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How healthy is the British economy

Core Argument

The article argues that the apparent health of the British economy in the mid-2000s is a mirage. While official figures show the UK outperforming its European neighbours in growth, employment, and fiscal discipline, this performance rests on a profoundly unstable foundation. British capitalism has not cured the "British disease" of low productivity and industrial decline; it has simply transformed it. The economy has become a rentier parasite, sustained by financial services, property speculation, household debt, and inward investment from foreign manufacturers. This model generates growth without productive investment, prosperity without rising wages, and stability only so long as global financial markets and foreign capital flows remain favourable. The central claim is that the UK's apparent success is actually a heightened vulnerability — a dependence on the continued health of world capitalism that will exact a heavy price when the next downturn arrives.

Theoretical Grounding

The analysis is grounded in the Marxist distinction between productive and unproductive labour, and between the industrial capitalist and the rentier. The article does not deploy the full apparatus of Marx's value theory, but it operates within that framework. The key theoretical move is to identify the shift from industrial to financial capitalism as a process of increasing parasitism: the City of London, estate agents, financial advisers, and consultants do not create value but extract a share of the surplus value produced elsewhere — in German factories, American assembly lines, and Chinese workshops. The article draws on the classical Marxist critique of rentier capitalism developed by Lenin and Hilferding, updated for the era of financialisation. It also implicitly invokes the tendency of the rate of profit to fall: British capitalists abandoned manufacturing not out of irrationality but because profitability in domestic industry was too low, driving them toward financial speculation and foreign investment instead. The piece sits firmly in the tradition of Marxist political economy that treats the surface phenomena of growth, employment, and fiscal balance as potentially misleading indicators of underlying capitalist health.

Conjunctural Relevance

The article was written in 2005, at the tail end of the long boom that followed the dot-com crash of 2000-2001. The conjuncture is defined by several specific features:

  • European stagnation: The Eurozone was growing at barely 1%, with Germany losing jobs, while the UK managed 2.6% growth. This relative outperformance was the basis for the official narrative of British economic success under New Labour.
  • The housing bubble: The article identifies a "massive property bubble" that was already inflating, with first-time buyers pushed to age 34 and new construction at its lowest since 1924. This bubble was the domestic engine of growth, fuelled by credit rather than wages.
  • The City of London boom: 2003 had seen a sharp recovery in global financial markets after three years of decline, generating huge bonuses and feeding the property market. The UK economy was riding the wave of fictitious capital.
  • The manufacturing collapse: Employment in manufacturing had fallen below 3.4 million, and for the first time since before the Industrial Revolution, more people worked as self-employed in services than in manufacturing. Foreign-owned firms now produced a quarter of UK manufacturing output.
  • Inequality: The Rowntree Trust data showed poverty unchanged since 1997, and inequality widening again under Blair after a brief pause under Major. The top 10% spent nearly seven times more than the bottom 10%.

The article's warning — that a slowdown in the US or China, or a reversal in financial markets, would hit the UK hardest — proved prescient. The 2008 financial crisis, which originated in the US subprime mortgage market but devastated the UK's financialised economy, confirmed the analysis with devastating precision.

Where the Argument Continues

This article is an early statement of a theme that runs through Michael Roberts' entire body of work. The argument continues in several directions:

  • The 2008 crisis: Roberts' later articles on the Great Recession develop the same framework — the UK as a rentier economy, dependent on finance and vulnerable to global shocks — but with the crisis now as a concrete event rather than a warning. The analysis of the housing bubble as a source of inequality and instability is vindicated and deepened.
  • Austerity and Brexit: Later IDOM articles trace how the same structural weaknesses — low productivity, manufacturing decline, dependence on finance — shaped the politics of austerity after 2010 and the Brexit vote in 2016. The "parasite economy" thesis becomes a lens for understanding the geographical and class divides that exploded in the referendum.
  • Productivity puzzle: The article's observation that productivity growth had not improved in the 1990s anticipates the later debate about the UK's "productivity puzzle" — the stagnation of output per worker after 2008 despite low unemployment. Roberts returns to this repeatedly, arguing that the puzzle is no mystery from a Marxist perspective: low investment in productive capacity means low productivity growth.
  • Against the Stream episodes: Several episodes of the RCI's podcast series have revisited the UK economy, updating the data on manufacturing, inequality, and the City of London. The same theoretical framework is applied to the post-2008 period, the COVID-19 crisis, and the cost-of-living crisis.

Connections

The article should be read alongside:

  • Michael Roberts, The Great Recession (2009): Roberts' book-length treatment of the 2008 crisis, which develops the theoretical apparatus of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and applies it to the global economy, with the UK as a case study.
  • Andrew Glyn, Capitalism Unleashed (2006): A non-Marxist but sympathetic account of the same period, documenting the decline of manufacturing, the rise of finance, and the growth of inequality in the UK and US.
  • Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England (1845): The historical parallel is instructive — Engels described a Britain that was the workshop of the world but whose working class lived in squalor. Roberts describes a Britain that has abandoned the workshop for the casino, with similar results for the poor.
  • Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917): The concept of the rentier economy, and the distinction between industrial and finance capital, is directly inherited from Lenin's analysis of British imperialism in the early twentieth century.
  • IDOM articles on the 2008 crisis and Brexit: These are the direct sequels to this piece, applying the same framework to the convulsions that followed.

Key Quotes

  1. "The British economy is a parasite on the rest of productive capitalism."

  2. "UK capitalist business is the least efficient in Europe, with the exception of Greece and Portugal. Manufacturing productivity is just 67% of that of the US, while France is up to 85%, even though French workers have the longest holidays and shortest working week in Europe."

  3. "British capitalism's dependence on the rest of world's capitalists means that it has done well in the boom years. But it also means it will do badly in the lean years."

  4. "In the last few years, the average British household has not increased their living standards much through increased wages from work. It came from borrowing more and more to finance spending on homes, cars and life."

  5. "British capitalists gave up on manufacturing and industry in the 1970s. They left it to the Germans, the Japanese, even the Americans and finally the Chinese. They became internationalist, they became financial – in short they became like a large island Switzerland."

  6. "If economic growth in the US and even China should slow later this year and the financial markets turn back down, then it is the parasite economy of Britain that will suffer the most."