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Keynes capitalisms utopian and impotent oracle of doom

Core Argument

The article argues that John Maynard Keynes and the Keynesian tradition represent a fundamentally utopian and ultimately impotent attempt to save capitalism from itself. Keynes' entire intellectual project was driven not by concern for the working class but by a liberal fear of revolution and a desire to preserve the existing social order. His repeated failure to persuade ruling-class politicians to adopt his proposals — from Versailles to the gold standard to the New Deal to Bretton Woods — demonstrates that capitalist states do not act on the basis of rational argument or "good ideas" but on the cold calculus of class interest and profit. Keynesianism, far from being a progressive alternative to neoliberalism, is merely another tool in the bourgeois arsenal, one that has become increasingly blunt as capitalism enters its epoch of senile decay. The labour movement must reject Keynesian reformism entirely and fight for socialist revolution.

Theoretical Grounding

The analysis is rooted in the Marxist materialist conception of history, explicitly counterposed to Keynes' idealist liberalism. It draws on:

  • The class struggle as the motor of history: The article repeatedly contrasts Keynes' belief that "ideas" can persuade ruling classes with the Marxist understanding that history is driven by antagonistic material interests.
  • Trotsky's analysis of British decline: Where is Britain Going? is deployed to show the superiority of Marxist method over Keynesian moralising in understanding the decay of British capitalism and the crisis of liberalism.
  • The Marxist theory of crisis: The article references the tendency for crises of overproduction, arguing that Keynes could never explain why crises occur, only propose palliative measures to manage their symptoms.
  • The critique of reformism: Keynesianism is presented as the theoretical justification for the reformist leaderships of the labour movement who have abandoned the fight for socialism and instead seek to "patch up capitalism."

The article situates itself firmly within the tradition of revolutionary Marxism, rejecting both Keynesian demand-management and neoliberal free-market orthodoxy as two sides of the same bourgeois coin.

Conjunctural Relevance

The article was published in September 2021, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic and the massive state intervention that accompanied it. It connects Keynesian ideas to the current moment through several specific claims:

  • The scale of state intervention: Over $16.5 trillion in global state support had been thrown at the economy during the pandemic, with Biden pushing for a further $4.5 trillion on top of $1.9 trillion already enacted. This is presented as Keynesianism on a colossal scale.
  • The failure of Chinese Keynesianism: The article notes that Beijing's stimulus programme has resulted in "ghost cities and roads-to-nowhere," with total Chinese debts ballooning to nearly 300% of GDP — a stark case of diminishing returns.
  • The exhaustion of Keynesian tools: The global economy is "addicted to cheap money," with worldwide public debt exceeding 100% of GDP, bringing risks of inflation and instability that the ruling class is "currently finding out."
  • The irrelevance of Bretton Woods institutions: The relative decline of US capitalism, the rise of Chinese imperialism, and over a decade of crisis since 2008 have reduced the WTO, IMF, and World Bank to "a laughing stock; an empty husk; a paper tiger."
  • The reformist embrace of Keynes: The most vocal advocates of Keynesianism today are found not in central banks or universities but in the leaderships of the labour movement, who use it to justify their abandonment of socialist transformation.

Where the Argument Continues

The article explicitly directs readers to other IDOM resources:

  • "Marx, Keynes, Hayek and the Crisis of Capitalism": An in-depth article providing the Marxist critique of Keynes' General Theory and its alternatives.
  • Explanations of the 1929 Wall Street Crash: Referenced as having been "explained thoroughly elsewhere" on the site.
  • The Communist Manifesto: Cited for the materialist conception of history.
  • Trotsky's Where is Britain Going?: Presented as the superior Marxist analysis of British decline compared to Keynes' liberal moralising.

The argument about Keynesianism's exhaustion connects to broader IDOM analyses of the 2008 crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the rise of Modern Monetary Theory, which the article dismisses as "neo-Keynesian zealotry."

Connections

  • Zachary D. Carter, The Price of Peace: The biography of Keynes that provides much of the historical material for the article, though the article draws sharply different political conclusions from Carter's more sympathetic treatment.
  • Leon Trotsky, Where is Britain Going?: The key Marxist text on British imperial decline, used to contrast with Keynes' liberal idealism.
  • Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: For the materialist conception of history and the class struggle.
  • John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace and The Economic Consequences of Mr. Churchill**: The primary texts through which Keynes' failed prophecies are examined.
  • Modern Monetary Theory (MMT): Dismissed as "neo-Keynesian zealotry," connecting to broader Marxist critiques of MMT as a reformist illusion.

Key Quotes

  1. "Keynes made his radical propositions [of The Economic Consequences of the Peace] in an effort to preserve what could be saved of the status quo, which he believed to be facing an existential threat."

  2. "The class war will find me on the side of the educated bourgeoisie."

  3. "It is, it seems, politically impossible for a capitalistic democracy to organise expenditure on the scale necessary to make the grand experiments which would prove my case — except in war conditions."

  4. "Keynes had imagined an international regulatory apparatus to prevent predatory trade arrangements and financial crises. What he got was the gold standard with a bailout fund."

  5. "The arc of his public life from the outbreak of war to the British financial crisis of 1931 had been one long, fruitless attempt to bend European policy to his brilliance."

  6. "Ideas can be a truly powerful force. But only ideas whose time has come: ideas that correspond with objective reality; that 'grasp the root of the matter'; that become a 'material force' by 'gripping the masses'."