of a protracted crisis of capitalism. It should be read alongside:
- Trotsky's "Where Is Britain Going?" — for the method of analysing the relationship between economic crisis, political crisis of the regime, and the preparedness of the working class to struggle.
- Lenin's "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism" — for the theoretical framework on inter-imperialist rivalry that underpins the analysis of Ukraine, China, and the US.
- IDOM articles on the 2008 crash and its aftermath — which establish that the current crisis is not a new phenomenon but the continuation of a long downturn that began before the pandemic.
- The "Transitional Programme" — for the strategic orientation that the article gestures towards but does not develop: what Marxists propose when reformist solutions fail.
- Against the Stream episodes from 2022-2023 — which track the strike wave, the Ukraine war, and the political crisis in Britain and the US as they unfold, testing and refining the perspectives outlined here.
Key Quotes¶
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"We must begin by saying that the system didn't enter into crisis because of the pandemic. Prior to the pandemic, in our articles, we were analysing a system that was already entering into a serious crisis. What the pandemic has done is to accelerate, deepen, and sharpen the basic contradictions in society, producing a steep downturn in the economy."
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"For the past 20 years, global debt has been growing at twice the rate of world GDP. We've now reached a situation where global debt is 355 percent of world GDP. Such is the situation that, last year alone, $11tn was paid in interest on the debt, which is the equivalent of four or five times the GDP of a country like Italy."
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"When you have inflation putting pressure on the purchasing power of wages, with the workers feeling stronger, it's a finished recipe for class conflict."
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"In the last period the working class in Britain tried to express itself through the Labour Party and through Corbyn. Half a million people joined, many of whom have now left. But they haven't disappeared! The anger and radicalisation that was expressed through Corbyn is now being expressed on the industrial front."
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"The lifting of the Covid restrictions is going to be like taking the lid off a pressure cooker. The working class is going to put its stamp on the scene, and the youth will be in the lead."
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"We have clear perspectives. But clear and correct perspectives by themselves don't solve the question of building the Marxist tendency. Perspectives are a guide to action, a compass, that can help us to understand where the process is heading."