Crisis of the euro shades of the Titanic
Core Argument¶
The central thesis is that the eurozone crisis of 2011 is not a sovereign debt crisis in the conventional sense, but the expression of insoluble contradictions within European capitalism itself. The single currency unified economies pulling in opposite directions — strong export-oriented German capital alongside weaker, debt-laden southern European states — and the 2008 banking crash transformed latent tensions into an open crisis of insolvency for entire nations. The ruling class has no strategy beyond buying time with bailouts that merely postpone defaults while imposing ever-deeper austerity. This cannot work: austerity destroys the economic base it purports to save, creating a downward spiral. The only real question is whether the working class will accept the destruction of its living standards or whether, as in Greece, it will rebel. The euro's survival is not the issue; capitalism's inability to resolve its own contradictions is.
Theoretical Grounding¶
The analysis draws on the Marxist theory of the inherent instability of capitalism, particularly the contradiction between the internationalisation of production and the national form of the state and finance. The argument that a single currency cannot unify economies at different levels of development is rooted in the Marxist understanding that the law of uneven and combined development operates under capitalism irrespective of monetary arrangements. The article also deploys the concept of fictitious capital — debt that cannot be repaid from real surplus value but is treated as if it can — and shows how rating agencies act as the conscious expression of the market's anarchic movements, not independent villains. The critique of the "Left" parties — their eagerness to administer austerity on behalf of capital — is grounded in the Marxist analysis of social democracy and reformism as integrally bound to the management of capitalism in crisis. The piece sits firmly in the Trotskyist tradition, emphasising the impossibility of a progressive solution within the framework of capitalism and the necessity of working-class independent political action.
Conjunctural Relevance¶
The article was written in July 2011, at the height of the eurozone crisis's second phase. Greece had already received a €110bn bailout and was demanding a further €100bn. Ireland and Portugal had been bailed out but were being downgraded to junk status. The crisis had spread to Spain and Italy — the eurozone's third-largest economy — with Italian 10-year bond yields approaching 6% and Spanish yields at 6.2%. The article correctly identifies that Italy's debt mountain (120% of GDP) and its need to refinance €335bn in loans over the following year made it "too big to save" despite being "too big to fail". The European Financial Stability Facility's nominal €440bn was manifestly inadequate. The political crisis in Italy — Berlusconi's instability, the Northern League's demands, the opposition Democratic Party positioning itself to administer cuts — is analysed as a symptom of the bourgeoisie's inability to find a coherent strategy. The article also notes that German banks held €116bn in exposure to Italian debt, tying Germany's fate to the crisis. The prediction that a Greek default would trigger a chain reaction proved prescient: Greece did partially default in March 2012, and the crisis continued to convulse Europe for years.
Where the Argument Continues¶
The article leaves open the question of the precise mechanism by which the eurozone might break up or be restructured — whether through Greek expulsion, a managed default, or a more generalised crisis. This is developed in subsequent IDOM articles on the Greek crisis, particularly during the 2015 Syriza government period, where the same contradiction between a left government and the logic of the eurozone played out in practice. The argument about the "Left" parties' willingness to administer austerity is taken up in analyses of Syriza's capitulation in 2015 and the subsequent formation of the Popular Unity split. The broader theoretical question of whether the euro can survive at all is revisited in later pieces on the European Central Bank's quantitative easing and the pandemic-era fiscal responses. The article's analysis of the German ruling class's dilemma — dominating Europe economically but being dragged down by its contradictions — is developed in Alan Woods' longer works on the European Union and the crisis of global capitalism.
Connections¶
- Against the Stream episodes from 2011-2015 covering the Greek crisis, Syriza, and the eurozone's trajectory
- Alan Woods, The European Union and the Crisis of Global Capitalism (2012) — a book-length treatment of the same themes
- Marx, Capital Volume 3 — on the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and the credit system
- Trotsky, The War and the International — on the contradiction between national states and internationalised production
- Ernest Mandel, Late Capitalism — on the structural crisis of the 1970s as precedent
- IDOM articles on the 2008 crash and its aftermath, particularly those analysing the transition from banking crisis to sovereign debt crisis
Key Quotes¶
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"The euro zone is heading into stormy waters. The crisis that opened with the near collapse of the world banking system in 2008 has now deepened into a crisis of insolvency of entire nations. The bourgeois has no idea of how to get out of the crisis, which is sweeping like an uncontrollable tsunami from one country to another in Europe."
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"This is like blaming a thermometer for registering a fever. If you accept the market economy, you must accept the laws of the market, which are very similar to the laws of the jungle. To accept capitalism and then complain about its consequences is a futile exercise."
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"The German political elite have concluded that a Greek default – chaotically or otherwise – is inevitable. They want to use taxpayers' money to bail out the affected north-European banks. Let wages be slashed, let hospitals be closed, let the sick die, but the banks must be saved at all costs!"
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"The leaders of the 'Left' in Italy behave as their equivalents in every other country. No sooner does the ruling class lift its little finger than they fall over themselves in their haste to demonstrate to the capitalists that they are 'responsible statesmen' who can be relied upon to hold high office."
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"We pointed out even before the euro was launched that it is impossible to unify economies that are pulling in different directions. Now some bourgeois economists are warning that the pressures and tensions building up can lead to the collapse of the single currency."
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"The working class in the past 60 years conquered through struggle what we may call the conditions for a semi-civilized existence. The existence of these social conquests has now become intolerable to the capitalist class. That is the real meaning of the attacks that have been launched everywhere."