Skip to content

Bank bailout throwing good money after bad

Core Argument

The article argues that the 2009 bank bailouts represent not a solution to the financial crisis but a systematic transfer of public wealth to a failed private sector, with no structural reform in return. Mick Brooks claims that the Labour government's approach — partial nationalisation followed by plans to reprivatise, combined with continued cash injections and minimal conditions on bonuses — amounts to "throwing good money after bad." The central thesis is that the crisis is not being resolved but merely socialised: losses are borne by the working class through taxation and public spending cuts, while the banking sector retains its private profit logic and its capacity to generate future crises. The only rational alternative, the article insists, is socialist nationalisation of the entire financial sector under democratic working-class control.

Theoretical Grounding

The analysis draws on the Marxist theory of capitalist crisis, particularly the understanding that financial crises are not aberrations but expressions of the internal contradictions of the capitalist mode of production. Brooks invokes Trotsky's Transitional Programme to argue that banks concentrate "actual command over the economy" and combine "tendencies of monopoly with tendencies of anarchy" — a formulation that captures the dialectic between centralisation and chaos that Marx identified in Volume III of Capital. The article implicitly relies on the Marxist distinction between productive and unproductive labour, and on the concept of fictitious capital: the bailouts sustain a financial system whose claims on future value bear no relation to actual accumulation. The critique of nationalisation within capitalism — partial, temporary, and oriented toward reprivatisation — situates the article within the Marxist tradition's rejection of state capitalism as a solution to capitalist crisis. The argument that the bailout is a class question, not a technical one, is grounded in the Marxist understanding that the state in a capitalist society acts to defend the interests of capital as a whole, even against the immediate interests of individual capitalists.

Conjunctural Relevance

The article is written in December 2009, at the height of the post-2008 crisis period. The specific conjuncture is defined by the failure of the initial £37bn bailout to stabilise the banking system, requiring a further £50bn injection — bringing total UK state commitments to "not far short of a £1 trillion, close to two-thirds of the annual output of the entire economy," as Mervyn King is quoted. The article names specific institutions — Northern Rock, RBS, Lloyds — and details the mechanisms: the "good bank/bad bank" split at Northern Rock, the Government Asset Protection Scheme (GAPS), and the rights issue that allowed Lloyds to escape state oversight. The conjuncture is also defined by the return of banker bonuses, the announcement of 8,700 job cuts across Lloyds and RBS, and the Labour government's stated intention to reprivatise Northern Rock and reduce its stakes in RBS and Lloyds. The article captures a moment when the political consensus around bailouts was fraying but no mass working-class alternative had yet crystallised. It is a snapshot of the gap between the objective crisis and the subjective response.

Where the Argument Continues

The article does not develop a detailed programme for socialist nationalisation — it asserts the case but does not elaborate on transitional demands, democratic control mechanisms, or the relationship between nationalisation of finance and broader working-class power. This is a gap that the broader Marxist tradition fills. The argument continues in other IDOM articles from the same period, particularly those analysing the Greek debt crisis, the Irish bank guarantee, and the European Central Bank's response to the eurozone crisis. The theoretical framework is developed further in IDOM's treatments of Marx's law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall and its application to the 2008 crisis. The political line — the rejection of "managing" capitalism and the insistence on socialist nationalisation — is consistent with the RCI's programme as articulated in Against the Stream episodes and in the Transitional Programme itself.

Connections

The article should be read alongside Trotsky's The Transitional Programme (1938), which provides the theoretical basis for the demand for socialist nationalisation of the banks. Marx's discussion of credit and fictitious capital in Volume III of Capital is the deeper theoretical foundation. Within the IDOM corpus, the article connects to later analyses of the 2008 crisis, particularly those examining the relationship between financialisation and the falling rate of profit. The reference to Mervyn King's critique of the bailouts is noteworthy — it situates the article in a conjuncture where even establishment figures were acknowledging the scale of the transfer, creating a political opening for a more radical argument. The article also connects to the broader Marxist literature on state capitalism and the class character of nationalisation under bourgeois rule.

Key Quotes

  1. "Mervyn King, governor of the Bank of England, for once got it right when he commented, in a parody of Churchill, 'Never in the field of financial endeavour has so much money been owed by so few to so many. And…with so little real reform.'"

  2. "The banks failed, and in failing destroyed the livelihoods of millions of workers. The Labour government should have implemented the socialist nationalisation of the entire financial sector."

  3. "As Trotsky explains in the Transitional Programme, 'The banks concentrate in their hands the actual command over the economy. In their structure the banks express in a concentrated form the entire structure of modern capital: they combine tendencies of monopoly with tendencies of anarchy.'"

  4. "Lloyds management are celebrating the escape from the embrace of GAPS as 'independence day.' Taxpayers, ordinary working class people, are regarded as mugs who save the banks' sorry livelihoods and are then expected to shovel ever more money into the maw of the rich and the private sector."

  5. "The government's figleaf for this massive surrender of our money to the banks is an agreement with the financial institutions to curb bonuses for the time being. We agree with Vince Cable who asked, 'Why is it a great discipline and hardship to ask bankers to wait three years for their next Ferrari?'"